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ALBERT  HENRY  NEWMAN,  D,a,  LL.D. 


Tro/essor  of  Church  History  in  "Baylor  University 

Author  of  "//  History  of  the  baptist  Churches  in  the  United  States  " 

"y^  History  of  ^nti-Pedobaptism,"  etc. 


Volttme  II 

^oDetn  Cburcb  Bistot^ 

(A.D.  J5I7-I903) 


Philadelphia 

Bmerican  JBaptist  ipubllcation  Society 
1903 


Copyright  1902  by  the 
American  Baptist  Publication  Society 


Published  January,  1903 


from  tbe  Society's  own  press 


TO 

/iDar^  BuQusta  limare 

thi  wife  of  mj  font  It,  to  whose  self-sacrificing  devotion  and  constant 

encouragement  I  am  indebted  to  an  incalculable  extent  for 

■whatever  I  have  been  able  to  accomplish  as 

student,  teacher,  and  writer 

THIS  VOLUME  IS  AFFECTIONATELY  DEDICATED 


PREFACE 


The  second  volume  of  the  "  Manual  of  Church  His- 
tory "  is  now  put  forth  as  the  completion  of  a  task 
assumed  about  twenty-five  years  ago,  when  the  author 
was  just  half  his  present  age.  If  it  should  be  found 
measurably  to  fulfill  the  purposes  for  which  it  was  planned 
and  has  been  laboriously  prepared,  the  publication  of  the 
volume  will  be  to  the  author  a  two-fold  source  of  satis- 
faction as  involving  relief  from  the  pressure  of  a  long- 
borne  burden  and  a  consciousness  of  having  contributed 
something  toward  the  advancement  of  one  of  the  noblest 
departments  of  study. 

The  unanimous  and  hearty  commendation  of  the  first 
volume  by  professors  of  church  history  and  other  scholars 
of  the  various  evangelical  denominations  on  both  sides 
of  the  Atlantic,  and  the  extent  to  which  it  has  been 
adopted  as  a  text-book  in  theological  seminaries  and  uni- 
versities of  different  denominations  has  stimulated  the 
author  to  endeavor  to  make  the  present  volume  even 
worthier  of  acceptance.  He  is  well  aware  that  the 
ground  traversed  in  this  portion  of  the  work  abounds  in 
matters  that  are  still  controverted  among  evangelical 
Christians,  and  he  can  only  hope  that  scholars  of  other 
denominations  who  have  praised  him  for  fair-mindedness 
on  the  ground  of  his  handling  of  difficult  and  delicate 
questions  in  his  earlier  volumes  will  give  him  credit  for 
single-minded  devotion  to  truth  even  when  his  conclu- 
sions involve  the  censure  of  positions  that  they  may 
cherish.  The  author  is  not  conscious  of  having  swerved 
a  hair's  breadth  from  his  conception  of  what  absolute 
truth  required  him  to  state  because  of  devotion  to  the 
interests  of  his  own  denomination  or  of  animosity  toward 
another. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  no  attempt  is  made  to  sketch 
the  history  of  the  Oriental  churches  during  the  past  four 


Vi  PREFACE 

centuries.  It  was  felt  that  anything  like  an  adequate 
treatment  of  the  subject  would  require  more  space  than 
could  be  spared  in  a  volume  already  overcrowded  with 
the  history  of  Occidental  Christianity  during  the  time 
covered. 

it  is  a  pleasure  to  the  author  to  express  his  gratitude 
to  Rev.  Joseph  Leeming  Gilmour,  B.  D.,  now  pastor  of 
the  Olivet  Baptist  Church,  Montreal,  for  the  preparation 
of  the  index  to  the  present  volume.  His  index  to  Vol. 
1.  was  appreciated  by  many  readers. 

A.  H.  N. 

Baylor  University,  Waco,  Texas, 
October,  1902. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PERIOD  v.— From  the  Outbreak  of  the  Prot- 
estant Revolution  to  the  Peace  of  West- 
phalia (a.  d.  1517-1648J 7-412 

Chapter  I.— the  Protestant  Revolution 3-349 

I.  Introductory      3-22 

Survey  of  the  Reformatory  Forces  of  the  Later 
Middle  Ages 3 

Economic  and  Social  Conditions  that  Favored 
Revolution 7 

Political  Relations  and  Conditions  that  Favored 
Revolution 10 

Summary  of  Circumstances  and  Events  that  Pre- 
pared the  Way  for  Revolution 17 

Causes  of  Failure  of  Earlier  Efforts  at  Reform  .     20 

The  Problem  of  Reform 21 

II.  Humanism  and  the  Reformation 22-40 

Humanism  as  a  Preparation  for  the  Protestant 

Revolution 22 

Erasmic  Efforts  at  Reform 36 

Erasmus  an  Opponent  of  Lutheranism  and  Zwing- 
lianism ^7 

III.  The  Lutheran  Reformation 40-122 

Preliminary  Observations 41 

Luther's  Early  Life  to  1505 42 

Staupitz  and  Luther 43 

Lutheranism  as  a  Revolutionary  Movement   .    .      52 

The  Peasants'  War  in  its  Relations  to  the  Prot- 
estant Revolution 6g 

Luther  in  Conflict  with  Evangelical  Parties  ...  82 

Demoralizing  Elements  in  Luther's  Teachings  .  84 
Moral  and  Religious  Deterioration  as  a  Result  of 

the  Revolution go 

vii 


viii  CONTENTS 

Politico- Ecclesiastical  Proceedings  Affecting  Prog- 
ress of  Revolution 93 

Concluding  Remarks 115 

IV.  The  Zwinglian  Reformation 122-148 

Political,  Social,  and  Economic  Conditions   .    .   .  123 

Characteristics  of  the  Swiss  Reformation  ....  126 

Zwingli's  Reformatory  Work  to  1525 127 

The  Zwinglian  Movement  from  1525  Onward  .  .  138 

V.  The  Anti-Pedobaptist  Reformation 148-200 

Preliminary  Observations 149 

The  Chiliastic  Anabaptists 156 

Biblical  Anabaptists 168 

Mystical  Anabaptists i8f 

Pantheistic  Anabaptists 185 

Anti-trinitarian  Anabaptists 187 

VI.  The  Calvinistic  Reformation 200-248 

Characteristics 201 

Characterization  of  Calvin 202 

Sketch  of  Calvin  to  1536 203 

Geneva  and  the  Reformation 206 

Calvin  in  Geneva  till  his  Banishment  in  1538  .  .  209 

Calvin's  Strasburg  Labors 214 

Geneva  During  Calvin's  Absence 215 

The  Genevan  Theocracy 217 

Renewed  Opposition  to  the  Theocracy 220 

Calvin  as  a  Controversialist 221 

:>  Calvinism  in  France 225 

Calvinism  in  Scotland 235 

Calvinism  in  the  Netherlands 244 

Calvinism  in  Other  Lands 246 

VII.  The  English  Reformation 24S-291 

Condition  of  England  at  the  Beginning  of  the 

Reformation 248 

Hindrances  and  Helps 250 

Characteristics  of  the  English  Reformation  .    .    .  251 

Henry  VIII.  and  the  Reformation 254 

Edward  VI.  and  the  Reformation 263 

Catholic  Reaction  under  Mary 265 

Elizabeth  and  the  Reformation 267 

Ecclesiastical  Administration  of  James  1 275 

Ecclesiastical  Administration  of  Charles  I.  .    .    .  282 


CONTENTS  ix 

VIII.  The  Reformation  in  Other  Lands 291-307 

Italy 291 

Spain 294 

Scandinavian  Countries 298 

Poland 301 

Bohemia  and  Moravia 303 

Austria 304 

Hungary  and  Siebenburgen 304 

IX.  Theological  Controve'rsies 307-349 

General  Characteristics  of  Protestant  Theology  .    307 
Controversies  Between  Lutherans  and  Reformed  312 

Controversies  Among  the  Lutherans 317 

Controversies  Among  the  Reformed 328 

Chapter  11.— the  Counter  Reformation 350-389 

Attitude  of  the  Papacy  Toward  the  Reformation 

up  to  1540 350 

Policy  of  the  Papacy,  1 541  Onward 354 

The  Council  of  Trent 355 

The  Society  of  Jesus 364 

CHAPTER  111.— The  Religious  Wars  of  the  Six- 
teenth AND  Seventeenth  Centuries  and 
THE  Peace  of  Westphalia 390-412 

Earlier  Religious  Wars 390 

The  Thirty  Years'  War 392 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia 408 

PERIOD  VL— The  Era  of  Modern  Denomina- 

TIONALISM  (1648-I903) 413 

Chapter  1.— Characteristics  OF  THE  AGE 415-424 

Toleration  and  Liberty  of  Conscience 415 

Modern  Denominationallsm 419 

Other  Features  of  the  Age 421 

CHAPTER   II.— THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH     .    .    .  425-578 

The  Popes  of  the  Modern  Period 425 

The  Jansenist  Controversy 467 

The  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 480 

The  Banishment  of  the  Salzburgers 488 

The  Roman   Catholic   Church   and  the  French 

Revolution 492 


X  CONTENTS 

Canonization  of  the  Japanese  Martyrs 505 

Encyclical  and  Syllabus  of  1864 506 

Eighteenth  Century  of  the  Martyrdom  of  Peter 

and  Paul 508 

The  Vatican  Council 509 

The  Culture-Conflict  in  Germany 513 

The  Old  Catholic  Movement 514 

The  Current  Free-from-Rome  Movement    ....  517 

Chapter  III.— luiheranism  since  the  peace 

OF  WESTPHALIA 519-567 

Economic,  Social,  and  Religious  Conditions  in 

Germany  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Period  .   .  519 

Syncretism  and  Ultra-Lutheranism 520 

Pietism  and  the  Pietistic  Controversies 525 

The  Wolffian  Philosophy  and  Lutheran  Theology  532 

Zinzendorf  and  the  Moravian  Brethren 537 

Swedenborg  and  the  New  Jerusalem  Church  .   .  542 

A  New  Philosophy  and  a  New  Theology   ....  544 

The  Evangelical  Union  of  1817 553 

Lutheran  Orthodoxy  after  the  Union 555 

The  New  Rationalism 558 

The  Neo-Lutheran  Party 561 

The  Modern  Mediating  School 563 

Lutheranism  in  America 563 

CHAPTER  IV.— THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES 568-623 

The  Swiss  Reformed  Church 568 

The  Dutch  Reformed  Church 573 

The  Dutch  Reformed  Church  in  America         .   .  584 

The  German  Reformed  Church 585 

The  German  Reformed  Church  in  America  ...  587 

-yrhe  Reformed  Church  in  France 589 

The  Churches  of  the  Desert 593 

The  Camisards  and  the  War  of  the  Cevennes    .  594 

The  Remnant  and  the  Revival 595 

The  Reformed  Churches  and  the  Revolution    .   .  599 

•>The  Reformed  Church  under  Napoleon 600 

The  Scottish  Reformed  Churches 603 

Presbyterianism   in   Scotland   under  Charles  II. 

and  James  II 605 

Presbyterianism  in  Scotland  from  the  Revolution 

to  the  Secession 606 


CONTENTS  xi 

The  Secession  and  Relief  Movements 608 

The  Free  Churcii  Movement  (1843) 610 

Presbyterianism  in  Ireland 614 

Presbyterianism  in  America 615 

Presbyterianism  in  the  Dominion  ot  Canada  .    .  622 

Presbyterianism  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand   .  623 

CHAPTER  v.— THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND 624-659 

Persecuting  Measures  of  Charles  II 626 

The  Act  of  Toleration 629 

The  Reactionary  Movement 633 

King  George  I.  and  the  Bangorian  Controversy  .  633 

The  English  Deists 634 

High  Church  Defenders  of  the  Faith 638 

Condition  of  Religious  Life  in  England  During 

First  Third  of  the  Eighteenth  Century 641 

From  the  Evangelical  Revival  to  tlie  Outbreak  of 

the  Tractarian  Controversy 642 

Some  Effects  of  the  Great  Revival 647 

Parties  and  Controversies  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land During  Nineteenth  Century 651 

The  Tractarian  Controversy 651 

The  Gorham  Controversy 653 

Broad  Church  Controversies 654 

The  Church  of  England  in  America 658 

CHAPTER  VI.— THE  GREAT  Anglo-American  De- 
nominations    660-713 

English  Congregationalists 660 

American  Congregationalism,  1648  Onward  .  .    .  666 

The  Unitarian  Churches 679 

The  Baptists 681 

The  Baptists  of  Great  Britain 681 

American  Baptists 691 

Other  Anti-Pedobaptist  Parties 699 

The  Methodists  and  Related  Parties 703 

British  Methodists  Since  1791 705 

American  Methodists 706 

Some  Related  Bodies 707 

Some  Other  Denominations 709 

The  Society  of  Friends 709 

The  Plymouth  Brethren 711 

General  index 715-724 


PERIOD  V 

FROM  THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  PROTESTANT 

REVOLUTION    TO    THE    PEACE    OF 

WESTPHALIA  (A.  D.  15 17-1648) 


CHAPTER  I 

THE    PROTESTANT    REVOLUTION 

I.    INTRODUCTORY 

AN  attentive  reading  of  the  chapters  of  Period  IV.  must 
have  made  it  abundantly  evident  that  the  hierarchical 
church,  while  it  had  covered  Europe  with  its  organized 
activities  and  had  constituted  a  leading  factor  in  the  on- 
ward march  of  civilization,  had  become  hopelessly  cor- 
rupt. All  efforts  at  reform  from  within  had  apparently 
ended  in  dismal  failure.  Evangelical  influences  of  many 
types  and  under  divers  names  had  been  manifestly  and 
powerfully  at  work  since  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh 
century  throughout  Europe  and  had  shown  themselves 
capable  of  enduring  all  the  fiery  tests  that  for  centuries 
the  persecuting  hierarchy  had  been  able  to  bring  to  bear 
for  their  destruction.  New  modes  of  thought  and  study 
and  new  views  of  life  had  been  developed,  with  the 
good-will  and  co-operation  of  the  papacy  itself,  which 
could  not  fail  to  revolutionize  theology  and  with  it  eccle- 
siastical polity  and  Christian  living.  It  seems  important 
at  this  stage  to  pass  in  review  the  religious,  economic, 
social,  and  political  forces  that  necessitated  revolution 
and  determined  its  character. 

I.  Survey  of  the  Reformatory  Forces  that  had  been  at  work 
during  the  later  [Middle  Ages. 

(i)  Non-political,  Biblical  'T^eform.  The  Reformation 
was  not  inaugurated  by  Martin  "Luther,  nor  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  New  Learning,  nor  yet  by  Wycliffe  or 
Huss.  It  began  much  earlier.  We  have  seen  the  so- 
called  "  heretical  "  (properly  biblical)  parties  protesting 
with  terrible  earnestness  against  the  corrupt  hierarchy 
just  as  it  was  reaching  the  summit  of  its  powers,  rigid 
insistence  on  uniformity  of  belief  and  worship  bringing 
out  and  greatly  increasing  the  latent  Christian  life. 

3 


4  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(2)  Patriotic- Realistic   Reform.      These    biblical    oppo- 
nents of  the  hierarchy  persecuted,  scattered,  and  in  some 
regions  almost  exterminated  ;   the  hierarchy  made  still 
more  arrogant  and  unscrupulous  by  its  cruel  triumph  ; 
the  papacy  captured  by  the  king  of  France  and  made 
subservient  to  French  interests  ;  the  papal  schism  result- 
ing from  efforts  to  free  the  papacy  from  French  thraldom  ; 
the  national  spirit  having  already,  from  various  causes, 
been  developed  ;  it  would  have  been  strange  if  Christian 
patriots  had  not  arisen  in  the  various  States  of  Europe 
to  cry  out  against  the  extortions  and  oppressions  to  which 
their  fatherlands  were  subjected  by  a  foreign  and  un- 
friendly hierarchy,  and  it  would  have  been  still  stranger 
if  such  patriotic  churchmen  had  not  met  with  a  hearty 
response  from  all  classes  of  society.  Such  movements  were 
the  Wycliiifite  in  England  and  the  Hussite  in  Bohemia,  In 
these  movements  the  following  elements  entered  :  a.  Pa- 
triotic.— Directed  chiefly  against  the  fleecing  of  the  peo- 
ple by  foreign  priests,  who  performed  no  service  in  re- 
turn   for    their   extorted    revenues,     b.  %ealistic. — The 
leaders  of  these  movements,  being  realists,  believed  in 
the  reality  of  the  one  universal  church,  corresponding  to 
an  exalted  ideal.     The  church  of  their  day  had  aposta- 
tized.    Financial  corruption  lay  at  the  root  of  the  degen- 
eracy of  the  age.     The  corrupt  hierarchy  represented  in 
their  view  Antichrist.     They  sought  to  purge  the  church 
of  corruption  while  maintaining  a  hierarchy.     A  reform 
based  upon  realism  could  be  only  transient.     Unless  the 
roots  of  the  hierarchy  are  destroyed,  it  avails  little  to 
lop  off  an  excrescence  here  and  there,     c.  biblical. — 
The  biblical  element  was  partially  apprehended,  but  was 
shorn  of  its  power  by  the  realism  just  mentioned. 

These  movements  offered,  for  a  time,  stout  resistance 
to  ecclesiastical  tyranny.  But  they  were  destined  to  be 
swept  away  in  the  tide  of  corruption  which  they  made 
no  adequate  effort  to  stay. 

(3)  Mystical  Reform.  Then  came  the  Mystics,  men  of 
profoundly  speculative  minds,  led  by  despair  of  reform- 
ing and  spiritualizing  the  church  and  through  the  study 
of  the  Neo-Platonic  writings  to  an  exaggeration  of  the 
importance  and  capacity  of  the  inner  life  to  a  panthe- 
istic identification  of   man   with  God.      Here  the   vital 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  5 

idea,  taken  apart  from  its  pantheistic  setting,  is  the  need 
of  a  personal  appropriation  of  Christ.  Outward  forms 
are  of  no  account.  We  must  become  united  with  God, 
God  being  in  us  and  we  in  God.  By  contemplating  God 
we  become  one  with  God.  By  contemplating  Christ  we 
become  one  with  Christ.  The  pantheistic  element  was 
so  transcendental  as  to  affect  comparatively  few.  The 
tendency  toward  striving  after  individual  and  conscious 
union  with  Christ  had  a  much  wider  influence.  But 
mysticism  was  indifferent  to  external  church  order,  and 
could  not  of  itself  bring  about  a  radical  reform. 

(4)  Humanistic  Reform.  Next  came  the  %evival  of 
Learning,  with  its  contempt  for  scholasticism,  its  tempo- 
rary return  to  Platonic  paganism,  its  restoration  of  the 
study  of  the  Scriptures  in  their  original  languages,  its 
contempt  for  human  authority,  and  its  consequent  pro- 
motion of  freedom  of  thought. 

Here,  then,  we  have  five  grand  elements  of  opposition 
to  the  corrupt  hierarchy  :  The  "Biblical,  the  Realistic,  the 
Patriotic,  the  {Mystical,  the  Humanistic.  From  the  real- 
istic not  much  could  be  expected,  its  antagonism  to  the 
biblical  would  be  likely  to  more  than  counterbalance  its 
power  for  good  ;  the  patriotic  was  likely  to  be  contami- 
nated by  avarice  and  to  introduce  a  vast  amount  of 
corruption  into  any  religious  movement  with  which  it 
might  be  connected.  The  position  of  humanism  in  a  re- 
ligious reformation  could  be  only  an  ancillary  one,  yet 
its  aid  was  absolutely  indispensable.  Singly,  each  of 
these  elements  had  entered  the  arena,  and  each  had 
failed  of  immediate  success.  The  time  was  coming  when 
all  of  these  elements  of  opposition  were  to  combine,  and 
the  fabric  of  the  hierarchy  might  well  have  trembled  in 
the  face  of  such  a  combination. 

We  might  form  a  useful  and  interesting  classification  of  the  va- 
rious reforming  parties  of  the  sixteenth  century,  on  the  basis  of  the 
degree  in  which  these  elements  entered  into  each.  We  should 
say,  e.g.,  that  the  Erasmic  movement  was  preponderatingly  hu- 
manistic. The  biblical  element  was,  theoretically  at  least,  taken  ac- 
count of  by  Erasmus,  but  with  so  little  moral  aggressiveness  as  to 
be  of  minor  moment— there  was  no  mysticism,  little  patriotism,  little 
fmancial  interest.  The  Lutheran  Reformation  represents  a  combina- 
tion of  all  five  of  the  reformatorv  forces,  with  a  marvelous  capacity 
to  shift  ground  from  one  to  ano'ther,  according  to  the  exigencies  of 


6  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

the  occasion.  Few  religious  leaders  ever  expressed  greater  devotion 
to  the  Scriptures  than  Luther,  and  in  controversy  with  the  Roman- 
ists he  made  the  Scriptures  the  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice.  Yet 
we  shall  see  that  even  the  Scriptures  must  adapt  themselves  to  his 
theories  or  suffer  the  penalty  of  decanonization,  and  church  authority 
was  of  some  account  when  rites  retained  by  him  were  shown  to  lack 
clear  scriptural  authorization.  So,  also,  Luther  was,  from  the  first, 
impelled  largely  by  patriotic  motives.  Nothing  contributed  more  to 
his  success  than  the  contagion  of  his  patriotism.  "  There  never  has 
been  a  German,"  writes  the  Catholic  historian  Dollinger,  "who  so 
intuitively  understood  his  fellow-countrymen,  and  who,  in  return, 
has  been  so  thoroughly  understood  ;  nay,  whose  spirit,  1  should  say, 
has  been  so  completely  imbibed  by  his  nation,  as  this  Augustinian 
friar  of  Wittenberg.  The  mind  and  the  spirit  of  the  Germans  were 
under  his  control  like  the  lyre  in  the  hands  of  a  musician."  Like 
Wycliffe  and  Huss  he  believed,  at  the  outset,  in  a  universal  organic 
church,  with  a  single  head,  and  desired  only  to  restore  the  existing 
church  to  a  state  of  purity.  Again,  Luther  was  greatly  indebted  to 
medieeval  mysticism.  His  personal  absorption  in  religious  matters, 
as  well  as  some  features  of  his  theology,  was  due  to  this  influence. 
Again,  Luther  owed  much  to  humanism,  and  was  himself  essentially 
a  humanist.  His  contempt  for  Aristotle  and  the  Schoolmen,  his  de- 
votion to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  original  languages,  his 
love  of  freedom  (for  himself),  resulted  directly  from  humanistic  in- 
fluence. Luther's  enormous  power  and  success  were  due  largely  to 
the  fact  that  he  combined  in  his  own  person  all  the  reformatory  ele- 
ments that  had  comedown  to  him  from  the  past. 

In  Zwingli  and  CEcolampadius,  leaders  of  the  Swiss  Reformation, 
the  patriotic,  the  humanistic,  and  the  biblical  elements  prevailed,  the 
second  in  a  stronger  form,  and  the  third  less  intensely  than  with  Lu- 
ther. We  see  in  them  almost  none  of  Luther's  churchly  realism, 
and  almost  no  mysticism. 

In  Calvin  the  patriotic  spirit  had  become  cosmopolitan  zeal  for  the 
spread  of  the  gospel.  He  could  say,  "to  the  French  first,"  but  he 
was  sure  to  add,  "  and  also  to  all  the  world  " — at  least  "  to  all  Eu- 
rope." He  was  humanistic  to  the  extent  of  fully  appreciating  the 
importance  of  classical  and  philological  learning  ;  but  humanistic  in- 
difference and  humanistic  liberalism  found  no  place  in  him.  He  was 
intensely  biblical ;  yet  he  interpreted  the  Bible  by  Augustine  rather 
than  Augustine  by  the  Bible.  The  Bible,  as  he  understood  it, — that 
is,  the  Augustinian  system  of  doctrine  as  elaborated  by  himself, — 
was  to  Calvin  no  loosely  fitting  garment,  which  he  could  assume  or 
doff  as  expediency  might  dictate,  but  rather  bone  of  his  bones  and 
flesh  of  his  flesh."  He  would  have  died  for  these  views,  just  as  he 
did  live  and  labor  for  them. 

The  Socinians  represented  humanism  with  its  Erasmic  external  re- 
spect for  authority  laid  aside.  They  had  all  of  Luther's  contempt 
for  extra-Lutheran  authority,  and,  in  addition  to  this,  a  contempt  for 
Luther's  own.  They  had  no  remnant  of  realism,  no  mysticism. 
They  respected  biblical  authority,  but  insisted  on  interpretifig  the 
Scriptures  in  accordance  with  the  requirements  of  reason.  Their  ap- 
prehension of  the  Scriptures  was  not  profound,  and  their  religious 
zeal  rarely  led  them  to  court  persecution. 


CHAP.  1.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  7 

With  the  Anabaptists  the  biblical  principle,  apprehended  on  its 
positive  and  on  its  negative  side,  held  the  first  place.  This  was  com- 
bined with  mysticism  (in  some  cases  a  purely  biblical  mysticism,  in 
other  cases  a  Neo-platonic,  semi-pantheistic  mysticism),  and,  in 
some  cases,  with  pre-millennialism  :  the  false  mysticism,  when  it  pre- 
ponderated, leading  to  the  rejection  of  fundamental  doctrines— denial 
of  the  importance  of  the  written  word  in  comparison  with  the  divine 
Z.oo-05  always  present  to  enlighten  the  believer,  indifference  to  external 
ordinances,  modification  of  the  commonly  received  views  of  the  per- 
son and  work  of  Christ,  etc. ;  the  pre-millennialism  sometimes 
leading  to  fanaticism,  and  to  an  utter  wrecking  of  Christian  life. 
Pre-millennialism,  in  connection  with  a  desperate  and  frenzied  so- 
cialistic movement,  is  responsible  for  the  Miinster  Kingdom,  with 
its  horrors. 

2.  Economic  and  Social  Conditions  that  favored  Civil  and 
Religions  Revolution,  especially  in  Germany. 

(i)  The  Development  of  the  Mineral  Resources  of  Germany . 
As  the  exploitation  of  the  mineral  wealth  of  Bohemia  in 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  had  been  among 
the  most  influential  causes  of  the  Hussite  and  Taborite 
revolution  of  the  fifteenth  century,  so  the  development 
of  the  mineral  wealth  of  Saxony  and  the  adjoining 
provinces  during  the  fifteenth  and  the  early  years  of 
the  sixteenth  centuries  was  among  the  most  potent  fac- 
tors in  precipitating  the  Protestant  Revolution.  The 
following  are  some  of  the  ways  in  which  this  influence 
wrought : 

a.  The  great  increase  of  wealth  in  Germany  excited 
the  cupidity  of  the  Roman  Curia  and  led  to  the  employ- 
ment of  extortionate  methods  of  raising  money  beyond 
what  was  practicable  at  the  time  in  most  other  coun- 
tries. The  papacy  came  to  be  looked  upon  by  all  classes 
of  Germans  as  a  corrupt  foreign  power  whose  chief  con- 
cern in  relation  to  Germany  was  that  of  exploitation. 

h.  The  extensive  mining  operations  in  Freiberg, 
Schneeberg,  Schreckenstein,  Annaberg,  Joachimsthal, 
etc.,  withdrew  from  the  agricultural  population  a  large 
number  of  laborers.  Under  ordinary  circumstances  this 
fact  should  have  redounded  to  the  advantage  of  the  labor- 
ing class,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  had  the  opposite 
effect.  There  was  so  little  economic  freedom  that  the 
miners  were  unable  to  secure  remunerative  wages  and 
were  in  a  chronic  state  of  discontent,  while  the  agricultural 


8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

laborers  were  compelled  to  work  harder  and  were  more 
ruthlessly  exploited  than  before.  The  aggregations  of 
mining  populations  greatly  increased  the  demand  for 
food  products,  as  did  also  the  growth  of  cities  by  reason 
of  the  increase  of  wealth  and  the  demand  for  imported 
and  manufactured  goods.  This  increased  demand  for 
farm  products  stimulated  the  landowners  to  use  every 
means  for  increasing  production  and  to  extort  from  the 
laborers  as  much  as  possible  of  the  results  of  their  in- 
dustry. The  growth  of  the  cities  brought  in  many  arti- 
sans from  a  distance  and  gave  employment  to  many 
peasants.  The  decimation  of  the  peasant  population  by 
pestilence  had  still  further  aggravated  the  grievances  of 
the  survivors.  The  forests,  which  had  hitherto  been  re- 
garded as  of  little  value  and  had  been  freely  available 
for  the  purposes  of  the  peasants,  had  come  to  be  jealously 
guarded  by  the  nobility  as  important  sources  of  wealth. 
Vast  quantities  of  wood  and  timber  were  consumed  by 
the  mines  and  the  growth  of  the  cities  created  an  in- 
creasing demand  for  fuel  and  lumber.  The  increasing 
luxury  of  the  nobles,  who  shared  in  the  prosperity  of 
the  country,  caused  them  to  pay  more  attention  than 
ever  to  the  preservation  of  fish  and  game  and  to  inflict 
upon  the  peasants  the  severest  penalties  for  the  violation 
of  their  regulations.  A  large  and  wealthy  merchant 
class  had  grown  up  in  the  cities,  and  these,  like  the  pros- 
perous nobles,  looked  with  disfavor  on  the  extortions  of 
the  papacy  as  a  draining  of  the  country  of  its  resources 
without  corresponding  advantages.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  all  classes,  except  clergy  and  monks,  however  much 
at  variance  they  may  have  been  with  each  other,  were 
at  one  in  resenting  the  extortions  of  the  papacy. 

(2)  The  Organisation  of  Artisans.  The  artisans,  now 
numerous  and  influential,  were  thoroughly  organized  in 
guilds.  They  had  their  assembly  halls,  where  they  could 
discuss  municipal  and  other  questions,  and  where  they 
were  free  from  the  intrusion  of  clerical  or  magisterial  au- 
thority. From  the  early  Middle  Ages  the  trade  guilds  had 
been  important  means  of  evangelical  propagandism.  A 
large  proportion  of  the  evangelical  workers  among  the 
Waldenses  and  related  parties  were  artisans  and  as 
members  of  guilds  had  ready  access  to  the  artisan  classes 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  9 

and  enjoyed  everywhere  the  hospitality  and  protection 
of  their  fellow-workmen.  A  fresh  impetus  was  doubt- 
less given  to  evangelical  life  in  Germany  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  sixteenth  century  by  the  growth  of  German 
cities  and  the  development  of  manufacturing  industry. 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  artisans  were  evangelical 
Christians;  but  it  is  certain  that  many  of  them  were, 
and  that  the  immunities  enjoyed  by  the  guilds  greatly 
furthered  the  cause  of  evangelical  dissent. 

(3)  Diffusion  of  Secret  Societies.  Nothing  is  more  char- 
acteristic of  the  time  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak 
of  the  Protestant  Revolution  than  the  wide  diffusion  of 
secret  societies  (brotherhoods,  sodalities,  etc.).  The  in- 
fluence of  the  new  learning,  with  its  skepticism  and  its 
desire  to  probe  all  questions  of  science,  philosophy,  and 
religion,  in  disregard  of  ecclesiastical  authority,  was 
doubtless  paramount  in  this  movement.  Many  of  these 
societies  were  no  doubt  liberalistic  or  even  infidel.  Some 
of  them  were  certainly  made  up  of  earnest  Christians 
anxiously  striving  for  higher  attainments  in  Christian  ex- 
perience and  knowledge,  and  it  is  probable  that  not  a  few 
of  them  were  essentially  evangelical  churches.  All  alike 
were  conducted  in  defiance  of  papal  authority  and 
wrought  mightily  for  its  overthrow. 

(4)  Communism  or  Semi-coinmnnism.  Most  of  the 
evangelical  parties  of  the  Middle  Ages  were  communistic 
or  semi-communistic  in  doctrine  and  in  practice,  their 
communism  being  consciously  based  upon  what  they 
understood  to  be  the  teachings  of  Christ  and  the  prac- 
tice of  the  apostolic  church.  This  is  true  of  the  Beg- 
hards  and  Beguines,  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common 
Life,  of  the  inner  circle  of  the  Waldenses,  of  the  Tabor- 
ites,  and  of  the  Bohemian  Brethren,  of  the  earlier  time. 
While  in  some  of  these  parties  communism  was  not  prac- 
tised in  a  complete  or  consistent  way,  owing  to  the  unfa- 
vorable conditions,  it  was  their  ideal,  and  the  obligation  of 
sharing  with  brethren  in  distress,  even  to  the  point  of 
self-impoverishment,  was  almost  universally  recognized. 
That  this  type  of  Christianity  should  have  appealed 
powerfully  to  the  down-trodden  peasantry  and  to  the 
artisan  classes  in  the  cities  was  what  might  have  been 
expected.    The  monastic  orders  had  preached  the  doctrine 


lO  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  poverty,  but  had  soon  become  enormously  wealthy 
in  landed  estates  and  notorious  exploiters  of  labor.  The 
common  people  had  learned  the  hollovvness  of  their 
pretensions  and  were  ready  to  follow  those  who  repudi- 
ated the  papacy  with  all  its  institutions  and  insisted  on 
an  unconditional  return  to  primitive  Christianity.  It  is 
probable  that  a  large  proportion  of  those  who  accepted 
the  social  views  of  the  evangelical  Christians  were  with- 
out personal  experience  of  saving  grace  and  knew  little 
of  Scripture  teaching ;  but  it  is  certain  that  there  was  a 
general  readiness  to  follow  any  leader  who  making  the 
"  pure  word  of  God  "  his  watchword  should  promise  de- 
liverance from  ecclesiastical  and  civil  bondage  and  the 
liberty  and  equality  that  they  believed  to  be  the  inalien- 
able right  of  Christian  men.  This  propagandism  of  revo- 
lutionary social  and  religious  views  was  conducted  as 
secretly  as  possible  ;  but  it  had  accomplished  its  work  in 
a  pretty  thorough  way  long  before  Luther  appeared  as  a 
champion  of  Christian  liberty. 

3.  Political  Relations  and  Conditions  thai  Favored  the 
Outbreak  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  and  Detertnijied 
its  Course. 

(i)  The  Holy  Roman  Empire  and  the  Hapsburgers.  The 
organization  of  the  empire  under  the  Golden  Bull  (1356) 
was  still  in  force  in  the  sixteenth  century.  The  Haps- 
burg  princes,  starting  out  with  a  small  Swiss  province, 
had  by  conquest,  diplomacy,  and  advantageous  marriages, 
become  by  far  the  most  powerful  of  the  political  forces 
of  Europe  and  had  long  been  at  the  head  of  the  empire. 
The  imperial  office,  though  elective  and  at  this  time  pur- 
chasable by  the  highest  bidder,  had  become  virtually 
hereditary,  few  even  of  the  wealthy  princes  being  able 
to  compete  with  the  powerful  Hapsburgers,  and  some  of 
the  wealthier  being  unwilling  to  assume  the  responsi- 
bilities of  the  office.  Some  time  before  the  imperial 
throne  became  vacant  by  the  death  of  Maximilian  (Jan. 
12,  1 5 19),  negotiations  for  the  succession  had  begun. 
The  principal  competitors  were  the  king  of  France,  who 
was  distasteful  to  the  Germans,  and  Charles,  the  grand- 
son of  Maximilian,  who   had  become  heir   not  only  to 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  II 

Austria  and  its  eastern  and  Italian  dependencies,  but  to 
Spain,  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  and  the  vast  colonial 
possessions  of  Spain  as  well.  All  the  electors,  except 
Frederick  of  Saxony,  are  said  to  have  received  bribes 
from  the  representatives  of  both  of  these  potentates  ;  and 
yet  a  majority  of  them  offered  the  succession  to  Frederick 
of  Saxony,  whose  territorial  possessions  were  insignifi- 
cant in  comparison  with  those  of  Francis  1.  and  Charles, 
but  who  had  become,  by  virtue  of  his  exploitation  of  the 
mineral  wealth  of  Saxony,  possessed  of  more  ready 
money  than  either  of  the  candidates.  He  refused  to  pay 
the  price  and  no  doubt  shrank  from  the  responsibilities 
of  imperial  administration.  Besides  he  had  committed 
himself  to  ecclesiastical  reform,  and  would  probably  have 
hesitated  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  hierarchy  required  of  incumbents  of  the  impe- 
rial office.  The  invasion  of  eastern  Europe  by  the  Turks, 
moreover,  made  it  peculiarly  desirable  that  the  Haps- 
burgers,  a  large  part  of  whose  possessions  was  in  the 
East,  should  continue  in  the  office.  Apart  from  his  con- 
trol of  his  hereditary  domains,  the  emperor's  power  in 
Germany  was  very  slight,  the  more  important  princi- 
palities being  able  and  disposed  to  resist  any  interference 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  their  provinces  and  even  the 
petty  principalities  being  exceedingly  jealous  in  guarding 
their  autonomy. 

(2)  Germany.  Though  included  in  the  Holy  Roman 
Empire,  Germany  was  still  in  a  thoroughly  feudalized  and 
disintegrated  condition.  By  virtue  of  the  German  law 
of  inheritance,  the  land  had  been  almost  endlessly  sub- 
divided among  the  sons  of  the  lords  and  in  only  a  few 
cases  was  there  any  considerable  aggregation  of  territo- 
rial possessions  and  political  power.  These  petty  princes 
claimed  and  exercised  the  right  of  private  warfare  and 
many  of  them  were  little  better  than  robber  chieftains. 
Fist-law  (Faust-recht)  still  largely  prevailed.  These 
petty  principalities  were  interspersed  with  ecclesiastical 
estates  of  varying  magnitude  (archbishoprics,  bishoprics, 
abbacies,  etc.),  which,  apart  from  the  recognition  of 
papal  sovereignty,  were  governed  in  very  much  the  same 
way  as  the  secular  principalities.  With  the  growth  of  com- 
merce during  the  later  Middle  Ages  a  large  number  of 


12  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

cities  had  been  able  by  reason  of  tlieir  wealth  to  eman- 
cipate themselves  from  the  feudal  lords  and  to  obtain 
imperial  charters  as  free  cities.  The  imperial  free  cities 
had  their  representation  in  the  imperial  Diet  side  by  side 
with  the  electors  and  with  the  princes,  lay  and  ecclesias- 
tical. These  cities,  with  their  wealth,  self-government, 
intelligence,  and  diversified  industries,  constituted  the 
strength  of  Germany  at  the  beginning  of  the  present 
period.  They  were  usually  strongly  fortified  and  pro- 
visioned for  a  year,  in  many  of  them  a  spirit  of  religious 
toleration  prevailed  that  enabled  the  older  forms  of  evan- 
gelical Christianity  to  flourish  even  in  times  when  exter- 
minating persecution  generally  prevailed.  These  were 
the  seats  of  the  trade-guilds  that  did  so  much  for  the  con- 
servation and  diffusion  of  evangelical  principles  and  that 
promoted  in  so  large  a  measure  the  democratic  spirit. 
As  early  as  the  thirteenth  century  sixty  cities  in  the 
Rhenish  regions  had  leagued  themselves  together  for  the 
protection  of  commerce  and  the  defense  of  their  liberties. 
A  similar  organization  (Hanseatic  League)  of  the  cities  of 
northern  Germany  had  been  formed  a  little  later.  These 
leagues  of  cities  did  more  than  any  other  single  agency 
for  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  law  and  order 
and  for  the  advancement  of  civilization  in  its  higher 
forms. 

The  most  important  aggregation  of  territorial  posses- 
sions in  Germany  at  this  time  was  the  Wettin  lands, 
made  up  of  the  electorate  and  the  archduchy  of  Saxony. 
This  territory  was  all  the  more  important,  as  suggested 
above,  because  of  its  vast  mineral  wealth  which  was  al- 
ready being  exploited  on  a  large  scale.  Among  the  other 
more  important  political  entities  were  the  archduchy  of 
Mecklenburg,  the  electorate  of  Brandenburg  (later  to 
develop  into  Prussia),  the  landgravate  of  Hesse,  the  arch- 
duchy of  Bavaria,  the  electorate  of  the  Palatinate,  the 
archduchy  of  Lorraine,  the  archduchy  of  Luxenburg, 
the  archduchy  of  Brabant,  the  county  of  Wurtemburg, 
the  duchy  of  Brabant,  the  county  of  Holland,  the  duchy 
of  Gelders,  and  the  duchy  of  Westphalia.  Among  the 
provinces  in  central  Germany  that  were  already  depend- 
ent on  the  Hapsburg  princes,  besides  the  archduchy  of 
Austria  (including  the  duchy  of  Styria,  the  duchy  of  Car- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 3 

niola,  the  duchy  of  Carinthia,  and  the  county  of  Tirol), 
were  the  kingdom  of  Bohemia,  the  margravate  of  Mora- 
via, and  the  duchy  of  Silesia. 

(3)  Spain,  which  was  never  an  integral  part  of  the 
empire,  though  its  king  was  emperor,  was  at  this  time 
approaching  the  height  of  its  glory.  By  the  marriage  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  Castile  and  Aragon  had  been 
united  (1481),  and  the  opportunity  came  for  the  conquest 
of  Grenada  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors  (1492).  Per- 
pignan  was  acquired  from  France  shortly  afterward  and 
Navarre  was  annexed  in  1512.  Sardinia,  Sicily,  and 
Southern  Italy  (Naples)  were  added,  as  well  as  the 
Netherlands.  The  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus 
(1492)  redounded  to  the  glory  of  Spain,  and  the  exploita- 
tion of  America  and  the  East  was  already  enriching  this 
great  maritime  power.  The  expulsion  of  the  Moors  was 
followed  by  inquisitorial  proceedings  against  the  Jews, 
and  over  a  hundred  thousand  are  said  to  have  been 
driven  from  their  homes.  Many  of  them  found  a  tempo- 
rary abiding-place  in  Portugal  and  thence  scattered  over 
Europe.  Though  ardent  Catholics,  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella were  far  from  being  slavishly  subservient  to  the 
papacy.  They  made  some  earnest  efforts  at  reform  and 
threatened  to  chastise  Alexander  VI.  for  his  scandalous 
conduct.  A  ferocious  type  of  Roman  Catholicism  had 
been  developed  in  Spain,  partly  as  a  result  of  contact 
and  conflict  with  Mohammedanism,  that  manifested  itself 
in  the  Inquisition,  in  the  Order  of  Jesuits,  in  the  enslave- 
ment and  enforced  conversion  of  heathen  peoples,  in  the 
uncompromising  warfare  with  Protestantism.  The  am- 
bition of  Spain  at  this  time  was  boundless,  but  her 
schemes  for  aggrandizement  were  fortunately  held  in 
check  by  similar  ambitions  on  the  part  of  France,  by  the 
revolt  of  a  large  part  of  Germany  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  hierarchy,  and  by  the  aggressive  attitude  of  the 
Turkish  Empire  in  relation  to  Europe  in  general  and  es- 
pecially in  relation  to  the  eastern  possessions  of  the 
Hapsburgers. 

(4)  France  had  become  a  mighty  and  thoroughly  cen- 
tralized monarchy.  The  application  of  the  law  of  primo- 
geniture, fortunate  marriages,  and  conquest  had  brought 
the  feudal  provinces  one  by  one  under  the  dominion  of 


14  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

the  successors  of  Hugh  Capet.  Guyenne  and  Aquitaine 
were  annexed  in  1461,  Brittany,  in  1491,  Burgundy,  in 
1477,  Provence,  in  1491,  and  Milan  and  Genoa  (by  con- 
quest), in  1 5 16.  Moreover,  a  claim  had  been  laid  to  Naples. 
This  last  was  long  one  of  the  bones  of  contention  between 
France  and  Spain.  France  was  not  only  a  mighty  na- 
tion, second  only  to  Spain,  but  she  had  already  been 
mastered  by  the  ambition  to  be  mightiest  of  all.  She 
was  not  content  with  any  permanent  eastern  boundary 
west  of  the  Rhine  and  aspired  to  the  government  of  Savoy 
and  the  whole  of  Italy.  France  had  long  been  in  the 
van  of  progress.  Educationally  and  commercially  she 
occupied  a  leading  position.  Francis  I.  had  abandoned 
the  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges,  the  charter  of  the 
liberties  of  the  Gallican  church,  and  had  entered  into  a 
concordat  with  the  pope  (1516),  in  accordance  with 
which  the  king  was  to  nominate  the  prelates,  and  the  pope 
and  king  were  to  share  in  an  equitable  way  the  advan- 
tages of  ecclesiastical  patronage.  It  was  no  doubt  due 
in  part  to  this  good  understanding  between  pope  and 
king  that  the  former  supported  the  latter  in  his  candidacy 
for  the  imperial  throne  (15 19),  to  the  great  injury  of  the 
papal  cause  in  Germany.  If  France  and  the  house  of 
Hapsburg  had  been  at  one  during  the  early  years  of  the 
Protestant  Revolution  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  the  Prot- 
estant princes  of  Germany  could  have  maintained  their 
cause. 

The  French  nobles  had  been  deprived  of  their  right  to 
maintain  armies  and  to  engage  in  private  warfare  and 
had  been  attached  to  the  crown  by  special  privileges,  in- 
cluding exemption  from  taxation  and  the  frequent  bestowal 
of  royal  gratuities.  They  constituted  a  distinct  caste, 
separated  by  an  insuperable  barrier  from  the  peasants, 
artisans,  and  tradesmen.  The  peasants  were  free,  in  a 
sense,  but  were  grievously  oppressed  by  civil  and  eccle- 
siastical taxation,  and  the  tribunals  of  the  country  were 
so  completely  subservient  to  the  crown  as  to  render 
them  helpless  against  injustice.  They  were  as  a  rule 
ignorant,  peaceably  inclined,  and  submissive,  and  were 
little  amenable  to  the  revolutionary  influences  that 
wrought  so  powerfully  and  so  universally  among  the 
German  peasants.     A  large  middle  class,  engaged  chiefly 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 5 

in  mercantile,  manufacturing,  and  professional  pursuits, 
had  gathered  in  the  cities  and  was  becoming  wealthier 
and  wealthier,  and  consequently  more  and  more  influen- 
tial. Separated  as  if  by  caste  from  the  nobility  and  de- 
pending like  these  on  the  industry  of  the  peasants,  they 
were  despised  by  the  former  and  envied  by  the  latter. 
They  came  to  have  almost  a  monopoly  of  intelligence 
and  professional  skill,  as  well  as  of  manufacturing,  com- 
mercial, banking,  and  capitalistic  enterprises  in  general. 
It  was  this  class  which,  along  with  certain  elements  of  the 
nobility  that  were  antagonistic  to  the  crown  on  political 
grounds,  was  to  constitute  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the 
Protestant  revolt  in  France. 

The  city  proletariat  in  France  was  degraded  and  brutal- 
ized, unsympathetic  with  the  Protestant  Revolution,  and 
ready  for  any  kind  of  atrocity.  Evangelical  dissent  of 
the  medieval  type  seems  to  have  been  almost  com- 
pletely eliminated  from  the  middle  and  lower  classes  of 
the  population,  in  which  it  flourished  in  Germany,  Aus- 
tria, and  the  Netherlands,  by  centuries  of  inquisitorial 
activity,  and  to  have  been  almost  restricted  to  the  Vau- 
dois  (Waldensian)  communities  in  Piedmont,  Dauphiny, 
etc.,  where  from  fifty  thousand  to  one  hundred  thousand 
had  been  suffered  to  survive. 

(5)  England.  Constitutional  monarchy,  with  the  dis- 
appearance of  feudalism  in  the  continental  sense  and  the 
absence  of  caste  barriers  between  the  nobles  and  the 
upper  commoners,  had  long  been  established  in  England. 
While  the  crown  was  nominally  the  sole  owner  of  the 
land  and  all  landowners  owed  allegiance  and  support  to 
the  crown  by  reason  of  this  suzerainty,  the  right  of  the 
crown  to  levy  and  collect  taxes  without  the  consent  of 
the  people  (including  the  commons),  to  imprison  or  dis- 
tress without  due  process  of  law,  or  in  any  way  to  in- 
fringe upon  the  rights  of  the  individual  as  respects  life, 
liberty,  or  property,  had  long  since  been  expressly  re- 
nounced, and  comprehensive  charters  (beginning  with 
Magna  Charta,  121 5)  had  repeatedly  guaranteed  their 
rights  to  all  classes  of  subjects  and  defined  the  limita- 
tions of  royal  prerogative.  At  the  beginning  of  the  pres- 
ent period  Parliament,  which  represented  the  three 
estates  of  the  realm,  while  nominally  possessed  of  its 


l6  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

pristine  powers,  was  feeble  and  submissive,  and  a  des- 
potism of  almost  Oriental  arbitrariness  and  cruelty  was 
in  force.  Henry  VII.,  the  first  Tudor  king,  had  come  to 
the  throne  (1485)  at  the  close  of  the  wars  of  the  Roses. 
Himself  a  usurper,  he  displaced  the  usurper  and  tyrant, 
Richard  ill,,  and  secured  the  recognition  of  Parliament. 
The  older  nobility  had  been  in  a  great  measure  destroyed 
during  the  wars  and  he  was  in  a  position  to  elevate  to 
the  peerage  a  large  number  of  his  partisans  who  were 
likely  to  be  completely  subservient  to  him.  To  secure 
himself  in  the  undisputed  possession  of  the  crown  and 
to  make  opposition  hopeless  he  maintained  a  standing 
army,  rendered  all  the  more  effective  by  improvements 
in  the  use  of  gunpowder  (artillery,  etc.),  and  was  care- 
ful to  prevent  the  organization  of  any  armed  force  by  his 
enemies.  Economic  changes  of  great  importance  had 
been  for  some  time  in  progress.  The  demand  for  wool 
in  the  Netherlands  and  elsewhere  had  given  a  great 
impetus  to  sheep-raising,  with  the  result  that  multitudes 
of  peasant  farmers  were  displaced  and  forced  into  the 
towns,  where  manufacturing  enterprise  was  already 
rapidly  growing.  Henry  and  his  successors  did  every- 
thing possible  to  further  the  industrial  revolution,  and 
were  able  by  selling  trade  privileges  and  monopolies  and 
bestowing  special  favors  on  manufacturing  and  commer- 
cial enterprise  to  secure  large  revenues  hitherto  unattain- 
able. These  added  to  the  ordinary  sources  of  revenue 
enabled  Henry  Vll.  to  accumulate  vast  treasures  and  to 
become  almost  independent  of  Parliament.  To  strengthen 
himself  still  further,  especially  in  relation  to  France,  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  England,  he  entered  into  close  rela- 
tions with  Spain,  involving  the  betrothal  (and  afterward 
the  marriage)  of  his  son  Arthur  to  Catharine  of  Aragon. 
On  the  death  of  Arthur,  to  perpetuate  the  alliance, 
Catharine  was  married,  by  papal  dispensation,  to  Henry 
(afterward  King  Henry  VIll.),  a  minor,  who  was  in- 
structed to  enter  a  secret  protest  against  the  proceeding, 
to  be  used  thereafter  in  case  of  need.  Apart  from  a  war 
with  France,  that  resulted  in  the  loss  of  Brittany,  the 
reign  of  Henry  Vll,  and  that  of  Henry  VIII.  were  pros- 
perous and  peaceful.  Men  of  influence  were  too  much 
interested  in  money-making   and  in  the  new  learning 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 7 

patronized  by  the  sovereigns  to  concern  themselves  very 
much  about  the  maintenance  of  the  principles  of  Magna 
Chart  a. 

The  English  peasants  were  free  (not  serfs)  ;  but  eco- 
nomic changes  bore  heavily  upon  them.  Many  peasants 
combined  manufacturing  on  a  small  scale  (weaving,  etc.) 
with  agriculture  and  lived  in  simple  comfort;  but  the 
agricultural  peasants,  who  now  paid  fixed  money  rents, 
were  often  in  sore  straits,  and  ejection  often  followed 
failure  to  pay.  But  on  the  whole  the  condition  of  the 
English  peasantry  was  superior  to  that  of  the  French  and 
immeasurably  superior  to  that  of  the  German.  The 
revolutionary  spirit  was  almost  wanting  and  resistance 
would  in  any  case  have  been  hopeless. 

(6)  Italy.  For  centuries  Italy  had  been  in  a  state  of 
complete  disintegration.  A  wide  strip  through  the  center 
of  the  peninsula  constituted  the  States  of  the  Church. 
The  popes  of  the  Renaissance  not  only  sadly  misgoverned 
and  ruthlessly  exploited  this  portion  of  Italy,  but  they 
used  their  influence  for  the  perpetual  turmoiling  of  the 
entire  country.  Their  chief  interest  was  the  enriching 
of  their  own  families  and  the  States  of  the  Church.  The 
very  fact  that  these  States  cut  Italy  in  two  rendered  a 
united  Italy  impossible.  The  principal  political  units  of 
Italy  were  Venice,  a  wealthy  commercial  city  ruled  by  a 
despotic  oligarchy  and  possessing  considerable  territory 
at  the  head  of  the  Adriatic  ;  Floreme,  also  a  city-republic, 
with  adjoining  territory,  despotically  ruled  by  the  Medici  ; 
(Milan,  a  similar  political  entity,  claimed  by  France  and 
Spain,  but  held  by  the  Sforza  family  till  1512;  Naples, 
covering  all  the  southern  portion  of  Italy,  for  which  Spain 
and  France  long  contended  and  to  which  Spain  with 
papal  aid  made  good  her  claim.  France  was  driven  out 
of  Italy  in  15 11  through  a  combination  under  papal  direc- 
tion, of  England,  Spain,  and  Germany,  known  as  the 
Holy  League. 

4.  Summary  of  Circumstances  and  Events  that  Prepared 
the  way  for  the  Protestant  Revolution. 

(i)  Effects  of  the  Papal  Captivity  and  Schism.  The 
papacy  had  never  recovered  from  the  degrading  effects 
of  the  captivity  and  schism.     The  reforming  councils 

B 


l8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

established  the  superiority  of  councils  to  popes.  Since 
the  healing  of  the  schism  no  powerful  pope  had  arisen 
to  wipe  away  the  disgrace  that  had  befallen  the  papacy. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  popes  had  all  been  notoriously 
worldly  and  ambitious  ;  many  of  them  notoriously  prof- 
ligate ;  some  of  them  more  devoted  to  pagan  philosophy 
than  to  Christianity  in  any  form.  The  papacy  had  for- 
gotten none  of  its  expedients  for  raising  money  ;  but 
with  the  increase  of  commercial  prosperity  in  Europe, 
luxury  had  gone  hand  in  hand,  and  the  Roman  Curia 
had  developed  expensive  tastes  for  architecture  and  fine 
art.  A  project  for  the  building  and  adorning  of  St.  Peter's 
Cathedral  involved  the  raising  of  enormous  sums  of 
money.  The  private  wars  of  the  popes  were  also  ex- 
pensive to  Christendom.  Indulgences  were  now  sold 
more  shamelessly,  it  is  probable,  than  ever  before,  to 
the  impoverishing  of  the  countries  of  Europe  and  to  the 
disgust  of  all  right-thinking  people. 

(2)  Persistence  of  tlie  ]VdIdeiiscs  and  Related  Bodies. 
The  Waldenses  had  spread  throughout  Europe,  and  were 
numerous  in  the  manufacturing  and  commercial  towns, 
especially  in  the  Netherlands,  the  Rhine  valley,  Swit- 
zerland, Austria,  Silesia,  Northern  Italy,  Southern  France, 
etc.  They  belonged  to  the  middle  class,  and  were  for 
the  most  part  artisans  (weavers,  tailors,  shoemakers, 
etc.)  and  merchants.  They  held  secret  meetings,  usu- 
ally in  their  work-rooms.  The  Bohemian  Brethren  had 
in  Bohemia  and  Moravia  their  hundreds  of  congregations, 
their  tens  of  thousands  of  members  and  unattached  sup- 
porters (many  of  the  latter  gentry  and  nobles),  their 
well-equipped  and  efficient  schools,  and  their  extensive 
literature.  From  the  date  of  the  discovery  of  the  art  of 
printing  to  the  beginning  of  the  present  period  they  made 
vastly  more  use  of  the  press  than  Catholics  and  Hussites 
together. 

The  semi-monastic  Beghards  and  Beguines,  who  had 
probably  derived  their  inspiration  from  the  Waldenses, had 
spread  throughout  Lower  Germany,  and  by  their  devout 
and  industrious  lives  had  greatly  influenced  the  masses. 
The  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  who  had  arisen  in 
the  Netherlands  in  the  fourteenth  century,  spread  into 
most  parts  of  Germany.     These  have  been  designated 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  19 

as  cultured,  ennobled,  churchly  Beghards.  They  estab- 
lished numerous  schools,  and  devoted  their  chief  atten- 
tion to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  and  to  the  practice 
and  inculcation  of  inner  piety.  These  did  much  to  dif- 
fuse Christian  life  among  the  people.  The  Mystics 
(thirteenth,  fourteenth,  and  fifteenth  centuries)  though 
holding  to  many  extravagant  notions,  through  the  sanc- 
tity of  their  lives  and  through  the  profound  conviction  of 
sin  and  grace  that  were  set  forth  in  their  devotional 
works  and  sermons,  did  much  to  awaken  religious  in- 
terest. 

The  corrupt  lives  of  the  clergy  caused  them  to  suffer 
greatly  in  the  esteem  of  the  people  in  comparison  with 
these  classes  of  religious  men,  whose  aggregate  number 
must  have  been  considerable. 

(3)  Decline  of  Feudalism.  Since  the  beginning  of  the 
Crusades,  feudalism  had  been  on  the  decline  in  most 
parts  of  Europe,  but  in  Germany  it  was  still  in  full  force. 
While  elsewhere  the  condition  of  the  peasantry  had  im- 
proved, in  Germany  it  had  grown  worse  and  worse. 
More  labor  was  exacted  of  the  peasants ;  they  were 
robbed  more  and  more  of  their  rights.  The  evangelical 
teachings  of  the  Waldenses  and  related  parties  had  made 
them  conscious  of  the  injustice  they  suffered,  and  a  deep 
spirit  of  unrest  was  everywhere  manifest.  The  peasants 
had  made  several  unsuccessful  efforts  for  freedom  and 
were  ready  for  revolution,  should  an  opportunity  present 
itself. 

(4)  The  Revival  of  Learning.  The  effect  of  the  rise  and 
diffusion  of  the  new  learning  was,  first  of  all,  to  create  a 
disgust  for  scholastic  theology.  Many,  from  disgust  at 
the  scholastic  representations  of  Christianity,  lost  faith 
in  Christianity  itself.  Some  went  so  far  in  their  admira- 
tion of  pagan  literature,  as  to  becomes  pagans.  Neo- 
Platonism  was  revived  and  found  considerable  accept- 
ance. The  papal  court,  under  Leo  X.,  himself  a  devotee 
of  Platonism,  was  a  hot-bed  of  infidelity. 

Besides  creating  a  contempt  for  scholasticism,  the 
great  bulwark  of  papal  absolutism,  it  awakened  free- 
dom of  thought  in  general  ;  it  caused  the  Scriptures  to 
be  studied  in  the  original  languages,  and  without  ref- 
erence to  traditional  interpretations  ;  it  diffused  learning 


20  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  high  character  throughout  Europe  ;  and  it  exposed  the 
impostures  and  the  rottenness  of  the  hierarchy.  The 
emancipation  of  ethics  from  scholastic  casuistical  subtle- 
ties and  its  re-establishment  on  the  basis  of  eternal  right 
was  one  of  the  most  glorious  achievements  of  the  Renais- 
sance and  one  of  its  chief  gifts  to  the  Reformation. 

(5)  Aggressions  of  the  Turks.  The  condition  of  the 
church  was  becoming  critical.  The  efforts  to  stay  the 
progress  of  the  Turks  had  failed.  It  seemed  to  many 
that  they  would  sweep  over  the  whole  of  Europe,  and 
that  Christianity  would  suffer  great  tribulation,  if  not 
utter  extinction.  This  peril  drew  men's  attention  to  the 
corrupt  state  of  the  church  and  the  necessity  for  reform. 

(6)  The  Invention  of  Printing.  Printing,  which  had  now 
come  into  general  use,  had  already  contributed  greatly 
to  the  enlightenment  of  Europe,  and  was  ready  as  a 
powerful  auxiliary  in  any  movement  in  which  the  people 
were  to  be  reached. 

5.  Causes  of  the  Failure  of  Earlier  Efforts  at  Reform. 

The  earlier  attempts  at  reformation  had  apparently 
failed.  The  causes  of  their  failure  were  various.  We 
may  enumerate  some  of  them  : 

(i)  Lack  of  Popular  Intelligence.  While  many  of  the 
mediaeval  reforming  parties  gained  extensive  popular 
following,  there  was,  as  a  rule,  not  sufficient  intelligence 
among  their  members  to  enable  them  to  come  forward 
boldly  and  combat  the  hierarchical  church  on  its  own 
ground.  Such  was  especially  the  case  with  the  Wal- 
denses  and  related  bodies. 

(2)  Inadequate  Ideas  of  Reform.  Those  parties  that 
were  not  lacking  in  culture  and  social  standing,  such  as 
the  Wycliffites  and  the  Hussites,  were  prevented  by  their 
realistic  ideas  of  the  church  from  openly  assuming  the 
position  of  separatists.  Their  aim  was  to  reform  the 
hierarchial  church,  rather  than  to  overthrow  it  and  to 
set  up  a  better  on  the  basis  of  New  Testament  precept 
and  example.  This  was  a  hopeless  task  ;  for  unless  the 
root  of  the  evil  be  destroyed,  mere  outward  reforms  are 
at  best  but  exceedingly  transient. 

(3)  The  Dependent  Relations  in  which  a  Large  Part  of 
Europe  stood  to  the  Papacy.     This  enabled  the  hierarchi- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  21 

cal  church  to  bring  to  bear  immense  physical  force  for 
the  suppression  of  dissent.  We  have  seen  how  rulers 
were  forced  to  persecute. 

(4)  The  Exterminating  Policy  of  the  Papacy.  Having 
the  power  to  persecute,  the  papacy  was  not  wanting  in 
the  will,  and  the  records  of  the  Inquisition  show  how  im- 
possible it  was  in  the  Middle  Ages  for  any  party  long  to 
defy  the  hierarchy. 

(5)  Feudalism  in  General.  As  the  feudalism  openly 
exercised  by  the  church  enabled  it  to  carry  out  its 
policy  of  persecution,  so  feudalism  in  general,  with  the 
abjectness  of  spirit  that  it  cultivated  in  the  great  mass  of 
the  people,  was  unfavorable  to  the  success  of  any  move- 
ment whose  very  essence  was  freedom. 

All  of  these  influences  were  at  their  height  in  the  elev- 
enth and  twelfth  centuries  ;  but  from  that  time  they 
steadily  declined  until  the  sixteenth  century.  It  was 
impossible  for  them  to  disappear  at  once,  and  hence  it 
was  impossible  for  any  great  religious  revolution  which 
involved  emancipation  of  thought  from  all  human  author- 
ity and  the  restoration  of  Christian  life  and  thought  to 
apostolic  simplicity  and  purity  to  succeed  until  these  ob- 
stacles had  yielded  to  the  attrition  of  social  and  religious 
influences  working  for  centuries. 

6.  The  Problem  of%eform. 

What  were  the  fundamental  errors  of  the  medieval 
system  that  needed  to  be  eradicated  ?  I  conceive  that 
there  were  three  : 

(i)  Sacerdotalism.  Given  sacerdotalism,  and  what  fol- 
lows ?  If  priests,  as  representatives  of  the  holy  Cath- 
olic Church,  are,  without  reference  to  personal  char- 
acter, mediators  between  God  and  man,  have  power 
to  bind  and  to  loose  on  conditions  imposed  by  them- 
selves, men  are  no  longer  responsible  to  God  for  their 
lives,  but  to  man.  Holiness  before  God  is  of  infinitely 
less  importance  than  scrupulous  obedience  to  the  regu- 
lations of  the  priests.  Religion  thus  comes  to  be  a 
mere  matter  of  outward  form.  From  sacerdotalism 
flowed,  as  naturally  as  a  stream  from  its  source,  super- 
stitious adoration  of  images,  shrines,  etc.,  all  forms  of 
ritualism,  the  practical  repudiation  of  Scripture  authority. 


22  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

the  domination  of  Church  over  State,  the  obliteration  of 
moral  law  as  founded  on  the  nature  of  God. 

(2)  The  Union  of  Church  and  State.  The  idea  that 
Church  and  State  are  coincident  was  firmly  rooted. 
CcBsaro-papacy  is  almost  as  objectionable  as  papacy. 
We  shall  have  occasion  later  to  mark  the  disastrous 
consequences  of  such  union,  especially  for  the  church. 

(3)  The  practical  annulling  of  Scripture  authority,  which, 
as  has  been  said,  resulted  from  sacerdotalism. 

For  anything  like  a  complete  reformation  of  Chris- 
tianity at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the 
destruction  of  sacerdotalism,  the  abolition  of  the  union 
of  Church  and  State,  and  the  reinstatement  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  their  position  of  paramount  authority,  was  ab- 
solutely necessary. 

II.  HUMANISM  AND  THE  REFORMATION. 

LITERATURE:  Erasmus,  "  Opera  Omnia"  10  Vol.  fo!.,  Leyden, 
1703-1706  (several  of  the  more  popular  works  have  been  printed 
separately.  The  "Praise  of  Folly,"  some  of  the  "Colloquies," 
"  Prayers,"  and  "  Pilgrimages  "  have  been  translated  into  Eng- 
lish) ;  writings  of  Colet,  More,  and  Ulrich  von  Hutten  ;  "  Episiolce 
Obscitroriim  yiroritm"  ;  relevant  parts  of  the  works  of  Luther,  Me- 
lanchthon,  and  Zwingli  ;  Seebohm,  "  The  Oxford  Reformers,  John 
Colet,  Erasmus,  and  Thomas  More"  ;  Drummond,  "  Erasmus,  his 
Life  and  Character";  Emerton,  "  Desiderius  Erasmus  of  Rotter- 
dam," 1899  ("Heroes  of  the  Ref.  Series");  Froude,  "Life  and 
Letters  of  Erasmus,"  1895;  Strauss,  "  Ulrich  von  Hutten"  (Eng 
Trans.);  Meyerhoff,  '' T{auhlin  unci  Seine  Zeit" ;  Geiger,  ''Joh 
T(eucJilin"  ;  Lamey,  "  T{euchlin,  eine  hiogr.  Ski^^e  "  ;  Stahelin,  "  Eras 
mils'  Stellung  zu  Reformation,'^  1873  ;  Walther,  "  Erasmus  u.  Melanch 
t/ion,"  1879;  Eberhardt,  in  '' Zeitschr.  f.d.  Hist.  T/ieolog.,"  iS^g,  Seit 
99-151  ;  Chlebus,  in  ''  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  Hist.  T/ieol.,"  1845,  ■^^''-  S"^^ 
Gobel,  "  Gesch.  des  Cliristl.  Lebens  in  der  Rlienisch-lVestphjlischen  Evan 

fel.  Kirche,"  Bd.  L,  Seit.  59-92  (particularly  valuable) ;  Geiger,  in 
lybel's  ''Hist.  Zeitschrift,"  1875.  Seit.  71  seq.  ;  Herzog-Hauck  (3d 
ed.),  Wetzer  u.  Welte,  Ersch  u.  Gruber,  art.  "  Erasmus,"  "  Reuch- 
lin,"  "  Hutten,"  etc. 

Evangelical  Humanism,  as  represented  by  Colet,  Eras- 
mus, Reuchlin,  etc.,  may  be  regarded  (i)  as  a  preparation 
for  the  Protestant  Revolution  ;  (2)  as  itself  an  attempt 
at  reformation  ;  (3)  as  an  anti-Protestant  movement. 

I,  Humanism  as  a  Preparation  for  the  Protestant  Revo- 
lution. 
(i)  The  English  Humanistic  Reformers.     In  England, 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  23 

under  the  influence  of  the  "New  Learning,"  a  number 
of  able  scholars  appeared  during  the  last  years  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  Linacre,  Grocyn,  and  Colet,  had 
studied  in  Italy,  where  they  became  thorough  Greek 
scholars,  and  imbibed  the  spirit  of  the  Renaissance  ; 
and  they  had  returned  to  England  to  devote  their  lives 
to  the  advancement  of  learning.  They  had  learned  to 
despise  the  philosophy  and  theology  of  the  schools,  and 
to  look  with  disfavor  upon  the  ecclesiastical  system  that 
rested  on  such  a  foundation. 

Colet  was  a  man  of  genius,  and  added  to  his  linguistic 
learning  deep  insight  and  marked  spirituality.  He  soon 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  simple  Bible,  interpreted 
not  according  to  the  allegorical  method  of  the  schoolmen, 
but  according  to  the  grammatico-historical  sense,  is  the 
only  true  source  of  religious  knowledge.  He  delivered 
expository  lectures  on  several  of  the  Pauline  Epistles, 
which  astonished,  delighted,  and  inspired  the  crowd  of 
students  and  doctors  who  attended  them.  At  a  Convo- 
cation in  1 5 12,  Colet,  now  dean  of  St.  Paul's,  preached 
a  strong  reformatory  sermon,  in  which  he  bewailed  the 
avarice,  ambition,  pride,  and  self-indulgence  of  the  bish- 
ops and  other  clergy,  and  exhorted  them  with  great  ear- 
nestness to  reformation.  No  reformer  of  the  sixteenth 
century  showed  profounder  insight  into  Christian  truth 
than  Colet. 

Erasmus  came  under  his  influence  first  in  1498,  when 
he  visited  England  to  learn  Greek,  and  afterward,  from 
1 505-1 5 14,  sustained  the  most  intimate  and  cordial  rela- 
tions with  him.  He  always  looked  up  to  Colet  as  his 
spiritual  father  and  regarded  him  as  the  means  of  his 
own  enlightenment,  though  he  was  greatly  inferior  to 
him  in  moral  earnestness  and  fidelity  to  conviction.  For 
the  evangelical  truths  in  which  the  writings  of  Erasmus 
abound,  he  was  greatly  indebted  to  Colet. 

The  English  Reformation  that  Colet  was  laboring  for, 
was  to  a  great  extent  swept  away  in  the  wars  of  Henry 
VIll.  ;  but  Erasmus,  a  product  of  it,  returned  to  the  con- 
tinent, and  by  the  great  popularity  of  his  writings  dis- 
seminated reformatory  views  far  and  wide. 

(2)  Erasmus  as  a  Humanist  and  a  Forerunner  of  the 
Protestant  Revolution,     a.  Sketch  of  Erasmus.     He  was 


24  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

born  in  Rotterdam  (1465  or  1466),  and  was  the  son  of 
a  priest  and  a  young  woman  of  good  family,  both  of 
whom  cared  for  him  assiduously  until  they  died  (one 
shortly  after  the  other),  when  he  was  about  thirteen 
years  of  age.  They  had  provided  for  his  education 
in  the  famous  school  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common 
Life  at  Deventer,  where  he  had  excited  the  admira- 
tion of  his  teachers  by  his  quickness  of  apprehension, 
his  facility  and  elegance  in  expression,  and  the  re- 
markable retentiveness  of  his  memory.  If  he  had 
been  permitted  to  continue  his  education  there,  his 
thirst  for  knowledge  would  have  been  gratified  by 
some  of  the  best  humanistic  teachers  of  the  time.  The 
dishonesty  of  the  person  to  whom  funds  for  the  com- 
pletion of  his  education  had  been  entrusted  brought  his 
studies  at  Deventer  to  an  end.  He  was  placed  in  a 
monastic  school  (1481),  where  three  years  were  as  good 
as  wasted.  Wearied  with  this  life,  destitute  of  means, 
and  with  no  manifest  way  of  earning  a  living,  he  felt 
himself  compelled  to  enter  a  monastery  (Emaus,  near 
Gouda),  and  to  take  monastic  vows,  although  he  was 
thoroughly  averse  to  monastic  life.  The  fact  that  a 
well-educated  youth  of  eighteen  should  have  consented, 
for  the  sake  of  a  morsel  of  bread,  to  bind  himself  by  the 
most  solemn  vows  to  a  mode  of  life  that  his  soul  ab- 
horred, shows  a  weakness  of  character  that  was  doubtless 
innate  and  which  grace  never  fully  remedied.  He  always 
looked  upon  this  step  as  one  of  the  great  mistakes  and 
misfortunes  of  his  life.  The  years  spent  there  tended 
to  the  still  further  depravation  of  his  character  and,  as  he 
supposed,  laid  the  foundations  for  the  physical  weakness 
that  interfered  with  his  happiness  and  limited  his  useful- 
ness throughout  life.  Yet  this  episode  in  his  life  no 
doubt  led  him  to  a  deep  realization  of  the  corruptions  of 
the  church  and  the  need  of  reformation  ;  and  although 
the  educational  advantages  of  the  monastery  were  not 
such  as  he  desired  he  devoted  himself  with  all  his  ener- 
gies "  by  day  and  by  night  to  letters."  "  Without  a  guide, 
and  as  it  were  by  the  occult  force  of  nature,"  as  he  af- 
terward remarked,  "he  pressed  his  way  into  the  sanc- 
tuary of  the  muses."  His  religious  guides  were  chiefly 
the  works  of  Jerome  and  Laurentius  Valla,  the  humanist. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  2$ 

In  1493  he  was  permitted  by  the  Bishop  of  Camoral 
to  go  to  Paris  for  the  continuance  of  his  studies.  He 
soon  became  convinced  that  theological  study  would 
lead  him  into  heresy  and  he  had  not  the  courage  to 
become  a  heretic.  He  conceived  at  this  time  a  pro- 
found dislike  for  the  scholastic  theology  that  proved 
invincible.  Sickness,  moreover,  made  his  departure 
from  Paris  a  necessity,  in  1496  he  matriculated  in 
the  University  of  Cologne  as  an  arts  student,  but 
found  little  satisfaction  there.  Returning  to  Paris  he 
became  Bachelor  of  Theology  in  1498.  Here  he  sup- 
ported himself  by  tutoring  a  young  Englishman,  through 
whom  his  highly  important  connection  with  English  life 
and  thought  was  brought  about.  His  association  with 
Colet,  More,  Linacre,  and  Grocyn,  stimulated  him  to 
undertake  the  mastery  of  Greek  and  to  enter  upon  his 
distinguished  literary  career,  while  it  furnished  him 
also  with  such  an  amount  of  financial  support  as  enabled 
him  to  carry  out  his  long-cherished  plan  of  studying 
in  Italy  (1506  onward).  Colet  made  earnest  and  re- 
peated efforts  to  induce  him  to  devote  himself  to  bib- 
lical teaching  in  England,  and  was  greatly  disappointed 
that  he  had  neither  the  strength  of  conviction  nor  the 
moral  courage  that  would  have  made  his  magnificent  in- 
tellectual powers  and  his  ample  learning  available  for 
the  reformation  of  theology  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge. 
It  should  be  said,  on  behalf  of  Erasmus,  that  he  was 
deeply  conscious  of  his  moral  weakness  and  constantly 
excused  himself  on  the  ground  of  his  pusillanimity  from 
undertaking  tasks  that  required  manly  courage. 

On  his  return  from  Italy  in  1509  he  entered  at  once 
as  a  man  of  letters  upon  a  career  that  surpassed  any- 
thing the  age  had  known.  The  successive  publication 
of  his  popular  and  his  learned  works  (see  below)  gave 
him  a  position  in  the  literary  world  never  enjoyed  by  an 
individual  before  or  after  his  time.  Wherever  he  went 
he  was  treated  like  a  king.  Popes,  emperor,  kings,  car- 
dinals, universities,  municipalities,  vied  with  each  other 
in  showing  him  honor.  As  the  mode  of  living  into  which 
he  had  been  drawn  was  expensive  and  as  much  money 
was  needed  for  the  purchasing  of  books  and  the  carry- 
ing out  of   his  great  literary  schemes,  he  did   not  hesi- 


26  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

tate  to  use  his  popularity  in  seeking  gratuities  at  the 
hands  of  his  wealthy  and  influential  friends,  nor  to  em- 
ploy flattery  when  seeking  to  establish  or  maintain  ad- 
vantageous relations  with  the  great.  Nothing,  save  his 
refusal  to  align  himself  with  Luther  in  the  Protestant 
Revolution,  has  done  so  much  to  discredit  Erasmus  in 
the  eyes  of  Protestant  posterity  as  his  shameless  men- 
dicancy. Yet  the  odium  of  this  should  be  relieved  in 
part  at  least  by  what  we  know  of  the  spirit  of  the  age, 
when,  as  in  past  ages  (the  Augustan  age,  etc.),  literary 
men  lived  almost  wholly  by  the  patronage  of  the  great 
and  thought  it  a  part  of  their  business  to  bestow  literary 
compliments  on  their  patrons.  His  whole  career  was 
one  of  dependence  on  friendly  support,  and  he  had  had  no 
opportunity  up  to  1509  to  develop  a  spirit  of  independ- 
ence. It  would  have  been  too  much  to  expect  that  when 
he  had  been  conditioned  by  the  favors  of  his  friends  to 
enter  upon  a  literary  career  that  would  have  enabled 
him  to  live  in  modest  independence,  he  should  at  once 
have  developed  that  sturdiness  of  character  that  depends 
so  much  on  early  training  and  constant  practice.  There 
is  no  reason  to  believe  that  he  ever  accumulated  any 
large  amount  of  money.  For  all  he  could  earn  or  beg 
he  seems  always  to  have  had  the  most  urgent  use. 

After  spending  most  of  five  years  as  teacher  of  Greek 
in  the  University  of  Cambridge,  he  returned  to  the  con- 
tinent, where  his  time  was  divided  between  Switzerland 
and  the  Netherlands.  At  Basel  many  of  his  works  were 
published  and  he  was  surrounded  by  a  coterie  of  scholars 
upon  whom  he  exerted  a  profound  influence  in  favor  of 
the  new  learning  and  of  rational  methods  of  biblical  and 
theological  study,  in  his  native  Netherlands  also  his 
influence  was  widespread  and  deep.  His  journeys  through 
Germany,  from  time  to  time,  were  like  triumphal  pro- 
cessions, and  large  numbers  of  young  scholars  caught 
their  inspiration  from  him.  His  relations  to  Luther  and 
the  Reformation  will  be  set  forth  subsequently,  as  will 
also  his  connection  with  and  his  influence  upon  the 
older  evangelical  theology  and  the  great  Anabaptist 
movement.     He  died  in  1536. 

(3)  WritUigs  of  Erasmus,  a.  His  Satirical  Writings. 
In  the  "  Praise  of  Folly  "  the  enlightenment  that  Eras- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  2^ 

mus  had  received  from  Colet,  and  from  the  new  learn- 
ing in  general,  finds  expression  chiefly  in  the  ridicule  in 
which  all  the  abuses  of  the  papal  church  are  involved. 
The  avarice  of  popes,  monks,  and  clergy,  their  intoler- 
ance, their  immorality,  the  absurd  and  sometimes  blas- 
phemous nature  of  their  scholastic  disputations,  pilgrim- 
ages to  the  tombs  of  saints,  false  miracles,  indulgences, 
etc.,  are  satirized  in  the  boldest  manner,  and  in  such  a 
style  as  to  attract  all  classes  of  readers,  h.  His  Devo- 
tional Writings.  The  "  Enclieiridion  "  abounds  in  evan- 
gelical maxims,  and  is  characterized  by  the  repudiation 
of  the  ordinary  monkish  and  papal  rules  of  piety,  and 
the  setting  up  in  general  of  true  Christian  principles,  c. 
His  Editions  of  t lie  Fathers  and  of  the  New  Testame7it,  His 
Commentaries,  and  His  Paraphrases.  Erasmus  shared 
with  Colet  admiration  for  Jerome,  with  his  linguistic 
learning  and  his  free  criticism  of  the  biblical  texts,  rather 
than  for  Augustine  with  his  rigid  theological  system. 
Accordingly,  before  leaving  England  in  15 14,  he  had, 
with  immense  labor,  prepared  an  edition  of  the  works  of 
Jerome,  which  was  afterward  printed  at  Basel. 

The  publication  of  Jerome  was  probably  intended  as  a  means  of 
preparing  the  minds  of  tiie  scholars  of  Europe  for  the  critical  edition 
of  the  Greek  New  Testament  which  he  was  meditating.  The  Vul- 
gate had  long  been  regarded  as  the  infallible  word  of  God.  To  pro- 
duce a  Greek  text  different  from  that  of  the  Vulgate,  or  to  interpret 
the  Greek  text  differently  from  the  Vulgate  interpretation,  was  re- 
garded as  sacrilege.  But  Jerome  had  treated  the  text  of  Scripture 
with  the  utmost  freedom  ;  had  revised  the  Greek  text  by  comparison 
of  MSS.,  and  had  made  a  revision  of  the  New  Testament  (Latin), 
and  a  new  version  of  the  Old  Testament  from  the  Hebrew,  for 
which,  however,  he  was  far  from  claiming  absolute  correctness. 

In  the  preface  to  his  Greek  New  Testament  { 1 5 16),  Erasmus  shows 
that  his  aim  was  to  influence  two  classes  of  minds  :  those  who  had 
lost  faith  in  Christianity,  and  those  who  regarded  the  Vulgate  as 
infallible.  This  preface  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  noblest  reformatory 
effort  of  Erasmus,  and  nothing  better  was  written  by  any  reformer 
of  the  age.  He  sets  forth  the  claims  of  the  New  Testament  to  the 
attention  of  the  learned,  over  against  the  philosophies  of  Plato,  Pyth- 
agoras, Aristotle,  and  Zeno ;  but  to  be  understood  it  must  be"^  ap- 
proached with  a  pious  and  open  heart,  imbued  with  a  pure  and  sim- 
ple faith.  The  New  Testament  is  adapted  to  the  comprehension  of 
the  weakest  woman,  while  the  profoundest  philosopher  finds  food 
enough  for  thought.  He  is  anxious  that  the  Scriptures  should  be 
translated  into  all  languages,  so  that  they  may  be  understood  not 
only  by  Scots  and  Irishmen,  but  also  by  Turks  and  Saracens  ; 


28  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  v. 

that  the  husbandman  may  sing  them  as  he  follows  the  plow,  the 
weaver  hum  them  to  the  tune  of  his  shuttle,  the  traveler  beguile 
with  their  stories  the  tedium  of  his  journey. 

Addressing  the  scholastic  theologians,  he  shows  the  folly  of  pay- 
ing more  attention  to  the  writings  of  mediseval  divines  than  to  the 
simple,  plain  words  of  Christ  and  his  apostles ;  of  venerating  the 
worthless  relics  of  Christ  and  the  places  where  he  is  supposed  to 
,  have  been  when  upon  earth,  more  than  the  living  and  breathing 
pictures  of  Christ  in  the  New  Testament.  He  then  adds  a  short 
discussion  on  the  methods  of  studying  the  Scriptures.  The  Scriptures 
must  be  approached  with  reverence ;  being  food  for  the  soul,  they 
must  permeate  the  very  depths  of  the  heart  and  mind.  A  knowledge 
of  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  is  necessary,  and  is  to  be  acquired 
almost  with  less  labor  than  is  spent  every  day  over  the  miserable 
babble  of  one  mongrel  language  under  ignorant  teachers.  Other 
branches  of  knowledge,  natural  history,  geography,  dialectics, 
rhetoric,  etc.,  are  also  important.  To  understand  the  New  Testa- 
ment, a  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  Jews,  their  character,  in- 
stitutions, etc.,  is  also  necessary.  Again,  the  texts  of  Scripture  must 
not  be  taken  isolated  and  apart  from  the  connection,  but  must  be 
studied  with  full  reference  to  the  context.  Thus  Erasmus  set  forth 
principles  of  Scripture  interpretation  which  he  had  derived  from 
Colet,  but  which  were  far  in  advance  of  his  age. 

His  edition  of  the  New  Testament  and  his  paraphrases  and  com- 
mentaries, were  a  means  of  stimulating  and  directing  the  fruitful 
study  of  the  Scriptures.  From  this  time  many  learned  humanists 
began  to  study  the  New  Testament  as  never  before.  Most  of  the 
men  who  became  leaders  in  the  Reformation  owed  their  knowledge 
of  the  Scriptures  to  Erasmus :  to  some  extent,  Luther ;  still  more, 
Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  QEcolampadius,  Bucer,  Capito,  etc. 

(4)  German  Humanism,  a.  Reitclilin.  He  was  born  in 
1555  (ten  years  before  Erasmus),  at  Pforzheim,  and  was 
favored  with  early  educational  advantages.  He  was 
employed  when  fifteen  as  court  singer  in  the  Baden- 
Durlach  court,  and  was  sent  to  the  University  of  Paris 
by  the  Margrave  Karl  as  the  attendant  of  his  son, 
where  he  enjoyed  the  instruction  of  some  of  the  fore- 
most scholars  of  the  time,  and  learned  Greek.  He 
continued  his  studies  in  the  University  of  Basel  with 
a  native  Greek,  Andronikos  Kontoblakas,  as  one  of  his 
preceptors,  and  John  Wessel,  the  great  evangelical 
teacher  whom  he  had  met  in  Paris,  as  a  strong  spirit- 
ual influence.  He  was  admitted  to  the  degree  of  Mas- 
ter of  Philosophy  with  professorial  privileges  (1477); 
but  was  driven  from  the  university  because  of  preju- 
dice against  Greek  learning.  We  next  find  him  in  the 
University  of  Orleans  learning  and  teaching  (1478)  and 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  29 

gaining  the  bachelor's  degree  there  (1479).  After  study- 
ing law  at  the  University  of  Poitiers  he  returned  to  Ger- 
many (1481)  and  settled  in  TUbingen  as  an  advocate  and 
a  lecturer  in  the  university,  from  which  he  received  the 
degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws.  He  was  appointed  privy 
counselor  to  the  duke  of  Wiirtemberg  (1482),  whom  he 
accompanied  to  Rome  on  important  papal  business  and 
through  whom  he  had  the  opportunity  to  distinguish  him- 
self in  the  papal  court  by  a  Latin  oration  ;  he  entered  into 
intimate  relation  with  the  great  humanist  Hermolaus  Bar- 
baras, and  obtained  an  inside  view  of  the  great  Platonic 
school  of  the  Medici  in  Florence,  with  its  distinguished 
teachers,  Marsilius  Ficinus,  Pico  de  Mirandola,  Politanus, 
etc.,  whereby  he  became  profoundly  interested  in  Neo- 
Platonic,  Pythagorean,  and  Jewish  Cabbalistic  specula- 
tions. Occupied  chiefly  with  legal  and  administrative 
duties  for  his  ducal  patron  and  the  Dominican  Order 
(1484-1494),  he  found  little  time  for  his  beloved  studies. 
He  was  elevated  to  the  nobility  by  the  emperor,  and 
learned  Hebrew  from  a  converted  Jew.  He  published 
(1494)  his  religio-philosophical  work  "On  the  Wonderful 
Word  "  ("Df  yerbo  Mirifico  "),  which  added  to  his  fame 
and  passed  rapidly  through  many  editions,  but  also,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  aroused  much  suspicion 
among  the  orthodox.  In  1496  his  noble  patron  died  and 
he  was  brought  into  the  deepest  adversity,  including 
poverty  and  great  personal  danger.  He  at  last  settled 
at  Heidelberg  on  a  modest  salary  as  the  counsellor  of  the 
Elector  of  the  Palatinate  and  tutor  to  his  son,  and  was 
able  now  to  carry  forward  the  studies  that  had  for  some 
years  been  partially  interrupted.  He  visited  Rome  again 
on  behalf  of  the  elector  (1498)  and  availed  himself  of  the 
opportunity  to  perfect  his  Greek  and  Hebrew  learning. 
As  a  judicial  ofificer  for  the  Swabian  alliance  (1502  on- 
ward) he  devoted  his  leisure  largely  to  Hebrew  studies 
and  became  deeply  interested  in  the  Cabbala  and  other 
Jewish  theosophical  literature.  Consequently,  his  inter- 
est in  Jewish  literature  greatly  increased,  as  did  also 
his  friendship  for  Jews  by  reason  of  his  intimate  inter- 
course with  their  leading  scholars.  In  1505  he  published 
in  German  an  inquiry  :  "  Why  the  Jews  are  so  long  in 
Tribulation.^  "     The  reason  assigned  was  their  persist- 


30  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

ent  rejection  of  Christ  and  their  blaspheming  of  his 
name.  He  exhorts  Christians  to  seek  to  win  them  to 
Christianity  by  love  and  instruction.  This  was  followed 
by  a  Hebrew  grammar  (1506),  the  first  ever  prepared  by 
a  Christian.  He  gloried  in  having  erected  for  himself  a 
monument  more  lasting  than  brass,  being,  as  he  claimed, 
the  first  who  had  understood  how  to  regulate  in  a  book 
the  whole  Hebrew  language. 

in  1509  a  converted  Jew,  Joh.  Pfefferkorn  by  name, 
conceived  the  project  of  a  wholesale  conversion  of  the 
Jews  of  Germany  by  the  destruction  of  all  their  litera- 
ture, except  the  canonical  Scriptures,  and  the  infliction 
of  severe  penalties  for  refusal  to  accept  Christianity. 
Having  published  a  number  of  exhortations  to  rulers  to 
take  the  matter  earnestly  in  hand,  he  visited  the  Em- 
peror Maximilian  and  procured  from  him  a  mandate  re- 
quiring all  Jews  to  surrender  their  books  to  Pfefferkorn 
and  providing  him  with  the  authority  to  execute  the 
mandate.  Pfefferkorn  visited  Reuchlin  at  Stuttgart  and 
showing  him  the  mandate  requested  his  co-operation  in 
the  great  enterprise.  Nothing  could  have  been  more 
disgusting  to  Reuchlin  than  the  proposed  proceedings  ; 
but  he  was  not  courageous  and  he  contented  himself 
with  pointing  out  some  legal  defects  in  the  scheme,  it 
soon  became  evident  that  Pfefferkorn  and  the  theologians 
were  laying  a  snare  for  him.  The  next  year  he  was  re- 
quired by  an  imperial  mandate  to  give  his  opinion  re- 
specting the  advisability  of  destroying  the  books  of  the 
Jews.  His  answer  was  temporizing  in  a  high  degree  ; 
but  he  could  not  conceal  his  dislike  of  the  proposed  meas- 
ure. He  even  defended  the  Talmud  as  an  exposition  of 
the  Mosaic  law  and  the  Cabbala,  which  he  characterized 
as  "  the  great  mystery  of  the  speech  and  words  of  God," 
that  beyond  any  other  art  "  assures  us  of  the  divinity 
of  Christ."  The  Jews'  ceremonial  books,  he  thought, 
should  be  preserved,  as  their  worship  was  tolerated  by 
papal  and  imperial  laws.  He  knew  of  only  two  works, 
" Niyii/ion"  and  "  TliolcJotli  Jesc/m,"  that  were  blasphe- 
mous in  their  character.  His  advice  was:  "if  any  book 
be  found  in  the  conscious  possession  of  any  Jew  that 
with  express  words  insults,  mocks,  or  dishonors  our  Lord 
God,  Jesus,  his  worthy  mother,  the  saints,  or  the  Chris- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  $1 

tian  ordinances,  let  it  be  burned,  in  accordance  with  the 
imperial  mandate,  and  the  Jew  punished,  but  not  until  he 
has  been  properly  tried  and  sentence  pronounced."  He 
concludes  with  the  advice  that  the  literature  of  the  Jews 
be  not  burned,  but  that  "  by  reasonable  discussions  they 
should  be  gently  and  kindly,  and  with  God's  help,  per- 
suaded to  embrace  our  faith."  To  this  end  he  suggests 
that  the  emperor  require  every  German  university  to 
institute  and  maintain  for  ten  years  two  chairs  of  He- 
brew, the  books  needed  to  be  supplied  by  the  Jews. 

Reuchlin  stood  alone  in  his  view  of  the  matter,  the 
other  corporations  and  individuals  consulted  being  all 
in  favor  of  more  drastic  measures  for  the  extermination 
of  Judaism. 

Pfefferkorn,  when  he  had  ascertained  the  contents  of 
Reuchlin's  paper,  issued  a  scurrilous  pamphlet  in  which 
he  charged  Reuchlin  with  having  been  bribed  by  the 
Jews  to  pronounce  in  their  favor,  and  disparaged  his  He- 
brew scholarship.  Reuchlin  defended  himself  in  a  coun- 
ter-pamphlet, in  which  he  accused  Pfefferkorn  of  get- 
ting money  out  of  him  by  selling  him  behind  his  back 
at  a  bookstall  (referring  to  the  pamphlet).  "  He  has 
made  more  florins  out  of  me  than  Judas  made  pence  out 
of  our  Lord."  Reuchlin's  apology  was  sent  to  the  Uni- 
versity of  Cologne  for  criticism.  Having  learned  of  this, 
he  wrote  obsequious  letters  to  some  of  the  professors, 
seeking  to  minimize  the  gravity  of  his  offense  in  taking 
the  part  of  the  Jews  and  promising  to  retract  whatever 
might  be  found  in  his  writings  contrary  to  the  teachings 
of  the  church,  "  Have  patience  with  me,  and  1  will  pay 
thee  all.  Give  but  the  command,  and  I  will  sheathe  my 
sword  ;  when  the  cock  crows  I  will  weep  ;  thunder  first 
before  thou  lightenest."  Hochstraten  and  his  colleagues 
in  the  university,  thus  assured  of  his  cowardice,  pro- 
ceeded to  demand  a  complete  recantation  of  his  favorable 
opinion  regarding  the  Jews  and  their  literature,  and  the 
withdrawal  of  his  objectionable  writings  from  the  mar- 
ket. This  was  more  than  he  was  prepared  to  yield,  and 
encouraged  by  some  of  his  humanistic  friends,  he  again 
assumed  a  defiant  attitude  and  entered  into  a  sharp  con- 
troversy with  the  Cologne  theologians.  An  imperial 
mandate  was  secured  by  Hochstraten  for  the  seizure  and 


32  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

destruction  of  Reuchlin's  polemical  tracts.  Reuchlin  ap- 
pealed to  the  pope,  whose  humanistic  sympathies  led  him 
to  quash  the  proceedings,  notwithstanding  the  most  de- 
termined efforts  of  the  Dominicans  and  other  friends  of 
the  Inquisition  against  him.  This  papal  decision  aroused 
a  furor  in  Germany.  The  Cologne  extremists  denounced 
Cardinal  Grimani,  who  had  advocated  Reuchlin's  cause, 
disparaged  the  pope  by  calling  him  a  schoolboy,  and 
threatened  to  appeal  to  a  General  Council. 

The  effect  of  this  controversy  was  to  arouse  the  evan- 
gelical humanists  of  Germany  to  polemical  zeal  and  to 
multiply  the  enemies  of  blind  intolerance  and  bigotry. 
Many  of  the  young  men  who  were  to  play  a  prominent 
part  in  the  Protestant  Revolution,  such  as  Vadian,  Me- 
lanchthon,  Capito,  and  CEcolampadius,  championed  the 
cause  of  Reuchlin  and  were  thereby  prepared  for  the 
more  radical  work  of  later  years.  The  decision  in  Reuch- 
lin's favor  occurred  in  July,  1516,  the  year  before  the 
posting  of  Luther's  theses. 

These  proceedings  greatly  emboldened  the  German 
humanists  and  the  press  teemed  with  publications  in 
which  liberty  of  thought,  speech,  and  the  press  was  ad- 
vocated and  obscurantism  reprobated  and  mercilessly 
ridiculed.  The  most  noted  specimens  of  this  kind  of 
literature  are  the  writings  of  Ulrich  von  Hutten  and  the 
"  EpistolcB  Obsciironim  yirorum  "  (see  p.  34). 

The  quashing  of  the  proceedings  against  Reuchlin  in 
the  Roman  Curia  was  far  from  putting  an  end  to  the 
persecuting  measures  of  the  Dominicans,  in  15 19  Franz 
von  Sickingen,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Swabian 
League,  peremptorily  demanded  of  Hochstraten  and  his 
associates  that  they  cease  to  annoy  Reuchlin  and  that 
they  reimburse  him  for  the  losses  he  had  suffered  through 
them  ;  and  he  backed  up  his  demands  with  such  a  dis- 
play of  force,  that  after  many  efforts  at  evasion,  Hoch- 
straten resigned  his  offices  as  prior  and  inquisitor  and 
Reuchlin  received  his  damages  in  good  gold  ;  moreover, 
the  Dominicans  wrote,  at  Sickingen 's  dictation,  a  letter 
to  the  pope  commending  Reuchlin  and  requesting  the 
perpetual  suppression  of  proceedings  against  him.  In 
these  transactions  Sickingen  had  the  influential  support 
of  Ulrich  von  Hutten. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  33 

The  death  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian  I.  (January, 
1 5 19)  and  the  accession  of  Charles  V.  (June,  15 19),  fol- 
lowed by  the  excommunication  of  Luther  and  the  publica- 
tion of  his  defiantly  evangelical  works,  changed  the  tem- 
per of  the  Roman  Curia,  and  strengthened  for  the  time  the 
hands  of  the  Dominicans.  Hochstraten  resumed  his  offices, 
a  fresh  appeal  was  made  to  Rome  against  Reuchlin,  and  a 
papal  brief  was  secured  (summer  of  1520)  against  his 
books.  But  Reuchlin  had  recently  accepted  the  chair 
of  Greek  and  Hebrew  at  Ingoldstadt  on  the  invitation  of 
the  Duke  of  Bavaria.  He  resided  in  the  house  of  Dr. 
Joh.  Eck,  the  great  opponent  of  Luther,  and  while  he 
advised  against  the  burning  of  Luther's  books,  he  pub- 
lished a  vindication  of  himself  against  charges  of  sym- 
pathy with  Luther,  that  greatly  disgusted  Hutten  and 
Sickingen  and  his  humanistic  friends  in  general.  Hutten 
wrote  : 

I  have  read  your  letter  to  the  Bavarians,  in  which  you  answer  the 
accusations  of  Leo  X.  hninortal  gods,  what  do  1  see?  So  deeply 
have  you  sunk  in  fear  and  weakness,  that  you  do  not  even  refrain 
from  insulting  those  who  have  wished  to  rescue  you  and  sometimes 
incurred  danger  in  your  behalf.  .  .  Do  you  hope,  by  this  disgrace- 
ful flattery,  to  conciliate  those  to  whom,  if  you  are  a  man,  you  ought 
not  even  to  send  a  greeting?  But  make  it  up  with  them,  if  you  can, 
and,  if  your  age  permits,  do  that  which  you  say  you  wish  to  do,  go 
to  Rome  and  kiss  the  pope's  feet ;  and  since  you  are  not  ashamed  to 
do  it,  write  against  us  into  the  bargain.  Then  it  will  be  seen  that  it 
is  against  your  will  that  we  shake  off  the  ignominious  yoke,  and 
that  you  agree  with  the  godless  priests  in  opposing  us.  1  am  ashamed 
to  have  written  and  done  so  much  for  you,  since  you  end  the  affair 
for  which  we  have  bestirred  ourselves  so  manfully  in  this  wretched 
way.  I  could  not  have  believed  it  of  you.  .  .  if  ever  you  oppose  Lu- 
ther's cause,  or  make  your  submission  to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  you 
shall  know  that  1  do  not  at  all  agree  with  you. 

The  correspondence,  of  which  this  is  an  extract,  is 
highly  significant  as  showing  the  moral  weakness  of 
Reuchlin,  who  had  done  so  much  for  the  promotion  of 
freedom  of  thought  and  the  preparation  of  Germany  for 
the  Protestant  Revolution,  and  the  stanchness  of  the 
support  that  Luther  received  from  the  humanistic  knights. 

Reuchlin  tried   in    vain  to  restrain    Melanchthon,  his 

nephew,   from  following  Luther   in    his   revolt   against 

Rome,  and  refused  to  leave  him  his  great  library  because 

his  advice  was  unheeded.     He  was  recalled  to  TUbingen, 

c 


34  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

where  he  again  taught  Hebrew  and  Greek,  and  died  at 
Stuttgart  in  June,  1522,  at  peace  with  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic Church. 

b.  Other  German  Humanists.  Mention  has  been  made 
of  the  knights  Ulrich  von  Hiittcn  and  Fran:^  von  Sickingen 
as  the  stanch  defenders  of  Reuchlin  and  freedom  of 
thought  over  against  monkish  and  priestly  intolerance 
and  obscurantism.  Sickingen,  a  bitter  enemy  of  the 
papacy  and  a  stalwart  friend  of  Luther,  fell  in  battle 
with  the  Count  Palatine  (May,  1525).  Hutten  was  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  literary  men  of  the  age  as  well  as 
one  of  the  most  courageous  warriors.  No  man  did  more 
during  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century  toward 
bringing  monkish  and  priestly  corruptions  and  supersti- 
tions into  contempt,  or  for  the  promotion  of  civil  and  re- 
ligious freedom.  His  writings  were  very  widely  circu- 
lated and  influenced  vast  numbers  to  throw  off  the  papal 
yoke  and  to  take  up  arms  against  imperial  and  papal  op- 
pression. It  is  probable  that  to  him,  more  than  to  Luther, 
was  due  the  militant  character  of  German  Protestantism. 
Hutten  and  Sickingen  alike  combined  political  and  selfish 
ends  with  their  determination  to  break  the  power  of  the 
hierarchy  and  did  not  hesitate  to  appeal  to  the  cupidity 
of  the  German  nobles.  Luther  owed  much  to  the  coun- 
tenance and  protection  of  these  knights  and  their  asso- 
ciates, and  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  profound  in- 
fluence they  exerted  on  the  character  of  his  reformatory 
efforts.  Hutten  died  in  deep  poverty  of  a  loathsome  dis- 
ease, due  to  early  excesses,  in  August  or  September, 
1523.  His  last  years  were  embittered  by  controversy 
with  Erasmus,  to  whom  he  had  earlier  been  deeply  in- 
debted, but  who  was  utterly  averse  to  his  rash  polemics 
and  warlike  enterprises. 

One  of  the  most  effective  defenders  of  Reuchlin,  as 
the  editor  and  principal  writer  of  the  "  Episto/(V  Obscuro- 
rum  Virorum,"  was  Crotus  Rubianus  (Joh.  Jager),  pro- 
fessor in  Erfurt  (twice  rector  of  the  university,  1520, 
etc.),  distinguished  for  his  power  of  humorous  invective 
rather  than  for  moral  earnestness.  In  the  preparation 
of  the  "  Epistohv"  (15 14-15 16)  he  had  the  co-operation  of 
Hutten,  Mutianus  Rufus,  and  Eobanus  Hessus.  The 
"  Epistles"  purport  to  be  correspondence  among  the  Do- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  35 

minican  opponents  of  Reuchlin.  They  are  written  in  the 
most  barbarous  of  monkish  Latin  and  in  them  are  naively 
set  forth  the  ignorance,  superstition,  intolerance,  avarice, 
and  fear  of  the  new  learning  that  characterized  the  sup- 
posed authors.  Europe  was  convulsed  with  laughter  by 
this  masterpiece  of  satire.  For  a  time  many  of  the 
monks  are  said  to  have  taken  them  seriously  and  to 
have  enjoyed  them  as  good  expositions  of  their  views. 
Humanists  everywhere  enjoyed  the  sharp  thrusts  that  the 
"  Epistles  "  contained  against  Hochstraten  and  the  Domin- 
icans. Erasmus  was  amused,  but  thought  the  authors 
had  carried  their  fun  too  far.  Luther  was  pleased  with 
the  idea,  but  not  altogether  with  the  execution.  Some 
of  the  pieces  ascribed  to  Hutten  are  indecent  in  their 
ribaldry.  On  the  whole,  it  was  one  of  the  most  effective 
of  the  literary  defenses  of  freedom  of  thought  and  it  con- 
tributed much  toward  the  preparation  of  humanistically 
inclined  minds  for  the  Protestant  Revolution.  Crotus, 
after  supporting  Luther's  cause  for  a  while,  became  his 
bitter  opponent  and  died  a  Catholic. 

One  of  the  most  striking  figures  among  the  German 
humanists  at  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  is  Willi- 
hald  Pirkheimer,  a  leading  citizen  of  Nuremberg,  the  chief 
center  of  humanistic  culture  in  Germany.  Pirkheimer 
has  been  likened  to  a  Roman  patrician.  Of  noble  birth 
and  ample  wealth,  of  splendid  culture,  of  courtly  man- 
ners, he  was  already  at  the  beginning  of  the  century  a 
man  of  mark.  He  was  a  friend  of  Erasmus  and  of  Hut- 
ten  and  was  valiant  in  defense  of  Reuchlin.  hi  1520 
he  incurred  ecclesiastical  censure  by  publishing  anony- 
mously a  satire  on  Eck,  after  the  Leipzig  disputation. 
The  papal  bull  against  Luther  procured  by  Eck  involved 
the  condemnation  of  Pirkheimer.  To  save  his  city  from 
embarrassment  he  made  a  sort  of  recantation.  Like 
Erasmus  he  was  averse  to  violent  proceedings,  but  up 
to  1524  he  gave  his  moral  support  to  Luther.  After  the 
outbreak  of  the  Peasants'  War  he  withdrew  his  support 
from  the  Protestant  cause,  although  he  was  never  sym- 
pathetic with  the  Romish  hierarchy.  He  died  in  1530, 
longing  for  civil  and  religious  peace.  Closely  associated 
with  Pirkheimer  were  Diirer,  the  painter,  and  Sachs,  the 
poet. 


36  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

2.  Erasmic  Efforts  at  Reform. 

(i)  General  Reformatory  Efforts  of  Erasmus  and  his 
School.  Erasmus  was  on  the  most  intimate  terms  with 
popes,  cardinals,  archbishops,  princes,  and  nobles.  In 
correspondence  with  such  men,  he  expressed  freely  his 
views  of  reform.  Especially  great  was  his  influence  in 
the  court  of  John  111.  of  Cleve,  who,  under  Erasmus'  in- 
fluence (1532  onward),  yielded  to  the  desire  for  reform 
that  resulted  from  the  presence  of  Lutheranism,  and  in- 
stituted a  half-way  reformation.  With  the  legislation  in 
favor  of  certain  reforms  was  coupled  the  severest  legis- 
lation against  Lutheranism. 

According  to  this  reformatory  scheme,  Roman  Catho- 
lic worship,  ordinances,  and  officers  were  to  remain  un- 
disturbed. But  the  gospel  was  to  be  preached  clearly 
and  intelligibly  by  the  priests,  who,  however,  were  to 
confine  themselves  to  the  plainest  moral  and  edificatory 
preaching  and  to  refrain  from  everything  calculated  to 
cause  tumult.  All  evangelical  preaching  by  unordained 
men,  and  all  innovations  against  the  sacraments,  sing- 
ing, reading,  and  ceremonies  of  the  church,  were  strictly 
forbidden. 

The  most  immediate  promoter  of  this  scheme  was 
Heresbach,  a  humanist  of  ability  and  learning,  to  whom 
was  entrusted  the  education  of  John's  son,  William,  and 
who,  for  many  years,  was  privy  counsellor  to  father  and 
son.  Yet  he  was  guided  by  Erasmus.  After  Erasmus' 
death,  Heresbach  came  under  the  influence  of  Melanch- 
thon,  and  through  the  latter  William  was  led  to  sign  the 
Augsburg  Confession.  Luther  spoke  of  Duke  John's  or- 
dinance of  reformation,  as  "  bad  German,  bad  gospel  ; 
everything  that  comes  from  Erasmus  is  as  full  of  theology 
as  my  shank  is  of  pepper." 

Erasmus  was,  during  his  whole  active  life,  earnestly 
desirous  of  reformation.  Until  Germany  became  in- 
volved in  tumult,  through  what  he  regarded  as  the  rash- 
ness of  Luther,  he  favored  and  commended  Luther.  We 
shall  see  how  he  was  brought  to  condemn  him. 

(2)  Erasmus'  Idea  of  Reformation.  Erasmus  was  con- 
stitutionally and  utterly  averse  to  war  and  tumultuous 
or  revolutionary  proceedings  of  every  sort.     He  was  by 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  37 

nature  a  peacemaker.  His  letters  to  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical rulers  abound  in  pleas  for  peace.  Personally,  his 
health  and  temperament  were  such  that  he  required  the 
utmost  quiet  and  care  in  order  that  he  might  be  at  all 
comfortable.  The  thought  of  Europe  involved  in  a  relig- 
ious war  was  to  him  simply  horrible.  If  the  church  could 
not  be  reformed  without  revolution,  let  it  remain  unre- 
formed.  He  believed  that  the  new  learning  properly  ap- 
plied in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  in  the  elevation 
of  the  standard  of  taste  and  propriety,  would  put  an  end 
to  abuses.  "  These  must  be  tolerated  until  an  opportu- 
nity arises  for  correcting  them  without  creating  disor- 
der." 

3.  Erasmus  as  an  Opponent  of  Liitheranism  and 

Zwinglianism. 

Erasmus  was  at  first  favorable  to  Luther.  He  depre- 
cated Luther's  impetuosity,  and  strove  in  every  way  to 
induce  him  to  be  cautious.  Although  he  tried  to  prevent 
the  printing  of  Luther's  works  at  Basel,  he  yet  regarded 
Luther  as  a  good  man  and  as  a  friend  of  the  new  learn- 
ing. The  outcries  against  Luther  he  attributed  to  Lu- 
ther's zeal  for  the  new  learning  and  his  contempt  for 
scholasticism. 

In  an  epistle  (1518),  Erasmus  wrote :"  Luther  has  given  many 
excellent  thoughts.  If  in  this  he  had  only  gone  to  work  mildly,  the 
number  of  his  favorers  would  have  been  greater,  and  the  religion  of 
Christ  would  have  gained  more  thereby.  Nevertheless  it  would  be 
unaccountable  if  one  should  not  be  favorable  to  him  for  the  good  he 
has  done." 

In  an  epistle  to  Cardinal  Wolsey  (i;i8):  "It  is  certainly  no  small 
matter  that  even  the  enemies  of  Luther  find  him  so  irreproachable, 
that  thev  cannot  make  the  slightest  charge  against  him.  But  if  1 
had  the  'utmost  license,  I  would  not  arrogate  so  much  to  myself  as 
to  be  willing  to  pronounce  upon  the  writings  of  so  great  a  man.  .  . 
Against  Luther  I  have  sometimes  been  too  unjust,  lest  any  odium 
should  fall  upon  good  letters,  which  I  was  unwilling  should  be  fur- 
ther burdened.  For  neither  did  it  escape  me  how  odious  a  thing  it 
is  to  interfere  with  those  things  whence  a  rich  harvest  is  meted  to 
priests  or  monks." 

In  1 519,  in  answer  to  a  most  adulatory  letter  in  which  Luther  in- 
troduced himself  to  Erasmus,  he  informs  Luther  of  the  sensation 
that  his  books  have  created  at  Louvain  and  the  difficulty  that  he 
himself  has  experienced  in  warding  off  the  suspicion  of  having  had 
to  do  with  their  composition.     "  Some  supposed  that  a  pretext  was 


38  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

given  to  them  whereby  they  might  oppress  good  letters,  to  which 
they  bear  deadly  hatred,  and  me  whom  they  suppose  of  some  mo- 
ment for  arousing  studies."  He  has  testified  that  he  does  not  know 
Luther,  has  not  read  his  booi<s,  neither  approves  nor  disapproves  of 
anything,  only  he  has  admonished  against  condemning  before  the 
people  books  that  have  not  been  even  read. 

He  writes  to  Luther:  "in  England  you  have  those  that  favor 
greatly  your  writings,  and  that  too  of  the  greatest.  There  are  also 
here  (Louvain),  those  that  favor  your  books,  of  whom  one  is  a  man 
of  distinction.  1  keep  myself  neutral  {integrum),  as  far  as  possible, 
in  order  that  1  may  be  of  more  protU  to  good  letters  now  reviving. 
And  to  me  civil  modesty  seems  more  profitable  than  impetuosity.  So 
Christ  brought  the  world  under  his  sway,  it  is  more  expedient  to 
cry  out  against  those  that  abuse  the  authority  of  the  popes,  than 
against  the  popes  themselves.  The  same  concerning  kings.  The 
schools  ought  not  to  be  spurned  so  much  as  recalled  to  more  sober 
studies.  Concerning  things  that  are  too  firmly  rooted  to  admit  of 
being  suddenly  plucked  out  of  the  people's  minds,  we  should  dispute 
with  close  and  efficacious  arguments  rather  than  asseverate.  Every- 
where we  must  take  care  not  to  speak  or  do  anything  arrogantly  or 
factitiously.  .  .  Meanwhile,  the  disposition  {jnimns)  must  be  pre- 
served from  becoming  corrupted  by  anger,  hatred,  or  glory."  He 
has  glanced  at  Luther's  "  Commentary  on  the  Psalms."  It  pleases 
him  exceedingly,  and  he  hopes  that  it  will  do  much  good. 

Up  to  June,  1 5 19,  therefore,  Erasmus  has  not  come  to 
despair  of  Luther.  He  still  hopes  by  gentle  admonition 
to  be  able  to  keep  him  within  due  bounds.  Yet  we  see 
even  here  how  strongly  he  disapproves  of  Luther's  im- 
petuosity. Luther  did  not  profit  by  Erasmus'  admoni- 
tion, but  during  the  next  few  months  published  all  the 
most  revolutionary  of  his  writings. 

Though  Erasmus  was  more  guarded  in  his  expressions 
of  sympathy  after  Leo  X.  had  issued  his  bull  of  ex- 
communication against  Luther  (which  Luther  promptly 
burnt),  yet  even  after  this,  he  wrote  to  Spalatin,  the 
secretary  and  court-preacher  of  the  Elector  Frederick : 

The  best  and  most  pious  men  are  grieved,  not  through  Luther's 
propositions,  but  through  the  severe  hull  of  the  pope,  which  is  un- 
becoming to  a  vicar  of  Christ.  Luther  has  been  condemned  by  two 
universities  ;  but  he  has  not  been  refuted.  .  .  The  world  is  seized  by 
an  eagerness  for  evangelical  truth,  and  neither  must  this  be  resisted 
with  violence,  nor  is  it  well  that  the  emperor  should  contaminate  the 
inauguration  of  his  reign  with  severe  regulations." 

He  insists  that  this  letter  shall  be  keep  private  and  re- 
turned to  him  ;  but  greatly  to  his  chagrin  it  was  soon 
printed  and  scattered  everywhere. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  39 

After  the  Diet  at  Worms,  where  Luther  was  put  under 
the  imperial  ban  (1521),  Erasmus  became  more  and  more 
shy  of  the  Lutherans.  He  was  denounced  by  them  as 
lacking  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  The  abuse  that 
he  received  from  the  Lutherans  created  in  him  a  grow- 
ing aversion  to  the  party.  The  papists,  on  the  other 
hand,  complained  of  him  because  he  would  not  come 
out  boldly  against  Luther. 

Even  in  1524  he  wrote  to  Melanchthon  :  "  This  I  promise,  that  I 
will  never  knowingly  take  up  arms  against  evangelical  truth  ;  and 
on  this  account  1  have  feared  up  to  this  time  to  impugn  what  dis- 
pleases me  in  Luther,  lest  1  should  also  overthrow  the  true.  Nay,  1  seek 
at  every  opportunity  to  bring  it  about,  that  by  means  of  the  bitter, 
strong  medicine  that  Luther  has  given  to  the  world,  the  life  of  the 
church  may  come  to  health." 

The  strife  between  Lutherans,  Zwinglians,  and  Ana- 
baptists, was  a  great  offense  to  Erasmus.  The  Peasants' 
War  was  also  threatening  Germany.  Moreover,  Eras- 
mus was  strongly  urged  by  the  papists  to  write  against 
Luther.  In  1524  he  wrote  his  treatise  on  "Free  Will  " 
C' De  Libero  Arbitrio").  Luther  replied  in  his  treatise 
"Concerning  the  Enslaved  Will"  (^'De  Servo  Arbitrio"). 
Erasmus  had  not  been  abusive  in  his  polemics,  but  had 
attempted  to  point  out  the  antinomian  tendency  of 
Luther's  doctrine.  Luther  replied  in  the  most  abusive 
style.  Erasmus,  now  thoroughly  provoked,  rejoined  in 
the  "  Hyperaspistes  "  in  a  style  almost  as  severe  as  Lu- 
ther's own. 

The  estrangement  between  Luther  and  Erasmus  was 
now  complete.  From  this  time  forward,  Luther  speaks 
of  Erasmus  as  a  "  disciple  of  Lucian  "  ;  a  "  disciple  of 
Epicurus";  an  "  enemy  of  all  religions,  especially  the 
Christian";  "the  vilest  miscreant  that  ever  disgraced 
the  earth."  Whenever  he  prays,  he  prays  for  a  curse 
on  Erasmus.  Yet  Erasmus  never  forsook  entirely  his 
middle  position. 

In  conclusion,  we  may  say  that  Erasmus  was  a  man 
of  extraordinary  intellectual  enlightenment  and  of  gen- 
erous impulses,  a  friend  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  reform, 
an  apostle  of  culture,  and  a  consistent  advocate  of  peace. 
His  peace-loving  nature  led  him  to  abhor  tumult,  even 
when  the  end  was  religious   reformation.     Tumult   he 


40  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

thought  was  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  Christ.  Abuses 
were  to  be  tolerated,  until  an  opportunity  should  occur 
for  abolishing  them  peacefully. 

HI.  THE  LUTHERAN  REFORMATION. 

Literature  :  Works  of  Luther  in  various  editions  :  Wittenberg, 
12  vols.  Germ,  (1539-1559),  7  vols.  Lat.  (1545-1558) ;  Jena,  8  vols. 
Germ., 4  vols.  Lat.  (1555-1558),  and  2  supplem.  vols.,  ed.  Aurifaber 
(1564-1565);  Halle,  ed.  Wakh,  24  vols.,  Lat.  works  tr.  into  Germ., 
and  manv  important  \vritinj4s  of  opponents  added  (1740-1753) ;  Erlan- 
gen,  ed.  Irmischer  et  al.,  67  vols.  Germ.,  38  vols.  Lat.  ( 1826  onward) ; 
Weimar,  ed.  Knaake  et  al.,  under  the  patronage  of  the  German 
emperor,  in  process  of  publication  and  will  surpass  all  others  in  com- 
pleteness and  typographical  excellence  (1883  onw.)  ;  "  T3riefe,"  ed. 
De  Wette  and  Seidemann,  6  vols.  (1825-1856) ;  annotated  popular  ed. 
of  select  works,  in  Germ.,  Braunschweig  (1889-1892)  ;  "  The  Ninety- 
five  Theses  and  the  Three  Primary  Works,"  Eng.  tr.,  ed.  Wace  and 
Buchheim,  1883  ;  Eng.  tr.  of  "  Table-Talk  "  and  "  Com.  on  Gala- 
tians,"  var.  ed.  Works  of  Melanchthon,  Spalatin,  Justus  Jonas, 
Bugenhagen,  Brentz,  Amsdorf,  Major,  Matthias  Flacius  lllyricus, 
Agricola,  and  other  Lutheran  reformers  (see  specifications  in  biograph- 
ical articles  in  Hauck-Herzog  and  Schaft-Herzog).  For  biogra- 
phies of  the  various  reformers  see  bibliographies  in  articles  in  Hauck- 
Herzog  and  Schaff-Herzog.  Contemporary  controversial  Roman 
Catholic  writings  of  Eck,  Faber,  Emser,  Witzel,  Cochla?us,  Prier- 
ias,  Aleander,  etc.  Collections  of  documents  by  Gerdesius,  Neu- 
decker,  Seidemann,  Forstermann,  etc.,  and  by  various  editors  in 
"  Zeitschrift  f.  Kirchengeschichte,''^  "  Historische  Zeitsclinft,''''  and  Other 
periodicals.  Seebohm,  "  The  Prot.  Revolution  "  ;  Fisher,  "  Hist,  of 
the  Ref.";  Beard,  "  The  Ref.  of  the  Sixteenth  Cent."  ("  Hibbert 
Lectures,"  1885)  ;  Hausser,  "  The  Period  of  the  Reformation,"  Eng. 
tr.,  2  vols.,  1873  ;  Hagenbach,  "  Historv  of  the  Reformation,"  2 
vols.  (Eng.  tr.),  1879;  Schaff,  "Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.,"  Vol.  VI. 
(the  entire  vol.  is  devoted  to  the  Lutheran  movement  up  to  1530 
and  is  remarkably  full  of  documentary  and  bibliographical  ma- 
terials) ;  Schaff,  "The  Creeds  of  Christendom";  Walker,  "The 
Reformation,"  1900  ;  Bezold,  "  Gesch.  d.  deiitschni  Ref.,^^  1886 
onw.  ;  Hagen,  "  Detitschlands  lit.  u.  rel.  Verhalttiisse  im  Reforniatious- 
leitalter,''''  3  Bde.,  1841-1844  ;  Janssen,  ''Deutsche  Gesch.  seii  d. /Ins- 
gang  d.  M.  /^.,"  Bde.  II.  u.  111.  ;  "  Lives  of  Luther"  bv  Cochla?us, 
Audin,  Koestlin  (Eng.  tr.),  Kolde  (1884-1893),  Rae  (1884),  Bavne 
(1887),  Jacob  (1898),  Mitchell  (1899);  Dollinger,  "  D;>  Reformation, 
ihre  Entwickltiia;  und  ihre  ll'irktnigen  iin  Unifaiioe  des  Ititherislicheti  Be- 
keiDitiiisses,'^  3  Bde.,  1846-1848;  Krauth,  "The  Conservative  Refor- 
mation and  its  Theology";  Ranke,  '''Deutsche  Gesch.  im  Zeitalter 
der  Reformation,''''  6  Bde.,  6th  ed.,  1881  ;  Dorner,  "  Hist,  of  Prot. 
Theol.,"  (Eng.  tr. )  ;  Pertinent  sections  in  the  manuals  of  church  his- 
tory, especially  those  of  Gieseler,  Moller  (ed.  Kawerau),  Sheldon,  and 
Hurst.  Monographs  on  special  phases  of  the  movement  will  be  re- 
ferred to  from  time  to  time. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  4I 

I.  Preliminary  Observations. 

(i)  Whatever  opinion  may  be  held  regarding  the 
soundness  and  value  of  his  reformatory  work,  Martin 
Luther  is  by  common  consent  the  central  figure  in  the 
Protestant  Revolution.  In  an  important  sense  he  was 
the  product  of  the  economic,  social,  political,  ethical,  and 
religious  conditions  that  prevailed  in  Saxony  during  the 
closing  years  of  the  fifteenth  and  the  early  years  of  the 
sixteenth  century  ;  in  an  equally  important  sense  his 
powerful  personality  gave  shape  and  direction  to  the 
great  politico-religious  movement  with  which  his  name 
has  become  so  closely  associated.  Luther  was  influ- 
enced by  and  partially  embodied  in  his  reformatory 
scheme  all  of  the  various  reformatory  forces  that  had 
been  developed  during  the  mediaeval  time.  It  was  im- 
practicable, with  such  a  combination  of  influences  and 
purposes,  for  the  highest  ideal  to  be  reached,  viz,  the 
restoration  of  Christianity  to  its  primitive  purity  and  sim- 
plicity. The  politico-ecclesiastical  movement  known  as 
Lutheranism  involved  in  itself  many  inconsistencies.  It 
failed  to  produce  among  the  people  the  high  standard  of 
Christian  living  that  the  leaders  themselves  considered 
desirable  ;  it  speedily  became  as  openly  intolerant  and 
as  atrocious  in  its  persecuting  measures  as  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  which  it  sought  to  supplant ;  and  the 
principles  and  methods  adopted  at  the  beginning  ren- 
dered inevitable  the  religious  wars  that  so  fearfully  dev- 
astated Europe  from  1545  to  1648. 

(2)  It  was  no  accident  that  the  leader  of  the  Protestant 
Revolution  should  have  been  a  Saxon  ;  for  we  have  seen 
that  economic  and  social  conditions,  based  primarily  on 
the  exploitation  of  the  mineral  resources  of  the  country, 
had  destroyed  the  equilibrium  of  the  social  classes  and 
produced  a  strong  and  general  desire  for  reform  ;  while 
the  wealth  of  the  country  had  led  the  hierarchy  to  over- 
reach itself  in  its  practice  of  extortion. 

(3)  It  was  no  accident  that  the  leader  should  have 
been  the  son  of  a  peasant  ;  for  the  Saxon  peasants,  and 
especially  the  mining  peasants,  had  become  deeply 
conscious  of  their  wrongs  and  aggressive  in  their  de- 
mands for  reform.     That  Luther's  peasant  father  should 


42  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

have  had  ambition  enough  to  plan  for  the  education 
of  his  son  for  a  professional  career  shows  that  he  was  no 
common  serf,  but  that  he  and  his  class  had  risen  already 
to  a  feeling  of  manly  dignity  that  did  not  belong  to  peas- 
ants always  and  everywhere. 

(4)  Neither  was  it  accidental  that  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony, whose  wealth  and  wisdom  placed  him  at  the  head 
of  the  German  nobles  and  put  the  imperial  dignity  with- 
in his  reach,  and  who  had  founded  the  university  in 
which  the  great  son  of  a  peasant  had  for  years  been 
doing  noble  work,  should  have  become  the  political  leader 
of  the  revolt,  and  should  thereby  have  made  it  appear  to 
the  interest  of  less  powerful  princes  to  join  in  the  effort 
to  throw  off  the  Roman  incubus. 

(5)  When  we  consider  that  the  interests  at  stake  were 
quite  as  much  economic  and  political  as  religious,  it  is 
not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Luther  was  content  with  a 
measure  of  reform  that  fell  far  short  of  the  restoration  of 
primitive  Christianity. 

(6)  Again,  Luther's  peasant  origin,  peasant  sympa- 
thies, peasant  simplicity,  directness,  and  roughness 
(even  coarseness)  of  speech  ;  his  earnest  pleas  for  lib- 
erty and  equality  ;  his  intimate  relations  with  the  Saxon 
rulers  ;  his  commanding  powers  of  intellect,  emotion,  and 
will  ;  his  intense  earnestness  and  zeal  ;  his  hearty  cham- 
pionship of  German  rights  over  against  foreign  exploita- 
tion and  oppression  ;  and  his  apparent  disposition,  during 
the  early  years  of  his  leadership,  to  adhere  to  the  pure 
word  of  God  without  human  additions,  for  which  the  old 
evangelicals  of  every  type  so  earnestly  contended,  uni- 
ted nearly  all  classes  of  Germans  in  his  support  and 
made  him  a  hero  and  champion.  Different  classes  sup- 
ported him  from  different  motives  and  great  crises  were 
needed  in  order  that  each  class  might  test  the  extent  to 
which  his  interests  and  purposes  coincided  with  theirs. 

2.  Luther's  Early  Life  to  i$o^. 

It  does  not  seem  best  to  occupy  space  here  with  a  de- 
tailed sketch  of  Luther's  life,  the  main  facts  of  which 
are  familiar  and  easily  accessible  in  popular  works. 
Born  (probably  Nov.  10,  1483)  of  hard-working  mining 
peasants,  of  rather  unusual   force  of  character  and  of 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  43 

deep  piety,  his  early  life  was  embittered  by  poverty 
and  harsh  domestic  treatment  that  drove  him  at  last, 
broken  in  spirit,  into  a  convent.  Ambitious  for  his 
advancement,  his  father  had  provided  him  with  the 
best  educational  facilities  within  his  reach  and  at  a  very 
early  age  he  could  read  Latin.  While  pursuing  his  studies 
at  Magdeburg  and  Eisenach  he  supported  himself,  at 
least  in  part,  by  singing  from  door  to  door.  At  the  lat- 
ter place,  Ursula  Cotta,  attracted  by  his  sweet  voice 
and  his  devoutness,  became  his  true  friend  and  helper. 
hi  1 501  he  entered  the  University  of  Erfurt,  where  he 
not  only  pursued  the  ordinary  studies  of  the  medieval 
curriculum,  but  came  somewhat  in  touch  with  the  new 
learning  and  read  a  number  of  the  Latin  classics.  Lu- 
ther never  became  so  thoroughly  imbued  with  humanism 
as  did  Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  OEcolampadius,  and  others, 
the  superior  attractiveness  of  Augustine  and  the  German 
mystics,  to  whose  writings  and  modes  of  thought  the  de- 
vout Staupitz  introduced  him,  having  secured  the  fore- 
most place  in  his  affection  and  interest.  In  1502  he 
secured  his  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts,  and  in  1505  that 
of  Master  of  Arts.  Shortly  afterward  (summer  of  the 
same  year)  he  assumed  monastic  vows  as  a  member  of 
the  Augustinian  convent  at  Erfurt.  His  conversion  fol- 
lowed almost  immediately.  The  relations  of  Luther  to 
Staupitz,  because  of  the  importance  of  Staupitz  himself 
and  of  his  influence  on  Luther  demand  treatment  in  a 
separate  section. 

3.  Staupit^  and  Luther. 

Literature  :  '' Johannis  StaupHH opera,'"  ed.  Knaake,  1867  onw. ; 
Keller,  "J.  von  Staupitz";  Kolde,  ''J.  von  SiatipH^  ein  IValdenser 
unci  IViedert'attfcr^''  (in  answer  to  Keller,  '' Zeitschr.  fur  Kirchen- 
gesch.,''  1885) ;  Dieckhoff,  "  T>ie  Theologie  d.  J.  von  Staupit^"  1887  ; 
Kolde,  "  Die  deutsche  tAugustiner  Congregation  u.  J.  von  Staupii^,"  1879. 

(i)  Sketch  of  Johann  von  Staiipit:(.  Staupitz  is  com- 
monly regarded  as  an  evangelically  disposed  official  of 
the  Augustinian  Order,  who  was  able  at  a  critical  period 
in  Luther's  experience  to  give  him  the  spiritual  guidance 
that  emancipated  him  from  superstitious  dependence  on 
dead  works  as  a  means  of  salvation,  and  constituted  him 
a  free  man  in  Christ ;  but  little  is  popularly  known  re- 


44  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

garding  the  personalty  of  the  great  Augustinian  or  his 
later  relations  to  Luther. 

Of  noble  lineage,  he  early  became  closely  associated 
with  the  Saxon  princes.  At  an  early  age  he  became  a 
member  of  the  Augustinian  Order,  which  laid  much 
stress  on  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  the  writings 
of  Augustine,  the  great  theological  thinker  of  the  fourth 
and  fifth  centuries.  Under  the  influence  of  the  new  learn- 
ing and  of  evangelical  mysticism,  many  of  the  members  of 
the  order  had  already  conceived  a  strong  dislike  for  the 
dry  and  barren  scholastic  theology  that  still  held  sway 
in  the  universities,  and  for  Aristotle,  to  whose  influence 
the  objectionable  features  of  scholasticism  were  com- 
monly attributed.  In  1497  Staupitz  was  already  Master 
of  Arts  and  reader  in  theology.  For  some  years  after 
this  he  carried  on  conjointly,  at  Tiibingen,  theological 
study  and  teaching  and  the  administration  (as  prior)  of 
the  Augustinian  monastery  there.  In  1498  he  became 
Biblical  Bachelor  (a  degree  attained  on  the  completion 
of  several  years  of  Bible  study),  and  in  1500  he  attained 
to  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Theology.  By  this  time  he 
had  become  greatly  distinguished  for  learning,  religious 
zeal,  and  administrative  ability,  and  his  services  as  teacher 
and  monastic  official  were  in  great  demand.  His  social 
gifts  were  likewise  of  a  high  order,  and  he  was  much 
sought  after  by  the  wealthy  and  the  noble  of  the  more 
evangelical  and  intellectual  sort,  whom  he  was  able  pro- 
foundly to  influence  in  wholesome  ways. 

In  1503  he  was  appointed  Vicar  General  of  the  Ger- 
man Congregation  of  the  Observants,  a  reform  party 
among  the  Augustinians,  that  laid  special  stress  on  strict 
living  and  inner  Christian  life.  In  this  position  he  la- 
bored with  great  earnestness  and  zeal  for  the  spiritual 
well-being  of  those  committed  to  his  care,  and  for  their 
advancement  in  evangelical  knowledge. 

From  1502  onward,  in  addition  to  his  official  duties  in 
connection  with  his  order,  he  aided  Frederick  the  Wise 
in  establishing  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  and,  in 
compliance  with  his  wishes,  became  Professor  of  The- 
ology and  Dean  of  the  Theological  Faculty  of  the  new 
institution.  Frederick  was  among  the  wealthiest  and 
most  enlightened  princes  of  the  time.     The  rich  mines 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  45 

of  Saxony  had  filled  his  coffers  to  overflowing.  He  had 
become  deeply  conscious  of  the  corruptions  of  papal  ad- 
ministration, and  along  with  many  of  the  German  princes 
was  no  doubt  already  beginning  to  resent  the  undue  ex- 
ploitation of  Germany  by  the  Roman  Curia.  That  he 
should  have  called  upon  the  earnest  and  spiritually 
minded  Staupitz  to  impress  his  personality  on  the  or- 
ganization and  work  of  the  university,  would  in  itself 
sufficiently  attest  the  nobility  of  his  motives  in  devoting 
his  wealth  to  Christian  education. 

That  evangelical  Augustinianism  should  have  been 
the  dominant  influence  in  the  university  from  the  begin- 
ning, was  what  might  have  been  expected.  Staupitz 
was  not  only  a  diligent  and  devout  student  of  the  Scrip- 
tures and  of  the  writings  of  Augustine,  but  he  had  be- 
come deeply  imbued  with  the  evangelical  mysticism  of 
the  mediaeval  time,  that  found  its  best  literary  expression 
in  the  sermons  of  Tauler  and  in  the  little  work  entitled 
"  German  Theology,"  and  had  been  diffused  very  widely 
among  old  evangelical  Christians  of  nearly  every  type, 
inside  and  outside  of  the  dominant  church.  He  had  be- 
come profoundly  convinced  that  religion  is  not  a  matter 
of  forms  and  ceremonies,  or  even  of  formulated  creed, 
but  that  it  is  a  matter  of  direct  communion  between  the 
individual  soul  and  God  ;  that  salvation  is  not  gained  by 
outward  works,  but  by  inward  transformation  of  char- 
acter;  that  justification  is  by  faith,  by  which  he  under- 
stood not  a  mere  intellectual  acceptation  of  the  divine 
promises  and  provisions,  but  a  complete  surrender  of 
the  entire  being  to  God  and  an  inward  appropriation 
of  Christ,  involving  fellowship  with  his  sufferings  and 
his  sacrificial  life  and  death. 

(2)  The  Conversion  of  Luther.  In  1505,  on  the  occasion 
of  an  official  visitation  to  the  monastery  at  Erfurt,  his 
attention  was  called  to  a  gifted  young  man  named  Mar- 
tin Luther,  who  had  become  deeply  conscious  of  his 
guilt  in  relation  to  a  holy  God,  and  who  in  sore  distress 
was  vainly  striving  by  bodily  mortifications  and  the  ob- 
servance of  external  forms  to  pacify  his  troubled  soul. 
Staupitz's  earnest  spiritual  words  were  to  him  "  as  a  voice 
from  heaven."  He  was  taught  to  look  upon  God  as  a 
God  of  love,  earnestly  desirous  of  the  salvation  of  fallen 


46  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  V. 

men,  and  to  this  end  making  an  infinite  sacrifice  in  the 
person  of  his  only  begotten  and  well-beloved  Son,  and 
was  enabled  to  see  that  this  great  salvation  is  to  be  ap- 
propriated by  faith,  involving,  as  already  explained,  not 
mere  intellectual  acceptance  of  a  proposition  or  assur- 
ance regarding  a  fact,  but  a  complete  surrender  of  the 
being  to  God,  and  an  inner  appropriation  of  Christ  as  the 
controlling  principle  of  the  life. 

(3)  Luther  at  Wittenberg.  It  was  through  Staupitz's 
influence  that  Luther,  already  a  Master  of  Arts  in  the 
University  of  Erfurt,  was  transferred  to  the  Augustinian 
monastery  at  Wittenberg  (1508),  where  he  soon  became 
Biblical  Bachelor  and  Sententiary  (1509),  and  after  a 
further  period  of  work  at  Erfurt  and  a  visit  to  Rome, 
Professor  of  Theology  and  Doctor  of  Theology  (15 12). 
In  1 5 10,  or  earlier,  Staupitz  had  become  involved  in  con- 
troversy with  certain  of  his  Augustinian  brethren,  and 
on  his  behalf  Luther  visited  Rome  (1510-1511),  where  he 
became  intimately  acquainted  with  the  heathenish  life 
of  the  Roman  Curia.  Luxury  and  license  were  every- 
where in  evidence,  and  he  now  realized,  as  never  before, 
the  uses  that  were  being  made  of  the  vast  sums  of  money 
that  were  being  extorted  year  by  year  from  the  German 
people,  who  were  yet  held  in  contempt  by  the  courtly 
Italians.  He  entered  upon  his  professorial  duties  at  Wit- 
tenberg, profoundly  realizing  the  corrupt  state  of  the 
ecclesiastical  administration  and  the  exploited  and  op- 
pressed condition  of  the  German  people.  He  was  ear- 
nestly desirous  alike  of  ecclesiastical  reform  and  of  the 
alleviation  of  the  burdens  under  which  his  people  were 
groaning.  Staupitz  had  introduced  Luther  to  the  study 
of  the  German  mystics,  as  well  as  to  that  of  Augustine 
and  the  Bible.  The  next  few  years  of  Luther's  life  were 
devoted  largely  to  these  studies. 

(4)  Statipiti  leaves  Wittenberg.  Having  established 
Luther  in  a  Wittenberg  chair,  along  with  Carlstadt,  also 
a  devout  student  of  the  Bible,  Augustine,  and  the  mys- 
tics, Staupitz  left  the  university,  being,  as  he  remarked, 
"  thoroughly  dissatisfied  with  the  times."  Educational 
work,  under  the  conditions  that  prevailed,  no  longer 
satisfied  the  longings  of  his  soul.  He  preferred  to  de- 
vote himself  to  visitation  among  the  monasteries  of  Ger- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  47 

many,  Austria,  and  the  Netherlands,  which  offered  a 
wide  and  fruitful  field  for  the  dissemination  of  his  evan- 
gelical principles  and  for  the  inculcation  of  the  type  of 
spiritual  life  that  he  represented.  Outside  of  the  mon- 
asteries, he  had  access  in  his  journeyings  to  circles  of 
earnest,  enlightened,  evangelical  men,  who,  being  dis- 
gusted with  the  prevailing  ignorance,  superstition,  and 
corruption,  were  eager  for  the  guidance  of  a  gifted  man 
like  Staupitz,  who  could  speak  to  them  in  eloquent,  soul- 
moving  language,  out  of  the  depths  of  his  own  experi- 
ence, of  the  things  of  God. 

(5J  The  Stanpit:{ian  Society  of  Nuremberg.  Nuremberg, 
which  had  long  been  a  center  of  evangelical  and  hu- 
manistic life  and  thought,  was  one  of  his  favorite  resorts. 
Here  lie  was  always  welcomed  by  a  circle  of  devout  and 
intelligent  men,  including  some  of  the  most  distinguished 
people  of  the  city,  who  formed  themselves  into  a  "Stau- 
pitzian  Society,"  and  as  such  discussed  with  the  utmost 
freedom,  under  his  guidance,  the  great  questions  of  life 
and  doctrine  that  were  agitating  men's  minds. 

Here  Staupitz  was  looked  upon,  to  use  the  language  of  one  of  the 
members  of  the  society,  "  as  a  disciple,  nay,  as  the  very  tongue  of 
Paul,"  as  "  a  herald  of  the  gospel  and  a  genuine  divine."  "  The 
foremost  people  of  Nuremberg,"  says  this  contemporary,  regarded 
him  as  "  the  one  who  should  free  Israel,"  that  is  to  say,  should  lead 
in  a  general  and  thorough  reformation  of  the  church.  The  Nurem- 
berg Staupitzian  Society  embraced  such  distinguished  men  as  Anton 
Tucher,  Jerome  Ebner,  and  Albert  Diirer,  the  painter.  Such  socie- 
ties abounded  at  this  time,  and  it  is  probable  that  much  of  Staupitz's 
strength  was  devoted  to  the  organization  and  development  of  these 
means  of  diffusing  and  intensifying  spiritual  life  and  light. 

In  turning  aside  from  Wittenberg,  where  he  had  estab- 
lished able  representatives  of  his  principles,  to  these 
wider  spheres  of  intellectual  and  spiritual  influence,  it  is 
probable  that  Staupitz  followed  not  only  the  bent  of  his 
own  mind,  but  also  the  leadings  of  divine  Providence, 
and  that  in  this  way  he  used  to  the  best  advantage  his 
rich  social  gifts  and  his  wonderful  personal  power. 

From  1 515  onward,  Staupitz  published  a  number  of 
small  works  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  evan- 
gelical mysticism.  Notable  among  these  was  his  "Imi- 
tation of  Christ,"  issued  by  a  Nuremberg  publisher,  who 


48  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

three  years  before  had  published  a  defense  of  the  Wal- 
denses.  This  devotional  writing,  as  well  as  Staupitz's 
treatise  on  "The  Love  of  God"  (1518),  received  Lu- 
ther's most  cordial  approval,  and  both  were  widely  cir- 
culated. 

(6)  Luther  and  the '' German  Theology.''  In  15 16  Lu- 
ther published  for  the  first  time  from  a  manuscript,  with 
the  warmest  commendation,  the  "  German  Theology," 
an  anonymous  mystical  work,  written  some  two  hun- 
dred years  before,  and  long  a  favorite  handbook  among 
evangelical  mystics. 

In  his  preface  to  the  second  edition  (1518)1  he  wrote :  "  I  will  have 
every  man  warned  who  readetii  tiiis  little  book,  that  he  should  not 
take  offense,  to  his  own  hurt,  at  its  bad  German,  or  its  crabbed  and 
uncouth  words.  For  tiiis  noble  book,  though  it  be  poor  and  rude  in 
words,  is  so  much  the  richer  and  more  precious  in  knowledge  and 
divine  wisdom.  And  I  will  say,  though  it  be  boasting  of  myself, 
and  '  I  speak  as  a  fool,'  that  next  to  the  Bible  and  St.  Augustine,  no 
book  hath  ever  come  into  my  hands,  whence  I  have  learned,  or 
would  wish  to  learn,  more  of  what  God,  and  Christ,  and  man,  and 
all  things  are ;  and  now  I  first  find  the  truth  of  what  certain  of  the 
learned  have  said  in  scorn  of  us  theologians  of  Wittenberg,  that  we 
would  be  thought  to  put  forward  new  things,  as  though  there  had 
never  been  men  elsewhere  and  before  our  time.  Yea,  verily,  there 
have  been  men  ;  but  God's  wrath,  provoked  by  our  sins,  hath  not 
judged  us  worthy  to  see  and  hear  them.  .  .  Let  as  many  as  w  ill 
read  this  little  book,  and  then  say  whether  theology  is  a  new  or  old 
thing  among  us :  for  tiiis  book  is  not  new.  .  .  I  thank  God  that  i 
have  heard  and  found  my  God  in  the  German  tongue,  as  neither  I 
nor  they  have  found  him  in  the  Latin,  Greek,  or  Hebrew  tongue. 
God  grant  that  this  book  may  be  spread  abroad,  then  we  shall  find 
that  the  German  theologians  are  without  doubt  the  best  theolo- 
gians." 

This  work  passed  rapidly  through  ten  editions  (1516- 
1520).  The  circulation  by  Luther  of  this  book,  with  his 
enthusiastic  commendation,  makes  it  abundantly  evident 
that  up  to  1 5 18  and  later,  Luther  was  in  thorough  ac- 
cord with  the  earlier  evangelical  mystics  and  with  Stau- 
pitz,  and  had  not  the  least  thought  of  innovation. 

(7)  Luther  a  Standard-bearer  of  Evangelical  Mysticism. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  when  Luther  posted  his 
theses  against  the  sale  of  indulgences  in  15 17,  and  thereby 
brought  himself  under  ecclesiastical  censure,  and  when 
he  proceeded  to  publish  a  number  of  polemical  tracts  on 
indulgences,   monastic   vows,  etc.,  he   had   the   enthu- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  49 

siastic  support  of  Staupitz  and  his  Nuremberg  friends, 
and  of  evangelical  mystics  and  evangelical  humanists 
everywhere.  It  was  Staupitz,  as  Luther  claimed  at  this 
time,  who  had  incited  him  against  the  pope.  Scheurl, 
of  Nuremberg,  greeted  Luther  in  15 18  as  the  one  raised  up 
of  God  to  lead  the  people  of  Israel  out  of  their  captivity. 
The  old  evangelicals  of  the  Waldensian  type,  including 
the  Bohemian  Brethren,  with  their  multitude  of  ad- 
herents, rejoiced  in  Luther's  bold  and  evangelical  utter- 
ances, and  hastened,  in  many  cases,  to  array  themselves 
among  his  followers.  Many  who  had  secretly  enter- 
tained evangelical  views,  and  had  been  quietly  propa- 
gating them  in  and  through  secret  societies,  now  became 
avowed  evangelicals. 

In  his  tract  on  "Indulgences,"  Luther  expressed  the 
highest  admiration  for  Tauler,  the  mystic  :  "  As  regards 
Tauler's  teachings,"  he  writes,  "although  he  is  un- 
known by  the  theologians,  and  on  this  account  held  in 
contempt  among  them,  yet  I  know,  although  he  is  through 
and  through  German,  that  I  have  found  in  his  writings 
more  of  pure  divine  teaching  than  I  have  found  in  all  the 
books  of  the  schoolmen  at  all  the  universities,  or  may  be 
found  therein." 

Thus,  from  15 17  to  1520,  Luther  was  the  standard- 
bearer  of  the  older  evangelical  type  of  religious  life  and 
thought.  In  1 5 18  he  wrote  to  Staupitz  that  his  (Luther's 
own)  name  had  become  odious  to  many,  yet  he  had 
only  followed  Tauler's  theology  and  Staupitz's  little  book 
recently  published,  and  he  still  regarded  Staupitz  as  the 
means  under  God  of  his  spiritual  enlightenment. 

(8)  Luther  Drifts  Away  from  Staupiti.  In  October,  15 19, 
when  Staupitz  had  unduly  delayed  answering  Luther's 
letter,  he  wrote  :  "  Thou  forsakest  me  all  too  much  ;  on 
thine  account  I  was  very  sad,  longing  as  a  weaned  child 
longs  for  its  mother,  .  ,  Last  night  I  dreamed  of  thee. 
It  seemed  as  if  thou  hadst  abandoned  me  ;  but  I  wept 
bitterly  and  was  troubled.  Thou  beckonedst  with  thy 
hand  that  thou  wouldst  return  to  me." 

No  doubt  Luther's  recent  proceedings  had  called  forth 
Staupitz's  disapproval,  and  his  failure  to  answer  the  let- 
ter promptly  may  have  been  due  to  Staupitz's  realiza- 
tion of  the  fact  that  an  ever-widening  breach  existed  be- 

D 


50  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

tween  him  and  Luther.  Luther  was  becoming  involved 
in  errors,  as  Staupitz  saw,  that  would  destroy  all  possi- 
bility of  fellowship  with  old  evangelicals  of  every  party. 
By  1522  Luther  had  drifted  so  far  from  the  old  evan- 
gelical position  of  Staupitz  as  to  be  able  to  write  :  "  Stau- 
pitz's  letters  I  do  not  understand,  except  that  I  see  that 
they  are  very  empty  in  spirit ;  besides,  he  does  not  write  to 
me  as  he  used  to  do.  May  God  bring  him  back."  There  is 
no  evidence  that  Staupitz  had  changed  in  the  slightest 
degree  his  attitude  toward  truth.  Luther  was  steadily 
changing,  and  with  childlike  simplicity  he  affected  to  be- 
lieve that  he  was  the  fixed  point  from  which  Staupitz 
was  drifting  away. 

Luther's  change  of  base  can  be  easily  accounted  for.  The  icono- 
clastic proceedings  of  the  Zwickau  prophets  and  of  Carlstadt  had 
tilled  him  with  alarm,  and  he  had  reached  a  definite  conclusion  that 
the  only  way  in  which  the  papal  power,  backed  up  by  the  imperial, 
could  be  successfully  resisted  was  by  keeping  the  anti-papal  move- 
ment in  accord  with  the  wishes  of  tlie  German  princes,  whose  in- 
terests led  them  to  oppose  pope  and  emperor,  and  by  preventing,  at 
whatever  cost,  any  radical  and  revolutionary  uprisings.  He  had 
broken  definitely  with  the  papacy  and  the  imperial  administration, 
and  the  armed  supix>rt  of  the  German  princes  he  regarded  as  indis- 
pensable. The  practical,  political,  militant  side  of  the  work  in 
which  he  had  become  engaged  no  doubt  tended  to  eliminate  from  his 
thinking  the  sweet  reasonableness  of  the  older  mysticism,  and  to  in- 
duce the  harsher  modes  of  thought  and  expression  that  characterized 
his  later  work. 

By  1524  Luther  had  not  only  completely  broken  with 
the  papacy,  but  had  established  a  State-church  system, 
in  which  he  claimed  and  exercised  a  virtual  dictatorship. 
He  had  driven  Carlstadt,  his  great  evangelical  co-laborer 
and  fellow-student  of  mysticism,  from  the  university, 
and  afterward  from  pillar  to  post,  and  was  inciting  the 
princes  to  violent  persecuting  measures.  The  Peasants' 
War  was  already  imminent,  and  he  was  exhorting  his 
noble  patrons  to  stern  repressive  proceedings.  In  April 
of  this  year  Staupitz  wrote  Luther  that  he  was  too  stupid 
to  comprehend  the  latter's  actions,  and  begged  for- 
giveness for  passing  them  by  in  silence.  "May  Christ 
help  that  we  may  at  last  live  according  to  the  gospel, 
which  now  sounds  in  our  ears  and  which  many  carry  in 
the  mouth  ;  since  I  see  that  multitudes  abuse  the  gospel 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  5 1 

for  the  freedom  of  the  flesh.  May  my  prayers,  seeing 
that  I  was  once  the  forerunner  of  the  holy  evangelical 
teaching,  still  avail  somewhat  with  thee." 

(9)  Luther  Openly  Denouneed  by  Staiipiti.  By  1525  the 
Peasants'  War  had  burst  forth,  and  Luther  had,  by  his 
sanguinary  exhortations  involving  the  utter  repudiation 
of  the  principles  of  the  old  evangelical  party,  and  by  his 
declaration  of  war  to  the  knife  with  evangelical  dissent, 
fully  demonstrated  his  quality.  Staupitz,  now  nearing 
his  end,  being  deeply  disappointed  and  grieved  by  the 
later  developments  in  Luther's  teachings  and  reforma- 
tory measures,  published  his  last  writing  on  "  Holy,  True, 
Christian  Faith." 

In  this  work  he  handles  his  great  disciple  without  gloves.  He 
contrasts  "title-Christians,"  or  Christians  in  name  and  by  pro- 
fession, with  "true  Christians."  Evidently  Luther's  teachings  are 
meant  when  he  speaks  of  those  who  promulgate  among  men  "  a 
foolish  faith  and  separate  evangelical  life  from  faith.  .  .  They  di- 
vide and  separate  also  works  from  faith,  as  if  one  might  truly  be- 
lieve without  being  brought  into  harmony  with  the  life  of  Christ. 
Oh,  poison  of  the  enemy  !  Oh,  misguiding  of  the  people  !  He  be- 
lieveth  not  at  all  in  Christ  who  will  nut  do  as  Christ  has  done.  Hear 
the  word  of  fools  [meaning  Luther  and  his  followers]  :  '  He  who 
believes  in  Christ  needs  no  works.'  Hear,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
maxims  of  wisdom  :  '  Whosoever  will  serve  me,  let  him  deny  him- 
self, and  take  up  his  cross  daily  and  follow  me '  :  '  Whosoever  loveth 
me  will  keep  my  word'  ;  '  He  that  hath  my  commandments  and 
keepeth  them,  he  it  is  that  loveth  me  and  is  loved  of  my  Father,  and 
1  will  love  him  and  will  manifest  myself  to  him.'  Likewise,  '  if 
thou  wilt  enter  into  life,  keep  the  commandments.'  David  asks, 
'  Who  shall  ascend  into  the  hill  of  the  Lord,  and  who  shall  stand  in 
his  holy  place? '  Answer:  '  He  that  hath  clean  hands  and  a  pure 
heart,'  etc.  But  the  evil  spirit  suggests  to  his  carnal  Christians 
[Lutherans],  that  men  are  justified  without  works,  with  the  intima- 
tion that  Paul  preached  in  this  way,  as  is  falsely  and  lyingly  im- 
puted to  him.  Paul  indeed  preached  against  the  works  of  the  law, 
which  spring  from  fear  and  not  from  love,  from  self-love  and  not 
from  love  to  God,  on  which  hypocrites  base  their  confidence,  putting 
man's  salvation  in  external  works.  .  .  But  works  done  in  obedience 
to  the  heavenly  commandments,  in  faith  and  love,  Paul  never 
thought  evil  and  never  said  aught  but  the  best  about  them  ;  nay,  he 
proclaims  and  preaches  that  they  are  needful  and  useful  to  blessed- 
ness, of  which  all  his  Epistles  bear  witness.  Christ  will  have  the 
law  fulfilled  ;  fools  would  blot  it  out.  Paul  praises  the  law  that  it 
is  good  ;  fools  denounce  it  as  evil,  because  they  walk  according  to 
the  forms  of  the  flesh,  and  savor  not  the  things  of  the  Spirit." 

Staupitz  died  before  this  work  issued  from  the  press, 


52  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V, 

and  Luther  regarded  his  death  as  a  divine  judgment  be- 
cause of  his  opposition  to  the  truth  ! 

From  this  time  forth  Luther  gave  no  quarter  to  evan- 
gelical dissent  in  any  form  ;  but  urged  the  princes  on  to 
the  commission  of  every  atrocity  against  all  who  could 
not  accept  his  own  views  of  doctrine  and  polity. 

4.  Lutheranism  as  a  Revolutionary  (Movement. 

The  entire  movement  was,  in  its  tendency  and  results, 
revolutionary  ;  but  during  the  earlier  years  alone  was  it 
such  in  its  aim. 

(i)  C/iaracteri{ation  of  Luther.  Luther  was  a  man  of 
profound  religious  nature,  who  had  been  led  by  over- 
whelming conviction  of  sin  and  experience  of  divine 
grace,  through  the  study  of  the  Scriptures,  of  the  writ- 
ings of  Augustine  and  of  the  great  German  mystics  of 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries,  and  through  the 
influence  of  the  revival  of  learning,  to  repudiate  all  efforts 
to  secure  salvation  by  outward  observances,  and  to  re- 
gard salvation  as  entirely  a  matter  of  grace,  and  the  hu- 
man means  of  attaining  to  justification  as  faith  in  Jesus 
Christ.  He  had  become  noted  for  his  piety  and  learning 
long  before  15 17,  and  was  already  beginning  to  be  widely 
known  and  honored  for  his  writings. 

As  teacher  in  the  new  University  of  Wittenberg  he 
had,  since  15 12,  exerted  a  powerful  influence  in  favor  of 
biblical  studies,  and  against  scliolasticism.  Luther's  let- 
ters from  1 5 12-15 17,  show  that  he  was  constantly  getting 
clearer  views  of  evangelical  truth,  and  was  gradually 
coming  to  a  state  of  preparedness  for  the  work  of  an  active 
reformer.  Yet  with  all  his  evangelical  views,  he  was 
still  a  strong  believer  in  the  hierarchical  church,  and 
would  have  been  shocked  at  the  very  suggestion  of 
schism. 

Luther  was,  by  nature,  a  man  of  strong  passions  and 
great  energy  of  will.  When  he  entered  upon  the  work 
of  reform,  he  was  dominated  by  the  conviction  that  his 
cause  was  the  cause  of  God.  Taking  this  for  granted, 
he  could  brook  no  opposition.  Those  who  opposed  him 
were  undoubtedly  opponents  of  God  and  emissaries  of 
Satan.  The  violence  of  his  polemical  language  is  almost 
without  parallel.     When  aroused  by  opposition,  he  lost 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  53 

all  regard  for  decency,  and  sometimes,  apparently,  even 
for  truth.  Those  who  opposed  him,  and  in  him  the  cause 
of  God,  were  ipso  facto,  shown  to  be  utterly  reprobate 
and  capable  of  all  sorts  of  iniquity.  We  can  best  under- 
stand Luther's  work  by  regarding  him  as  filled  with  the 
idea  that  he  had  a  great  mission  to  perform  as  an  apostle 
of  God,  and  that  all  opposition  to  his  work  was  prompted 
by  the  devil. 

It  seems  probable  that  at  the  beginning  of  his  reforma- 
tory career,  Luther's  motives  were  pure,  but  that  his 
character  was  seriously  damaged  by  his  experiences  as 
a  politico-ecclesiastical  leader.  Toward  the  close  of  his 
life,  he  became  almost  intolerable,  even  to  his  friends, 
so  great  was  his  bitterness  and  his  intolerance  of  the 
least  opposition. 

He  spent  his  life  in  trying  to  tear  down  papal  authority  ; 
but  he  certainly  tried  to  arrogate  to  himself  almost  equal 
supremacy — not  for  his  own  sake,  perhaps,  but  because 
he  regarded  himself  as  the  great  representative  of  God's 
cause  on  earth. 

(2)  Luther  and  Indulgences.  The  Elector  and  Arch- 
bishop Albert  of  Mainz,  had  made  an  arrangement  with 
Leo  X.  to  raise  a  large  sum  of  money  by  the  sale  of  in- 
dulgences. The  Fugger  firm  of  bankers  in  Augsburg 
had  made  heavy  advances  to  the  elector  and  were  largely 
interested  in  the  indulgence  traffic.  An  agent  of  the  firm 
accompanied  the  indulgence  preacher  and  took  charge 
of  the  receipts.  The  pope  was  to  have  one-half  of  the 
proceeds  for  the  building  of  St.  Peter's  Cathedral  and 
the  payment  of  his  debts.  Tetzel,  who  was  said  to  have 
been  previously  condemned  to  death  for  crime,  was  ap- 
pointed, among  others,  to  preach  the  indulgences  through- 
out the  country.  These  preachers  went  forth  with  great 
pomp,  entering  cities  accompanied  by  immense  proces- 
sions, with  cross  and  banners  and  a  papal  Bull  printed 
in  large  letters. 

Among  the  directions  given  to  the  preachers  were  the 
following  : 

The  indulgence  preachers  are  always  to  show  the  people  how 
necessary  indulgences  are  to  one  wishing  to  have  eternal  life  ;  and  to 
disclose  and  make  manifest  to  the  people  the  immense  and  inestima- 
ble fruit  of  indulgences  for  themselves,  and  for  the  souls  of  believers. 


54  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

They  are  to  relate  to  the  people  the  fact  that  Julius  II.  demulished 
the  church  of  St.  Peter,  with  a  view  to  rebuilding  it,  and  that  its  re- 
building has  been  begun  on  such  a  grand  scale  that  the  entire  rev- 
enues of  the  Roman  See  would  not  suffice  for  its  completion  ;  that 
the  bones  and  relics  of  the  martyrs  are  now  exposed  to  rain  and 
storm,  and  that  those  who  bear  regard  to  the  martyrs,  to  St.  Peter, 
and  to  Christ,  ought  to  contribute  to  this  end.  But  in  order  to  in- 
cite them  to  perform  their  duty  in  this  regard,  the  pope  has  granted 
plenary  indulgence  to  all  who  will  contribute.  The  first  grace  is  the 
plenary  remission  of  all  sins.  The  second  grace  contains  seven 
great  privileges:  that  of  choosing  one's  own  confessor;  that  of 
changing  vows  into  other  works  of  piety  (the  building  of  St.  Peter's, 
etc.);  participation  of  all  the  good  deeds  of  the  universal  church 
(prayers,  alms,  fasts,  pilgrimages,  etc.);  the  plenary  remission  of 
the  sins  of  those  in  purgatory,  etc.  Then  follows  a  large  number  of 
instructions,  including  compositions  with  simoniacs,  with  those  ir- 
regularly ordained,  with  those  married  within  prohibited  degrees, 
with  those  that  have  wrongly  got  possession  of  property,  and  to 
whom  it  is  inconvenient  to  restore  it  to  the  proper  persons ;  and  pro- 
visions for  putting  into  the  papal  treasury  all  moneys  with  regard  to 
the  rightful  possession  of  which  there  existed  any  doubt,  etc' 

Tetzel  probably  went  beyond  this  most  liberal  code 
of  indulgences,  and  proposed  to  forgive  all  sins  absolutely 
as  soon  as  the  money  clinked  in  the  chest,  even  if  any 
one  had  deflowered  the  Virgin  Mary.  The  Elector  of 
Saxony  had  forbidden  the  sale  of  indulgences  in  his 
territory.  Hence  the  preachers  could  not  go  to  Witten- 
berg. But  Tetzel  came  to  a  neighboring  town  and  drew 
large  numbers  of  people  from  Wittenberg.  Luther  saw 
the  harm  that  was  being  done  alike  to  the  souls  and  to 
the  purses  of  the  people.  His  soul  was  stirred  within 
him.  He  wrote  to  Albert,  Archbishop  of  Mainz  and 
Magdeburg,  etc.,  protesting  against  the  indulgence  traffic. 
But  having  no  confidence  in  the  result  of  the  letter,  as 
it  would  seem,  he,  on  the  same  day  (Oct.  31,  1517), 
posted  ninety-five  theses  concerning  indulgences  on  the 
door  of  the  castle  church  in  Wittenberg,  and  sent  copies 
to  the  bishops  of  Brandenburg  and  Magdeburg,  exhort- 
ing them  to  rise  up  against  the  abomination. 

The  ninety-five  theses  were  in  substance  as  follows :  That  God 
alone  can  bestow  true  absolution  ;  that  the  pope,  like  any  other 
bishop  or  pastor,  can  only  dispense  this  divine  absolution  to  peni- 
tents and  believers.     That  priestly  absolution  might  indeed  be  bene- 

*  See  documents  in  Gerdesius,  "Hist.  Evangelii  n{_enovati,"  Vol.  I.,  p.  83  of 
"  Monumetila,"  and  extracts  in  Gieseler. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  55 

ficial,  but  could  not  be  indispensable,  nor  should  it  be  esteemed  more 
highly  than  works  of  piety  and  mercy.  That  such  absolution  pro- 
perly referred  only  to  ecclesiastical  penalties,  and  that  it  was  then  so 
much  abused  by  traders  in  indulgences,  and  so  misunderstood  by 
the  people,  that  if  the  pope  knew  what  was  going  on,  he  would 
rather  see  St.  Peter's  Church  go  into  ashes,  than  see  it  built  of  the 
skin  and  bones  of  his  sheep.  He  represents  laymen  as  arguing, 
"  That  if  the  pope  has  the  power  for  a  paltry  sum  of  money  to  re- 
deem souls  from  purgatory,  he  ought  on  account  of  most  holy  charity 
and  the  utmost  need  of  souls,  to  empty  purgatory."  And  even  the 
learned  theologians,  he  says,  find  it  difficult  to  defend  the  reverence 
of  the  pope  from  such  calumnies  and  questionings.  He  takes  up 
one  by  one  a  large  number  of  the  extravagant  claims  of  the  indul- 
gence preachers,  and  refutes  them  briefly,  fortifying  the  statements 
with  references  to  Councils  and  Fathers. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  such  a  document  should  have 
aroused  the  opposition  of  those  who  were  interested  in 
the  indulgence  traffic. 

(3)  Luther's  Theses  Condemned  by  the  Pope  and  Luther 
Summoned  to  Rome.  Tetzel  and  Prierias  (Master  of  the 
Sacred  Palace  at  Rome),  wrote  against  Luther  in  favor 
of  indulgences.  Luther  sent  a  copy  of  his  theses  to  the 
pope,  accompanied  by  a  letter,  in  which  he  expresses  a 
firm  conviction  that  his  position  is  true  and  orthodox, 
but  submitting  unconditionally  to  his  superiors.  He  was 
summoned  (Aug.,  1518)  to  appear  at  Rome  ;  but  the 
Elector  Frederick  arranged  that  he  should  be  examined 
at  Augsburg  by  the  Cardinal  Legate  Cajetan  (Oct., 
1 5 18).  Neither  kindness  nor  threats,  on  the  part  of 
Cajetan,  availed  anything  with  Luther.  His  failure  to 
render  satisfaction  to  Cajetan  involved  his  excommuni- 
cation by  the  pope.  He  now  appealed  from  the  pope  ill- 
informed,  to  the  pope  better  informed  ;  but  soon  after- 
ward, feeling  sure  that  he  could  get  no  justice  from  the 
Roman  Curia,  he  appealed  to  a  General  Council. 

(4)  The  /Attitude  of  the  Elector  Frederick  toward  Luther. 
Frederick  was  a  man  of  enlightened  views,  and  was  on 
the  most  friendly  terms  with  Luther,  As  he  was  one  of 
the  most  important  men  in  the  empire,  his  support  of  Lu- 
ther was  dreaded  by  the  pope,  who  wrote  to  Frederick, 
exhorting  him  by  no  means  to  uphold  Luther  in  his  dis- 
obedience and  heresy.  After  the  Augsburg  conference, 
Cajetan  wrote  to  Frederick,  giving  him  an  account  of 
Luther's  conduct,  and  asking  him  either  to  send  Luther 


56  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

to  Rome,  or  to  banish  him  from  his  realm.  Luther  also 
wrote  to  the  elector,  giving  his  view  of  the  conference, 
and  replying  to  Cajetan.  Cajetan  had  accused  Luther 
of  rejecting  a  decretal  of  Clement  VL  with  regard  to  in- 
dulgences. Luther  replied  that  this  decretal  is  clearly 
opposed  to  the  historical  sense  of  the  passage  of  Scrip- 
ture on  which  it  claims  to  be  based,  and  that  while  re- 
jecting neither  the  decretal  nor  the  Scripture,  he  is  bound 
to  give  the  preference  to  the  latter.  Nay,  the  popes  and 
the  Fathers  have  often  tortured  Scripture  from  its  true 
sense.  The  attitude  of  Cajetan  in  the  conference,  ac- 
cording to  both  accounts,  was  that  of  a  superior,  who 
did  not  deign  to  argue  with  the  miserable  monk  ;  but  in  a 
paternal  way  demanded  of  him  unconditional  submission, 
and  warned  him  to  be  solicitous  for  the  salvation  of  his 
soul.  Luther  was  willing  to  submit  only  when  proved 
to  be  wrong.  Frederick  refused  to  banish  Luther  or  to 
send  him  to  Rome.  He  considered  Luther's  demand  to 
be  arraigned  before  an  impartial  tribunal  in  Germany 
nothing  more  than  was  reasonable. 

The  pope  being  anxious  to  secure  the  influence  of 
Frederick,  deputed  Miltitz,  a  Saxon  nobleman  and  cham- 
berlain in  the  papal  court,  to  go  to  Saxony  and  treat 
with  Frederick  and  Luther.  Miltitz's  opinion,  after  travel- 
ing through  Germany,  was,  that  public  opinion  was  so 
strongly  in  favor  of  Luther,  that  even  if  he  had  an  army 
at  his  command  he  could  not  take  Luther  to  Rome. 

(5)  Luther's  Conference  with  {Mi/tit^.  Miltitz  sum- 
moned Luther  in  a  friendly  manner  to  meet  him  at  Al- 
tenberg  (Jan.,  15 19).  He  acknowledged  the  evil  of  the 
indulgence  traffic,  and  denounced  Tetzel  so  strongly 
that  he  is  said  to  have  died  of  chagrin  ;  but  he  entreated 
Luther  not  to  make  of  this  abuse  an  occasion  for  schism. 
Luther  agreed  to  keep  silent  as  long  as  his  opponents 
should  do  the  same.  Moreover,  he  would  write  to  the  pope, 
and  assure  him  that  he  had  been  too  warm  and  severe 
in  his  polemics  ;  but  that  he  inveighed  against  abuses  as 
a  true  child  of  the  church.  Moreover,  he  would  publish 
a  tract  in  which  he  would  exhort  everybody  to  follow 
the  Roman  Church,  to  be  obedient  and  respectful  to  its 
dignitaries,  to  understand  his  writings,  not  to  the  dishonor, 
but  rather  to  the  honor  of  the  holy  Roman  Church,  and 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  57 

to  look  upon  some  of  his  expressions  as  too  warm  and 
perhaps  untimely.  Again,  lie  was  willing  to  submit  his 
cause  to  the  Archbishop  of  Saltzburg,  with  other  learned 
men,  subject  to  appeal.  In  pursuance  of  this  agreement, 
Luther  wrote  a  most  submissive  letter  to  the  pope. 

We  have  here  an  instance,  among  many,  of  Luther's  diplomatic 
skill.  We  have  the  letter  to  the  pope,  dated  March  5,1519,  written  in 
the  most  adulatory  style,'  and  a  letter  to  Spalatin,  dated  March  13, 
in  which  he  declares  that  "  he  does  not  know  whether  the  pope  is 
Antichrist  or  his  apostle,  so  miserably  is  Christ  (/.  e.,  the  truth) 
corrupted  and  crucified  by  him  in  his  decretals."'^  Luther  himself 
throws  some  light  upon  his  duplicity  in  a  letter  to  Spalatin  bearing 
the  same  date  with  that  to  the  pope:  "It  never  was  in  my  mind 
that  1  should  wish  to  cut  loose  from  the  Apostolic  Roman  See. 
Finally,  1  am  content  that  he  [the  pope]  be  called,  and  be  lord  of  all 
things.  What  is  this  to  me,  who  know  that  even  a  Turk  must  be 
honored  and  tolerated  for  the  sake  of  his  power?  For  I  am  certain 
that  only  by  God's  will  (as  Peter  says),  will  any  power  stand.  But 
this  I  do  for  my  faith  in  Christ,  that  they  may  not  drag  down  and 
contaminate  his  word  by  prohibition.  Let  the  Roman  decretals 
leave  me  the  pure  gospel,  and  they  may  seize  upon  all  else." 

This  correspondence  is  important  because  it  is  characteristic,  and 
because  it  throws  light  upon  Luther's  ethical  position.  He  had  not 
attained  to  the  absolute  and  uncompromising  veraciousness  that 
characterizes  evangelical  Christianity  at  its  best  estate,  but  still  al- 
lowed himself  considerable  liberty  in  prevarication.  We  must  bear 
in  mind  that  Luther  was  dealing  with  Italian  diplomatists,  who  were 
notorious  for  their  insincerity.  It  may  have  been  a  matter  of  some 
consolation  to  him  to  know  that  he  was  simply  meeting  them  on  their 
own  ground,  with  their  own  weapons. 

The  general  impression  Luther's  character  makes  upon  one,  is  that 
of  overmastering  zeal  and  impetuosity.  But  we  cannot  fully  appre- 
ciate his  marvelous  power  unless  we  observe  that  he  combined  with 
his  impetuosity  a  remarkable  amount  of  shrewdness  and  diplomacy. 
This  enabled  him,  in  general,  to  make  the  most  of  his  fiery  zeal— 
to  be  impetuous  when  and  where  it  was  most  advantageous  to  be  so. 

(6)  The  disputation  at  Leipzig  (June  and  July,  1^19). 
Soon  after  the  publication  of  Luther's  theses,  Carlstadt, 
rector  of  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  a  man  of  great 
learning  and  remarkable  religious  earnestness,  defended 
them  in  about  four  hundred  theses  in  his  university  dis- 
putations, and  became  widely  known  as  the  ablest  co- 
adjutor of  Luther. 

Carlstadt's  four  hundred  propositions  were  intended 
as  a  reply  to  Dr.  John  Eck,  of  Ingoldstadt.     Luther  pro- 

1  "Ep."  ed.  De  Wette,  Vol.  I.,  p.  233.  *  Ibid.,  p.  239. 


58  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

posed  that  Eck  and  Carlstadt  should  settle  their  dispute 
by  a  debate  at  Leipzig.  In  January,  15 19,  Eck  had  pub- 
lished thirteen  theses.  Luther  thought  the  promise  of 
silence  no  longer  binding,  and  replied  in  thirteen  others. 
Luther  was  also  drawn  into  the  Leipzig  debate,  and  was 
forced  into  a  dispute  on  the  primacy  of  the  pope.  Eck 
accused  him  of  Hussite  opinions,  and  Luther  rejoined 
that  several  of  Huss'  opinions  had  been  unjustly  con- 
demned and  virtually  aligned  himself  with  the  Bohemian 
reformer.  Here  Eck  first  pronounced  Luther  and  his 
followers  heretics,  under  the  name  of  Lutherans.  Eck 
was  greatly  superior  to  Luther  in  controversial  skill  ; 
but  the  verdict  of  the  public  was  clearly  in  favor  of  Lu- 
ther and  Carlstadt. 

(7)  Luther's  Activity,  from  the  Leipzig  Disputatioji  till 
his  Final  Excommunication  {Jan.  5,  752/).  This  was  a 
period  of  intense  activity  with  Luther.  Both  he  and 
Melanchthon,  who  was  now  at  his  side,  as  a  most  learned 
and  faithful  helper,  wrote  polemical  treatises  against 
Eck,  etc. 

Philip  Melanchthon  (born  1497),  son  of  a  weapon-maker,  grand- 
nephew  and  pupil  of  Reuchlin,  studied  for  a  number  of  years  at 
Pforzheim,  Heidelberg,  and  Tubingen,  and  by  1518  had  become 
one  of  the  most  accomplished  classical  scholars  of  the  time  and 
a  thorough-going  humanist  in  his  sympathies  and  purposes.  On 
Reuchlin's  recommendation  he  was  appointed  teacher  of  Greek  in 
the  University  of  Wittenberg  {1518).  In  spite  of  Reuchlin's  warn- 
ings, he  was  "soon  won  over  to  the  support  of  Luther  and  became 
deeply  interested  in  biblical  studv  and  in  evangelical  theology.  His 
accession  to  the  Lutheran  ranks  was  of  fundamental  importance. 
From  this  time  onward  he  was  Luther's  chief  helper,  and  it  was 
largely  due  to  his  fame  as  a  scholar  and  teacher  that  the  university 
was  so  greatly  prospered,  in  many  respects  he  was  the  counterpart 
of  Luther.  Far  more  learned  than  Luther  and  far  more  moderate  in 
his  views,  he  tended  to  curb  the  extravagances  of  his  great  leader. 
He  was  able  to  put  Luther's  thoughts  into  consistent  and  intelligible 
form  while  he  was  himself  inspired  in  his  thinking  and  his  work 
by  the  great  personality  of  Luther.  He  was  yielding  and  comprom- 
ising in  disposition  and  so  was  enabled  to  endure  Luther's  over- 
bearing conduct  and  to  conciliate  many  whom  Luther  would  have 
hopelessly  alienated.  As  he  became  more  mature  and  influential  he 
became  more  assertive,  and  long  before  Luther's  death  a  marked 
difference  in  the  tvpe  of  their  theological  thinking  was  observable. 
After  Luther's  death  his  views  became  practically  Calvinistic,  only 
his  Augustinianism  was  always  of  a  far  more  moderate  t\pe  than 
that  of  eitht-r  Luther  or  Calvin.  His  theological  masterpiece  is  the 
''Loci  Communes,'"  the  successive  editions  of  which  show  his  pro- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  59 

gressive  departure  from  ultra-Lutheranism.  The  type  of  his  teach- 
ing is  exemplified  also  in  the  "  Augsburg  Confession,"  which  he 
drafted  in  consultation  with  Luther  (1530),  and  in  the  "  Apology  " 
for  the  "  Confession,"  and  his  modified  views  in  the  Augsburg 
'' l^aridta"  (1540)-  Many  of  his  controversial  works  are  of  con- 
siderable value.  His  relation  to  later  Lutheran  controversies  will  be 
defined  in  a  subsequent  section. 

In  September,  1519,  Luther  published  his  "Commen- 
tary on  Galatians,"  in  the  preface  of  which  he  dis- 
tinguishes between  the  Roman  Church,  the  bride  of 
Christ,  the  mother  of  churches,  the  daughter  of  God, 
the  terror  of  hell,  absolutely  pure,  and  the  Roman 
Curia,  which  he  condemns  in  the  strongest  terms.  The 
former  should  be  by  no  means  resisted  ;  to  resist  the  lat- 
ter is  a  work  of  far  greater  piety  on  the  part  of  kings, 
princes,  and  whoever  is  able,  than  to  resist  the  Turks 
themselves. 

Early  in  1520,  when  it  was  becoming  evident  that  Lu- 
ther would  be  excommunicated,  he  received  assurances 
of  protection  from  Ulrich  von  Hutten,  Franz  von  Sickin- 
gen,  and  Sylvester  of  Schaumberg,  knights.  The  last 
assured  him  that  he  and  a  hundred  other  nobles  would 
protect  him  against  violence  at  any  cost  until  his  matter 
should  be  settled  by  an  impartial  council.  The  elector 
still  remained  true  to  Luther,  glorying  in  the  fame  that 
had  come  to  his  new  university  through  Luther  and  Me- 
lanchthon. 

In  June  (the  same  month  in  which  the  first  Bull  of  ex- 
communication was  issued  at  Rome,  but  before  it  had 
reached  Germany),  emboldened  by  such  assurances, 
Luther  issued  his  writing  :  "  To  the  Christian  Nobles  of 
Germany,  with  regard  to  the  Bettering  of  the  Christian 
Condition."  This  is  one  of  the  boldest  of  Luther's  re- 
formatory writings.  He  shows  the  hopelessness  of  reform 
in  the  church,  from  the  fact  that  the  Romanists  have  most 
dextrously  drawn  around  them  three  walls  :  (i)  When 
pursued  by  the  secular  power,  they  hold  that  the  spiritual 
is  above  the  secular.  (2)  When  any  one  would  rebuke 
them  with  the  Scriptures,  they  reply  that  it  belongs  to  the 
pope  alone  to  interpret  Scripture.  (3)  If  threatened 
with  a  council,  they  pretend  that  no  one  but  the  pope 
can  call  a  council. 


6o  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

He  shows  that  there  is  properly  no  distinction  in  Scrip- 
ture between  spiritual  and  secular ;  that  all  Christians  are 
spiritual,  all  priests.  The  secular  authorities  ought  to  de- 
fend the  righteous  and  punish  the  evil,  even  if  such  be 
monks,  nuns,  priests,  bishops,  popes.  Christ  says  that  all 
Christians  are  taught  of  God.     Now  it  may  happen  that 

•popes,  bishops,  etc.,  are  not  true  Christians  ;  and  a  hum- 
ble layman  may  have  a  truer  understanding  of  Scripture 
than  they.  The  third  wall  will  fall  down  of  itself  if  the 
others  are  demolished.  Christ  says,  "  If  thy  brother  sin 
against  thee  tell  it  to  the  church."  How  can  we  tell  it 
to  the  church  without  calling  a  council  ? 

Now  follows  his  plan  for  the  reformation  of  the  church, 
which  he  exhorts  the  nobles  to  carry  out :  Reduction  of 
the  luxurious  extravagance  of  the  papal  court ;  abolition 
of  annates  and  other  papal  exactions  of  money  ;  bishops' 
palliums  to  be  no  longer  brought  from  Rome  ;  no  secular 
cause  to  be  carried  to  Rome  for  adjudication  ;  all  papal 
reservations  to  be  abolished  ;  no  fiefs  to  be  held  at  Rome; 
the  emperor  no  more  to  kiss  the  pope's  foot  or  to  hold 
his  stirrup  ;  nobody  to  kiss  the  pope's  foot ;  pilgrimages 
to  be  abolished  ;  no  more  monasteries  to  be  built ;  pas- 
tors to  be  allowed  to  marry  ;  many  ecclesiastical  penal- 
ties to  be  abolished  ;  all  festivals  to  be  abolished  except 
Sunday  ;  laws  with  regard  to  prohibited  degrees  of  con- 
sanguinity in  marriage  to  be  changed  ;  mendicancy  to  be 
abolished  ;  the  cause  of  the  Bohemians  to  be  taken  up 
and  union  with  them  effected  ;  the  universities  to  be  re- 
formed and  Aristotle  scouted,  etc.,  etc. 

Eck,  who  had  been  from  the  beginning  one  of  the  fore- 

tmost  opponents  of  Luther,  had  gone  to  Rome  and  re- 
turned to  Germany,  charged  with  the  proclamation  of 
the  Bull.  He  was  supposed  to  have  instigated  the  pope 
to  this  measure  ;  and  so  great  was  the  odium  which  he 
incurred,  that  he  was  obliged  to  conceal  himself.  A  de- 
nunciatory song  was  written  about  him,  which  contributed 
to  the  popular  feeling  against  him.  The  Bull  was  received 
in  Germany  with  almost  universal  indignation.  A  hand- 
bill appeared  at  Erfurt,  signed  by  the  faculty  and  stu- 
dents, denouncing  Luther's  enemies  and  commending 
Luther.  Eck  had  difficulty  in  getting  the  Bull  published 
even  in  his  own  university. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  6l 

In  September,  Luther  published  his  admirable  tract, 
"  Concerning  Christian  Liberty,"  accompanied  by  a  long 
dedicatory  letter  to  Pope  Leo  X.  The  letter  to  Leo  is  a 
bold  and  fervid  denunciation  of  the  ecclesiastical  admin- 
istration tempered  with  flattery  of  the  reigning  pope. 

"  The  court  of  Rome  "  is  declared  to  be  "  more  corrupt  than  any 
Babylon  or  Sodom,"  "  of  an  abandoned,  desperate,  and  hopeless  im- 
piety," "  the  most  lawless  den  of  thieves,  the  most  shameless  of  all 
brothels,  the  very  kingdom  of  sin,  death,  and  hell ;  so  that  not  even 
Antichrist,  if  he  were  to  come,  could  devise  any  addition  to  its 
wickedness."  Yet  Leo  is  represented  as  "  sitting  like  a  lamb  in 
the  midst  of  wolves,  like  Daniel,  in  the  midst  of  lions,  and  with 
Ezekiel  dwelling  among  scorpions,"  as  powerless  in  the  face  of 
"the  monstrous  evils."  If  he  and  a  few  cardinals  should  attempt 
reform,  they  would  be  poisoned.  "  it  is  all  over  with  the  court 
of  Rome:  the  wrath  of  God  has  come  upon  it  to  the  uttermost." 
Satan  is  declared  to  be  more  the  ruler  of  the  court  than  Leo,  whom 
Luther  would  fain  see  living  privately  on  his  paternal  inheritance 
out  of  reach  of  these  fearful  evils.  He  narrates  the  proceedings  of 
Cajetan,  Miltitz,  and  Eck,  in  their  efforts  to  bring  him  to  submission, 
justifying  himself  fully  and  scathingly  denouncing  these  papal  emis- 
saries, whom  he  regards  as  abusing  their  commissions  and  only 
making  bad  worse.  He  points  out  the  unreasonableness  of  the  ex- 
pectation that  he  should  recant,  unless  he  can  be  proved  to  be  wrong. 
"  Moreover,  I  cannot  bear  with  laws  for  the  interpretation  of  the 
word  of  God,  since  the  word  of  God,  which  teaches  liberty  in  all 
other  things,  ought  not  to  be  bound."  Referring  to  the  accompany- 
ing tract,  he  adds:  "  It  is  a  small  matter,  if  you  look  to  its  exterior, 
but,  unless  1  mistake,  it  is  a  summary  of  the  Christian  life  put  to- 
gether in  small  compass,  if  you  apprehend  its  meaning." 

The  two  propositions  that  he  undertakes  to  establish  in  the  trea- 
tise are  :  "  A  Christian  man  is  the  most  free  lord  of  all,  and  subject 
to  none  ;  a  Christian  man  is  the  most  dutiful  servant  of  all,  and  sub- 
ject to  every  one."  Luther's  elaboration  of  these  propositions  con- 
stitutes his  very  best  exposition  of  the  principles  of  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity. It  is  written  with  masterly  skill,  seraphic  fervor,  and  con- 
vincing logic,  and  is  so  free  from  his  later  extravagances  as  to  be 
universally  acceptable  to  evangelical  Christians  always  and  every- 
where. Justification  by  faith  is  earnestly  insisted  upon  as  opposed 
to  justification  by  works,  but  not  in  so  one-sided  a  manner  as  to 
make  good  works  seem  superfluous  :  "  Good  works  do  not  make  a 
good  man,  but  a  good  man  does  good  works.  Bad  works  do  not 
make  a  bad  man,  but  a  bad  man  does  bad  works.  Thus  it  is  always 
necessary  that  the  substance  or  person  should  be  good  before  any 
good  works  can  be  done,  and  that  good  works  should  follow  and 
proceed  from  a  good  person.  .  .  We  do  not  then  reject  good  works ; 
nay,  we  embrace  them  and  teach  them  in  the  highest  degree.  It  is 
not  on  their  own  account  that  we  condemn  them,  but  on  account  of 
this  impious  addition  to  them,  and  the  perverse  notion  of  seeking 
justification  by  them." 


62  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

The  treatise  on  "  The  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the 
Church,"  published  a  few  weeks  later,  is  of  almost  equal 
value  and  importance. 

In  his  dedication,  he  professes  to  have  made  within  two  years 
great  advancement  in  the  apprehension  of  the  trutli,  under  the 
stimulus  and  instruction  of  such  teachers  as  Prierias,  Eck,  and  Emser. 
He  now  extremelv  regrets  having  published  the  work  on  indulgences, 
in  which  he  was' still  superstitious  enough  to  judge  that  they  were 
not  to  be  wholly  rejected.  He  had  since  reached  the  conviction  that 
indulgences  were  "  nothing  but  mere  impostures  of  the  flatterers  of 
Rome,  whereby  to  make  away  with  the  faith  of  God  and  the  money 
of  men."  He  would  have  all  his  previous  writings  on  indulgences 
burned  and  have  this  one  proposition  put  in  their  place:  "Indul- 
gences are  wicked  devices  of  the tlatteiers  of  Rome."  Heretofore  he 
had  admitted  that  the  pope  had  a  human  right  to  preside  over  Chris- 
tendom. Now  he  is  convinced  that  "  the  papacy  is  the  kingdom  of 
Babylon."  He  would  have  everything  he  has  hitherto  had  pub- 
lished about  the  papacy  burned  and  the  following  proposition  substi- 
tuted :  "  The  papacv  is  the  mighty  hunting-ground  of  the  Bishop  of 
Rome."  Heretofore  he  has  thought  it  would  be  well  for  a  General 
Council  to  determine  in  favor  of  administering  both  bread  and  wine 
to  the  laity.  The  effort  of  his  opponents  to  prove  communion  in 
one  kind  to  be  scriptural  by  an  appeal  to  the  sixth  chapter  of  John's 
Gospel  has  convinced  him  that  a  denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity  is  a 
perversion  of  the  ordinance.  He  must  now  deny  "that  there  are 
seven  sacraments,  and  must  lav  it  down,  for  the  time  being,  that 
there  are  onlv  three,  baptism,  penance,  and  the  bread,  and  that  by 
the  court  of  Rome  all  these  have  been  brought  into  miserable  bond- 
age, and  the  church  despoiled  of  all  her  liberty." 

The  treatise  is  devoted  to  a  critique  of  the  Romanist  teaching  re- 
garding the  seven  sacraments,  which  are  taken  up  one  by  one,  and  to 
the  setting  forth  of  Luther's  own  views  on  the  Lord's  "Supper,  bap- 
tism, etc.  He  places  himself  beside  Wycliffe  and  Huss  in  rejecting 
transubstantiation,  and  beside  the  Bohemians  in  insisting  on  com- 
munion under  both  kinds.  He  insists  that  in  the  administration  of 
the  sacrament,  everything  be  "  put  aside  "  "that  has  been  added  by 
the  zeal  or  the  notions  of  men  to  the  primitive  and  simple  institution  ; 
such  as  are  vestments,  ornaments,  Inmns,  prayers,  musical  instru- 
ments, lamps,  and  all  the  pomp  of  "visible  things,"  and  that  we 
"  must  turn  our  eyes  and  our  attention  onlv  to  the  pure  institution  of 
Christ,  and  set  "nothing  else  before  us  but  those  very  words  of 
Christ,  with  which  he  instituted  and  perfected  that  sacrament,  and 
committed  it  to  us."  He  rejoices  that  Christ  has  preserved  baptism 
in  his  churcli  uninjured  and  uncontaminated  by  the  devices  of  men, 
and  has  made  it  free  to  all  nations  and  to  men  of  every  class.  .  . 
doubtless  having  this  purpose,  that  he  would  ha\'e  little  children,  in- 
capal)le  of  avarice  and  superstition,  to  be  initiated  into  this  sacrament, 
to  be  sanctified  bv  perfectly  simple  faith  in  his  word.  To  such, 
even  at  the  present  dav,  baptism  is  of  the  highest  advantage,  if 
this  sacrament  had  been  intended  to  be  given  to  adults  and  those  of 
full  age,  it  seems  as  if  it  could  hardly  have  preserved  its  efficacy  and 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  63 

glory  in  the  presence  of  that  tyranny  of  avarice  and  superstition 
which  has  supplanted  all  divuie  ordinances  among  us.  .  .  Yet 
though  Satan  has  not  been  able  to  extinguish  the  virtue  of  baptism 
in  the  case  of  little  children,  still  he  has  had  power  to  extinguish  it 
in  all  adults,  so  that  there  is  scarcely  any  one  now-a-days  who  re- 
members that  he  has  been  baptized,  much  less  glories  in  it,  so  many 
other  ways  having  been  found  of  obtaining  remission  of  sins  and 
going  to  heaven."  "  Man  baptizes  and  does  not  baptize  ;  he  bap- 
tizes, because  he  performs  the  worl<  of  dipping  the  baptized  person  ; 
he  does  not  baptize,  because  in  this  work  he  does  not  act  upon  his 
own  authority,  but  in  the  place  of  God.  .  .  Consider  the  person  of 
him  who  confers  baptism  in  no  other  light  than  as  the  vicarious  in- 
strument of  God,  by  means  of  which  the  Lord  sitting  in  heaven 
dips  thee  in  water  with  his  own  hands,  and  promises  thee  remission 
of  sins  upon  earth,  speaking  to  thee  with  the  voice  of  a  man  through 
the  mouth  of  his  minister."  Again  :  "  Another  thing  which  be- 
longs to  it  is  the  sign  or  sacrament,  which  is  that  dipping  into  water 
whence  it  takes  its  name.  For  in  Greek  to  baptize  signifies  to  dip, 
and  baptism  is  a  dipping."  Further  :  "  It  is  not  baptism  that  justi- 
fies any  man,  or  is  of  any  advantage  ;  but  faith  in  that  word  of  pro- 
mise to  which  baptism  is  added  ;  for  this  justifies  and  fulfills  the 
meaning  of  baptism.  For  faith  is  the  submerging  of  the  old  man 
and  the  emerging  of  the  new  man.  .  .  Baptism,  then,  signifies  two 
things,  death  and  resurrection  ;  that  is,  full  and  complete  justifica- 
tion. When  the  ministers  dips  the  child  into  the  water,  this  signi- 
fies death  ;  when  he  draws  him  out  again,  this  signifies  life.  .  . 
For  this  reason  1  could  wish  that  the  baptized  child  should  be  totally 
immersed,  according  to  the  meaning  of  the  word  and  the  significa- 
tion of  the  mystery ;  not  that  1  think  it  is  necessary  to  do  so,  but 
that  it  would  be  well  that  so  complete  and  perfect  a  thing  as  baptism 
should  have  its  sign  also  in  completeness  and  perfection,  even  as  it 
was  doubtless  instituted  by  Christ." 

There  is  no  evidence  that  Luther  ever  had  the  slightest  misgivings 
as  to  the  propriety  or  importance  of  infant  baptism. 

(8)  Luther's  Further  Controversies  with  the  Romanists 
(1^21  onward).  From  the  time  of  Luther's  excommuni- 
cation onward  Roman  Catholics  held  him  responsible  for 
all  revolutionary  proceedings  and  for  everything  disor- 
derly and  unseemly  in  the  political,  social,  moral,  and  re- 
ligious realms.  Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  to 
attribute  the  Peasants'  War,  the  fanaticism  of  Thomas 
MUnzer  and  Heinrich  Pfeiffer,  the  radical  separatism  and 
the  communism  of  some  Anabaptists,  the  MiJnster  King- 
dom, and  the  apparently  growing  contempt  for  all  au- 
thority human  and  divine,  to  the  bold  utterances  of  Lu- 
ther in  favor  of  liberty  and  equality,  and  in  opposition 
to  papal  authority  and  monkish  piety.  It  could  hardly 
have  been  expected  that  Luther's  Catholic  opponents 


64  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

would  conscientiously  seek  to  minimize  his  responsibil- 
ity by  pointing  out  the  fact  that  the  revolutionary  forces, 
which  his  utterances  and  proceedings  had  brought  into 
violent  activity,  had  for  generations  been  leavening  so- 
ciety, and  that  Luther's  agency  was  little  more  than  that 
of  the  spark  that  lights  the  prepared  mine.  It  was  de- 
cidedly to  the  interest  of  their  contention  to  fix  the 
blame  upon  the  great  leader.  His  own  violent  polem- 
ics added  fuel  to  the  flames,  and  the  prevailing  immo- 
rality and  irreligion,  which  he  himself  felt  obliged  to  ad- 
mit, and  which  he  was  continually  censuring  in  hyper- 
bolical language,  furnished  abundant  ammunition  to  his 
antagonists. 

a.  Luther  Attacks  Sacerdotalism  and  Defends  the  Uni- 
versal Priesthood  of  Believers.  In  a  tract  issued  from  the 
Wartburg  (Nov.,  1521)  and  addressed  to  the  Augustin- 
ians  at  Wittenberg,  he  declares  that  "elders  are  not 
sworn  and  anointed  objects  of  idolatry,  but  honorable 
and  pious  citizens  in  a  community,  of  good  life  and  repu- 
tation, who  are  properly  called  bishops,  and  many  of 
them  in  every  community."  In  support  of  this  proposi- 
tion he  appeals  to  Phil,  1:1;  Acts  20  :  28  ;  Titus  i  : 
5-7- 

"  What  can  your  common  man  say  to  these  three  heavenly  thun- 
derstrokes [referring  to  tlie  passages  of  Scripture]  ?  I  pray  thee, 
Christian  man,  do  not  be  imposed  upon  by  the  golden  crowns  and 
pearls,  .  .  red  liats  and  mantles,  gold,  silver,  precious  stones, 
asses,  horses,  and  court  paraphernalia,  witii  all  the  honor,  pomp,  and 
splendor  of  popes,  cardinals,  and  bishops,  the  abandoned  people,  and 
believe  Paul  in  the  Holy  Spirit,  these  are  not  bishops,  but  idols,  .  . 
worms,  and  wonders  of  the  wrath  of  God."  He  urges  that  e\'ery 
pious  man  should  strive  earnestly  either  to  become  a  priest  of  Chris 
and  his  holy  church  or  give  up  the  priestly  profession,  utterly  disre 
garding  the  fictitious  character,  the  smeared  and  anointed  fingers 
tile  shorn  head  and  the  pharisaic  attire  of  the  miserable  clergy  ;  for 
they  are  ail  the  devil's  ministers,  not  God's.  Follow  your  own  con 
sciences  in  God  without  reference  to  the  persons  and  the  hypocritical 
pretensions  of  man. 

b.  The  Diet  of  Nuremberg  (Dec,  1522),  and  Luther's 
Assertion  of  the  Autonomy  of  the  Local  Congregation  (1523). 
Pope  Hadrian  VI.,  who  had  recently  succeeded  Leo  X., 
was  a  man  of  good  character  and  was  desirous  of  reform- 
ing and  reuniting  the  church.    He  greatly  underestimated 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  65 

the  strength  of  the  evangelical  protest  and  supposed  that 
harmony  could  be  restored  by  the  redress  of  acknowl- 
edged grievances. 

At  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg  he  admitted  that  for  some  years  many 
abominations  had  existed  in  the  holy  See,  "  abuses  in  spiritual  things, 
excesses  in  things  commanded,  and  in  fine,  all  things  have  been  per- 
verted ;  nor  is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  if  the  disease  has  descended  from 
the  head  into  the  members,  from  the  supreme  pontiffs  into  the  other 
inferior  prelates."  He  acknowledges  that  all  the  prelates  and  ec- 
clesiastics have  gone  astray,  and  he  urges  that  each  one  humiliate 
himself  before  God  and  seek  to  amend  his  ways,  promising  himself 
to  look  after  the  due  reformation  of  the  Roman  court.  Yet  he  is 
not  so  sanguine  as  to  believe  that  a  disease  so  inveterate,  multiplex, 
and  complicated  can  be  eradicated  all  at  once,  and  thinks  that  more 
harm  than  good  would  result  from  measures  too  drastic.  He  urges 
the  Lutheran  princes  to  execute  the  edict  of  Worms  against  Luther, 
his  writings,  and  his  followers,  rebukes  them  for  burning  the  papal 
law-books  and  decretals,  and  threatens  or  predicts  the  utter  destruc- 
tion of  themselves  and  the  devastation  of  their  provinces  if  they  per- 
sist in  their  contempt  for  holy  things. 

The  estates  in  the  Diet  pointed  out  the  fact  that  the  great  mass  of 
the  German  people  were  with  Luther  in  his  protest,  and  that  it  would 
be  impracticable  to  carry  out  the  papal  and  imperial  decrees  against 
him  ;  and  they  proceeded  to  present  a  long  list  of  abuses  and  griev- 
ances, the  redress  of  which  was  deemed  absolutely  essential  to  the 
peace  of  Germany.  A  free  Christian  Council  meeting  in  Germany 
is  declared  to  be  the  only  effective  means  of  settling  the  difficulties, 
and  the  sooner  it  is  convened  the  better. 

Hadrian  died  before  he  could  carry  out  his  proposed 
reforms  (Sep.,  1523),  and  his  successor,  Clement  VII., 
agreed  with  the  Roman  court  in  rejecting  the  policy  of 
concession. 

The  practical  setting  aside  by  the  Diet  of  the  Edict  of 
Worms,  which  encouraged  many  communities  to  abolish 
papal  forms  and  adopt  evangelical  organization  and 
worship,  was  the  occasion  of  one  of  Luther's  most  im- 
portant reformatory  writings  (Easter,  1523):  "That  a 
Christian  assembly  or  community  has  the  right  and 
power  to  judge  all  teaching,  to  call,  institute,  and  depose 
teachers." 

In  respect  to  the  judging  of  doctrine  and  the  institution  and  the 
deposition  of  teachers  "  we  must  have  absolutely  no  regard  to  human 
laws  and  ordinances,  old  tradition,  usage,  custom,  and  such  like, 
whether  instituted  by  pope  or  emperor,  princes  or  bishop,  even 
though  half  the  world,  or  the  whole  world,  have  held  to  them,  and 
even  though  they  have  been  observed  for  a  year  or  a  thousand  years. 

E 


66  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

For  the  soul  of  man  is  an  eternal  thing,  above  everything  that  is 
temporal ;  tlierefore  it  must  be  ruled  and  controlled  by  the  eternal 
word.  For  it  is  a  shameful  thing  to  rule  the  conscience  with  human 
law  and  long  usage  in  place  of  God  ...  so  we  now  conclude,  that 
wherever  there  is  a  Christian  community,  which  has  the  gospel,  it 
has  not  only  the  right  and  power,  but  is  under  obligation  by  the  sal- 
vation of  souls  ...  to  avoid,  flee  from,  depose,  withdraw  from  the 
authority  exercised  by  bishops,  abbots,  monasteries,  foundations, 
and  the'like,  such  as  now  exist."  He  proceeds  to  show  that  since 
Christian  communities  must  have  teachers  and  preachers,  since 
bishops  and  priests  of  the  prevailing  type  are  unsuitable,  and  since 
we  have  no  ground  for  expecting  God  to  send  preachers  from  heaven, 
we  must  call  and  institute  those  that  we  find  sent  for  this  work  and 
whom  God  has  enlightened  with  understanding  and  adorned  with 
gifts. 

c.  Lu tiler's  Polemic  against  Heiuy  yill.  of  England. 
In  response  to  Luther's  "  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the 
Church,"  Henry  Vlll.,  zealous  for  papal  doctrine  and 
anxious  for  the  favor  of  the  pope  and  the  title  of  "  De- 
fender of  the  Faith,"  published  (1521)  "  An  Assertion  of 
the  Seven  Sacraments  against  Luther."  Henry  had 
urged  Charles  V.  to  use  the  most  drastic  measures 
against  Lutheranism.  His  scholastic  treatise  was  denun- 
ciatory in  a  high  degree  and  breathed  the  spirit  of  in- 
tolerance. Luther  was  irritated  beyond  measure  by  the 
king's  attack  and  hastened  to  reply,  in  both  German  and 
Latin,  in  the  most  vituperative  language  that  even  he 
could  command.  The  king  is  addressed  as  "  Henry,  by 
God's  disfavor  king  of  England,"  he  is  denounced  as  "  a 
crowned  ass,"  as  "  a  shameless  liar  and  blasphemer," 
as  "a  miserable  fool,"  as  "  that  damnable  rottenness 
and  worm."  A  paragraph  or  two  of  this  masterpiece  of 
theological  billingsgate  will  illustrate  one  side  of  the  Re- 
former's character  : 

Not  me,  but  himself,  let  King  Henrv  blame,  if  he  shall  have  ex- 
perienced somewhat  hard  and  rough  treatment  at  my  hands.  For 
lie  does  not  betray  a  royal  mind  or  any  vein  of  royal  blood,  but 
shameless  and  meretricious  impudence  and  poltroonery,  proving  ail 
things  only  by  curses,  and  what  is  most  base  in  any  man,  above 
all  in  a  man  of  exalted  position,  lie  openly  and  deliberately  lies.  .  . 
Now  tliat  that  damnable  rottenness  and  worm  deliberately  and  con- 
sciously concocts  lies  against  the  majesty  of  my  King  in  heaven,  it 
is  right  for  me  on  behalf  of  my  King  to  besprinkle  his  Anglican  ma- 
jesty with  his  own  mire  and  ordure  and  to  trample  under  foot  that 
crown  that  blasphemes  against  Christ.  .  .  if  for  Christ's  sake  1 
have  trampled  upon  the  idol  of  the  Roman  abomination  which  has 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  67 

established  itself  in  tlie  place  of  God  and  hath  made  itself  master  and 
king  of  the  whole  world,  who  is  this  new  Thomist  Henry,  a  disci- 
ple merely  of  so  cowardly  a  monster,  that  I  should  respect  his  viru- 
lent blasphemies.  Grant  that  he  is  a  "  Defender  of  the  Church  " 
.  .  .  yet  it  is  of  the  purple  clad  harlot,  drunken  and  mother  of  abomi- 
nations. 

In  answer  to  Henry's  charge  that  Luther  often  contra- 
dicts himself,  he  writes  : 

This  impudent  lie  of  his  even  against  his  own  conscience  he  so 
urges  and  makes  prominent  throughout  the  entire  book,  that  it  is 
quite  evident  he  wrote  it  not  for  the  sake  of  teaching  ...  or  as- 
serting the  seven  sacraments,  but,  being  afflicted  with  a  mental  dis- 
ease of  the  most  virulent  type  and  not  being  able  otherwise  to  void 
the  virus  and  pus  of  envy  and  malice  formed  within  his  mind,  he 
found  occasion  to  spew  it  out  through  his  filthy  mouth,  having  no 
other  aim  than  to  besmear  with  his  lies  the  mouths  of  all  and  to 
arouse  ill  feeling  against  me.  .  .  Base  would  it  be  for  a  filthy  har- 
lot, with  shameless  brow  and  disordered  faculties,  to  lie  and  rage  in 
this  way  ;  other  things  would  have  befitted  a  royal  mind  and  royal 
blood.  .  .  The  other  charge  is,  that  I  have  made  an  onslaught  on 
the  pope  and  the  church,  that  is,  the  pimp  and  bawd  and  see  of 
Satan,  whose  defender  he  himself  has  recently  been  declared  to  be. 
.  .  The  papacy  is  the  most  pestilential  abomination  of  prince  Satan 
that  ever  was  or  ever  shall  be.  .  .  These  are  the  arms  by  which 
heretics  are  vanquished  now-a-days,  the  fire  and  the  fury  of  these 
most  silly  asses  and  Thomist  swine.  But  let  these  swine  come  on 
and  burn  me  if  they  dare.  Here  I  am  and  I  will  wait  for  them,  and 
my  ashes  alone  having  been  cast  after  my  death  into  a  thousand 
seas,  1  will  persecute  and  harass  this  abominable  crowd.  While 
alive  1  will  be  the  enemy  of  the  papacy,  burned,  I  will  be  twice  an 
enemy.  Do  what  you  can,  Thomist  swine,  you  shall  have  Luther 
as  a  bear  in  your  way. 

Luther's  utter  contempt  for  constituted  authority,  as 
manifested  in  this  writing,  could  not  have  failed  to  ap- 
peal powerfully  to  the  social  democracy  throughout  Eu- 
rope and  to  encourage  the  oppressed  classes  to  strike  for 
liberty. 

(9)  Luther's  Translation  of  the  New  Testament.  During 
his  seclusion  at  the  Wartburg  Luther  spent  a  large  part 
of  his  time  in  preparing  his  translation  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  he  was  in  any  sense  a  pio- 
neer in  this  field.  Between  the  years  1462  and  1522  not  less  (prob- 
ably considerably  more)  than  seventeen  editions  of  the  Bible  in 
German  had  issued  from  tlie  presses  of  Strasburg,  Augsburg,  Nu- 


68  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

remberg,  Cologne,  Lubeck,  and  Halberstadt.  The  earliest  German 
Bible  was  printed  from  a  version  (represented  by  tlie  Codex  Teplensis 
of  the  fifteenth  century)  which  was  probably  made  in  the  fourteenth 
century  by  Bohemian  or  Austrian  evangelicals.  That  during  the 
later  Middle  Ages  the  Bible  was  studied  with  zeal  throughout  wide 
circles  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  not  only  these  numerous  ver- 
nacular editions  and  unnumbered  editions  of  vernacular  Bible  por- 
tions were  called  for  ;  but  that  between  1450  and  1500  at  least  ninety- 
seven  editions  of  the  Latin  Vulgate  are  known  to  have  been  pub- 
lished, besides  vast  numbers  of  Gospels,  Epistles,  and  Psalters.  The 
earlier  versions  of  the  German  Bible  were  all  made  from  the  Vulgate. 
Luther  was  the  first  to  make  use  of  the  Greek  for  this  purpose.  He 
was  not  an  accomplished  Greek  scholar,  but  he  drew  to  his  aid  the 
scholarship  of  Melanchthon,  Amsdorf,  et  al.,  and  succeeded  in  making 
a  version  that  was  reasonably  accurate,  thoroughly  idiomatic,  sim- 
ple, and  vigorous. 

Luther's  first  edition  of  the  New  Testament  appeared 
in  September,  1522,  and  it  soon  had  a  vast  circulation 
and  became  an  important  means  of  diffusing  evangelical 
light.  His  version  of  the  Pentateuch  appeared  in  1523, 
of  the  Psalter,  in  1524,  and  of  the  entire  Bible,  in  1534. 
in  the  translation  of  the  prophets  he  made  much  use 
(unacknowledged)  of  the  version  of  Hetzer  and  Denck, 
to  be  hereafter  referred  to.  in  the  later  stages  of  his 
work,  including  the  revision  of  the  New  Testament,  he 
had  the  co-operation  of  a  Bible  Club,  made  up  of  Me- 
lanchthon, Cruciger,  Justus  Jonas,  Bugenhagen,  and 
Aurogallus. 

in  the  preface  to  his  New  Testament  Luther  indulged  so  freely  in 
the  subjective  criticism  of  the  inspired  writings  as  to  merit  the  ap- 
pellation "  father  of  modern  subjective  Bible  criticism."  He  pro- 
nounced John's  Gospel,  Paul's  Epistles,  especially  that  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  Peter's  First  Epistle,  by  far  the  best  and  the  most  valu- 
able of  the  books,  containing  not  many  works  and  miracles  of 
Christ,  but  showing  in  a  masterlv  way  how  faith  vanquishes  sin, 
death,  and  hell,  and  gives  life,  righteousness,  and  blessedness.  John's 
Gospel  he  placed  far  above  the  otiier  three,  because  it  deals  chiefly 
with  Christ's  teaching,  while  the  others  are  largely  taken  up  with 
the  works  and  very  little  with  the  words  of  Christ."  So  also  he  re- 
garded Paul's  Epistles  and  First  Peter  as  superior  to  the  three  first 
Gospels.  His  disparagement  of  the  Epistle  of  James  and  of  the 
Apocalypse  has  already  been  noted. 

(10)  Luther  on  Obedience  to  the  Secular  Magistracy. 
Highly  significant,  in  view  of  later  developments,  were 
Luther's  utterances  (early  in  1523)  in  his  writing  "  Con- 
cerning the  Secular  Magistracy  and  how  far  one  is  under 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  69 

obligation  to  obey  it."  It  constitutes  a  noble  plea  for 
the  Christian  treatment  of  subjects.  Princes  are  warned 
that  the  times  have  changed,  and  that  unless  they  rule 
justly,  God  will  put  an  end  to  their  authority  as  he  has 
done  in  the  case  of  the  ecclesiastics.  God  will  not  suffer 
them  to  rule  the  souls  of  men,  and  in  doing  so  they  are 
bringing  upon  themselves  the  hatred  of  God  and  of  men, 

"  Your  tyranny  and  arbitrary  proceedings  cannot  and  will  not 
long  be  endured.  .  .  God  will  not  longer  have  it  so."  The  time  is 
past  when  "  you  may  hunt  and  harass  the  people  like  wild  beasts. 
Is  there  heresy?  It  must  be  overcome,  as  is  meet,  with  God's  word." 

in  August,  1523,  Luther  wrote  to  the  imperial  authorities  at  Nu- 
remberg :  "  1  suppose  that  those  who  are  now  my  bitterest  enemies, 
if  they  knew  what  1  daily  learn  from  ail  parts  of  the  country,  would 
help  me  storm  the  monasteries  to-morrow." 

These  utterances,  to  which  many  pages  might  be  ad- 
ded, show  how  revolutionary  Luther  still  was  almost  to 
the  outbreak  of  the  Peasants'  War,  and  enable  us  to 
judge  how  important  a  factor  his  influence  must  have 
been  in  calling  forth  this  widespread  and  well-organized 
uprising  against  tyranny. 

5.  The  Peasants*  War  in  its  Relations  to  the  Protestant 
Revolution. 

LITERATURE:  Baumann,  ''''Akten  {.  Gesch.  d.  deidschen  Bauern- 
krii'ges  aus  Obersliwaben,^'  1877  !  Fries,  "D.  Gesch.  d.  Bauernkrieges  in 
Ostfrauken,'"  1883;  Kessler,  "■  Sabbat  a,'"  ;  Schreiber,  "D.  deiitsche 
Bauernkrieg,''^  1863;  Bezold,  ''Der  Baiiertikrieg,''^  i8go  (in  Onken's 
"IVeltgesclnc/ite''^);  CorneWus, ''  Siudun  ^ur  Gesch.  d.  Bauernkrieges '\- 
Janssen,  ''Gesch.  d.  deutschen  Volks,'^  Bd.  II.  ;  Jbrg,  ''Deutschlatid 
in  der  Revolution speriode  von  1^22-1^26,^''  1851  ;  Lehnert,  '' Studien 
^.  Gesch.  d.  12  Artikel,^^  1894;  Zimmermann,  ''Allgemeine  Gesch.  d. 
grossen  Banernkriegs,^^  1854  ;  Stern,  "Uber  d.  12  Artikel  d.  Bauern,^' 
1858;  Kautsky,  "Communism  in  Central  Europe  in  the  Time  of 
the  Reformation,"  tr.  by  Mulliken,  1879. 

Leonard  Fries,  who  at  the  time  of  the  Peasants'  War 
was  secretary  of  the  city  of  WiJrzburg,  and  who,  with 
commendable  industry,  compiled  a  documentary  history 
of  the  movement  which  has  only  recently  seen  the  light, 
forcibly  characterizes  the  great  popular  uprising  as  a  del- 
uge. "The  terrible  deluge,"  writes  he,  in  the  spirit  of 
his  time,  "which  astronomers  and  astrologers  foretold 
long  before  it   occurred — a  woful   and   lamentable  del- 


70  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

uge,  not  of  water,  as  the  astronomers  and  astrologers 
supposed,  but  a  deluge  of  blood."  "  For,"  he  proceeds, 
"in  the  German  nation  alone  more  than  one  hundred 
thousand  men  were  overwhelmed  and  perished  in  this 
deluge  in  less  than  ten  weeks." 

(i)  Origin  and  Nature  of  Serfdom.  The  Peasants'  War 
of  1 524-1 525  was  not  the  first  of  its  kind.  Throughout 
the  later  Middle  Ages,  and  in  almost  every  part  of  Europe, 
peasant  uprisings  of  greater  or  less  magnitude  had  taken 
place.  The  great  mass  of  the  Germanic  peoples,  who 
had  from  the  earliest  times  been  noted  for  their  force  of 
character  and  their  love  of  liberty,  had,  as  a  result  of  the 
feudal  system,  been  reduced  to  a  state  of  serfdom.  Cap- 
tives of  war  doubtless  formed  the  basis  of  serfdom  ; 
poverty  and  debt  brought  multitudes  of  free  men  into  the 
same  condition. 

The  feudal  laws,  as  might  be  supposed,  were  strongly  favorable 
to  the  proprietors  of  the  soil.  The  peasant  had  few  rights  that  the 
nobility  were  bound  to  respect.  In  many  cases  the  peasantry  were 
regarded  as  an  inherent  part  of  tlie  property,  and  were  bought  and 
sold  with  the  land.  They  must  follow  the  lord  in  his  warlike  enter- 
prises. The  proprietor  could  impose  any  rents  or  taxes  he  might  see 
fit.  He  could  take  the  peasant's  possessions  without  his  consent, 
destroy  his  crops  by  riding  over  them  with  hunting  parties  without 
compensation.  He  could  imprison,  shoot,  or  hang  him  at  his  own 
sweet  will.  Cases  are  on  record,  apparently  well  authenticated,  of 
noblemen  on  hunting  excursions  killing  their  serfs  in  order  that  they 
might  warm  their  feet  in  their  opened  bodies.  There  is,  I  believe, 
one  code  of  feudal  laws  in  which  this  right  is  expressly  recognized, 
but  the  number  of  serfs  that  may  be  thus  used  on  any  given  excur- 
sion is  limited.  A  story  is  told  of  a  nobleman  who  wished  to  cross 
a  swollen  stream,  and  could  think  of  no  more  feasible  way  of  doing 
it  than  to  force  a  large  number  of  serfs  into  the  flood,  and  to  pass 
over  on  their  struggling  bodies  as  they  drifted  to  destruction.  It 
was  the  prerogative  of  the  lords,  very  commonly  exercised,  to  with- 
hold from  the  peasant  the  right  to  fish  in  the  streams,  to  shoot  or 
entrap  game,  to  cut  wood  or  timber  for  fuel  and  building,  to  possess 
guns  or  cross-bows,  or  to  marry  whom  he  chose.  One  of  the  most 
unreasonable  and  unjust  laws  was  the  law  of  heriot,  in  accordance 
with  which  the  lord  had  the  right,  on  the  death  of  one  of  his  serfs, 
to  go  upon  the  premises  and  take  the  first  or  most  valuable  chattel 
he  could  lav  hands  upon.  The  theory  doubtless  was  that  the  lord 
thus  secured  a  certain  compensation  for  the  loss  sustained  in  the 
death  of  his  serf.  A  like  basis  doubtless  had  the  law  by  virtue  of 
which  the  lord  could  claim  the  entire  property  of  a  suicide.  Most 
peasants  would  have  been  quite  content  to  pay  a  large  proportion  of 
the  grain  produce  as  rent,  but  to  be  obliged  to  tithe  the  fowls,  calves, 
lambs,  hay,  vegetables,  etc.,  was  highly  vexatious  and  oppressive. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  7I 

The  ecclesiastical  lords  were  little  more  considerate  of  the  interests  or 
the  comfort  of  the  peasants  than  the  lay.  in  fact,  some  of  the 
worst  instances  of  oppression  are  furnished  by  the  church.  Most  of 
the  bishops,  archbishops,  and  abbots  were  members  of  titled  families, 
and  their  motives,  in  many  cases,  were  purely  secular.  They 
usually  had  to  pay  a  high  price  for  their  appointment,  and  it  was 
natural  that  they  should  seek  to  recoup  themselves  by  fleecing  the 
peasants. 

(2)  Earlier  Uprisings  of  the  Peasants.  The  history  of 
earlier  struggles  for  freedom  on  the  part  of  the  peasants 
may  be  briefly  summed  up  :  Burdens  too  grievous  to  be 
borne  ;  a  more  or  less  distinct  hope  of  successful  resist- 
ance, usually  engendered  or  fostered  by  some  sort  of 
religious  awakening,  or  by  some  enthusiastic  individual 
or  individuals  who  succeeded  in  catching  the  ear  of  the 
people,  ready  to  listen  to  anything  that  promised  relief 
from  the  galling  yoke  of  serfdom  ;  a  fitful  struggle  for 
freedom  ;  some  deeds  of  outlawry  on  the  part  of  the 
desperate  peasants  ;  a  merciless  massacre  ;  the  imposition 
of  still  more  grievous  burdens  upon  the  survivors. 

Yet  the  failure  of  the  peasants  in  their  struggles  for 
freedom  had  by  no  means  been  universal  or  complete.  \n 
the  Rhaetian  Alps  and  in  the  Swiss  cantons  rebellion  had 
resulted  in  glorious  freedom,  hi  France  serfdom  had 
come  to  an  end  from  a  combination  of  circumstances.  It 
seems  never  to  have  existed  in  the  Netherlands,  The 
region  in  which  serfdom  still  reigned  supreme  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  Germany,  and  it 
was  in  Franconia,  Alsace,  and  Swabia  that  it  had  assumed 
its  most  aggravated  forms.  A  glance  at  a  map  of  this 
region  will  make  apparent  its  contiguity  to  those  coun- 
tries in  which  liberty  had  made  the  greatest  strides.  The 
intercourse  between  the  peasantry  of  Alsace,  Franconia, 
and  Swabia  with  that  of  Switzerland  on  the  one  side, 
and  that  of  the  Netherlands  on  the  other,  was  of  the 
most  intimate  kind. 

Let  us  look  a  little  more  particularly  at  the  antecedents 
of  the  Peasants'  War  on  the  territory  in  which  it  arose 
and  in  which  it  raged  most  fiercely.  It  was  in  Franconia 
and  Swabia  that  the  rumblings  of  discontent  first  became 
distinctly  audible  and  that  the  first  revolutionary  deeds 
were  perpetrated.  Here  the  hardships  of  the  peasants 
were  peculiarly  great.     The  lives  of  the  clergy  were 


72  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

shamelessly  corrupt,  and  the  princely  style  of  living  the 
prelates  affected  made  it  necessary  to  wring  from  the 
peasantry  the  last  particle  of  marketable  substance.  The 
Hussite  wars  had  drained  the  country  of  its  resources. 
The  bishop,  John  Bruno,  is  said  to  have  lived,  neverthe- 
less, like  an  Oriental  prince  in  Solomonic  splendor.  While 
the  people  starved  and  sighed,  the  court,  which  was  a 
collection  of  flatterers  and  favorites,  of  mistresses  and 
their  children,  upon  whom  he  lavished  most  recklessly 
the  income  from  the  land,  was  a  scene  of  feasting  and 
revelry.  His  successor  exhausted  the  impoverished  peo- 
ple still  more.  The  next  bishop  in  order  was  a  member 
of  the  arch-ducal  house  of  Saxony,  and  was  devoted  to 
the  sacred  office  by  his  father  and  brothers,  as  was  well 
understood  at  the  time,  if  not  frankly  avowed,  "  because 
of  the  feebleness  and  the  unsoundness  of  his  mind." 
"Through  bad  government,  through  manifold  taxes, 
imposts,  feuds,  enmities,  wars,  conflagrations,  murders, 
imprisonments  and  the  like,  land  and  people  had  already, 
in  1443,  come  into  so  great  misery,"  relates  an  almost  con- 
temporary manuscript,  "that  nobody  could  either  him- 
self use  for  proper  purposes  what  the  Almighty  vouch- 
safes to  him,  nor  yet  bestow  anything  suitably  upon 
others.  And  the  prospect  of  amelioration  was  exceed- 
ingly remote,  for  warring,  burning,  robbing,  throttling, 
imprisoning,  putting  in  stocks,  pinioning,  fining,  were 
becoming  worse  and  more  violent  than  they  had  been 
before." 

Religious  influences  were  at  work  side  by  side  with 
social  and  political.  The  contempt  of  the  clergy,  fully 
justified  by  what  we  have  seen  of  their  unworthiness, 
opened  the  hearts  of  the  people  to  something  better. 
It  was  precisely  in  this  region  that  the  old  ex'angelical 
party  of  the  later  Middle  Ages  achieved  its  greatest  suc- 
cess. The  printing  presses  of  the  great  commercial  cen- 
ters of  this  region — Bamberg,  Augsburg,  Nuremberg, 
Strasburg,  Basel,  etc. — sent  forth,  from  1466  to  15 18, 
edition  after  edition  of  the  German  Bible,  together  with 
multitudes  of  editions  of  Bible  portions.  The  Waldenses 
were  noted  for  their  study  of  the  Bible,  and  there  can  be 
little  doubt  but  that  the  teachers  of  this  party  distributed 
these  Bibles   freely  among   the   peasants,  whom   they 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  73 

taught  to  read  and  interpret  them.  Apart  from  the 
sound  evangelizing  influences  just  mentioned,  extreme 
and  fanatical  types  of  religious  life  appeared  here,  as 
they  are  sure  to  occur  in  times  of  dire  oppression. 

The  case  of  Hans  Boeheim  is  one  out  of  many.  In  1476  this 
young  cowherd  appeared  as  preacher  and  prophet.  He  had  been 
notoriously  irreligious  and  much  given  to  the  playing  of  the  fife  and 
other  instruments  for  dancing  parties,  etc.  TJie  Virgin,  in  a  vision, 
commanded  him  to  burn  his  instrument,  which  he  straightway  did 
in  the  presence  of  the  people.  Under  like  supposed  inspiration  he 
began  to  proclaim  the  setting-up  of  a  new  kingdom  of  God.  The 
Virgin  prompted  him  to  require  the  putting  aside  of  all  finery.  Vast 
multitudes  thronged  his  ministry,  thirty  or  forty  thousand  having 
sometimes  heard  him  on  a  single  day.  At  length  the  Virgin  revealed 
to  him  that  there  should  be  no  emperor,  no  prince,  no  pope,  no  secu- 
lar or  spiritual  magistracy.  Instead,  every  man  was  to  be  brother 
to  every  other  man,  win  his  bread  with  his  own  hands,  and  no  one 
was  to  have  more  than  another.  This,  of  course,  involved  the 
abolition  of  all  property  in  land.  Crowds  of  pilgrims  came  from 
all  parts  of  the  country  and  from  the  neighboring  countries  to  hear 
this  comforting  doctrine,  which  claimed  to  come  direct  from  the 
mother  of  God.  After  some  months  of  such  fanatical  preaching 
Boeheim  made  up  his  mind  that  the  time  had  come  to  reduce  preach- 
ing to  practice.  He  gave  an  invitation  to  all  the  males  among  his  fol- 
lowers to  meet  him,  armed  for  conflict,  on  a  certain  day.  The  bishop 
got  wind  of  the  revolutionary  scheme.  Boeheim  was  burned  to 
ashes,  and  a  vast  number  of  peasants  were  slaughtered. 

This  same  territory  was  covered  by  the  great  Bund- 
schuh  movement,  1499  to  15 14.  This  was  a  vast  secret 
organization,  which  derived  its  name  from  the  peasant's 
clog  adopted  as  a  symbol.  A  well-concerted  scheme  for 
a  simultaneous  strike  for  liberty  throughout  an  extended 
territory  was  rendered  futile  by  the  treachery  of  some 
member.  Swift  vengeance  came  upon  the  ringleaders, 
as  was  to  have  been  expected.  The  free  Switzers  had 
aided  and  abetted  the  rebellion  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
exasperate  the  nobles.  An  attack  on  the  Swiss  resulted 
in  the  defeat  of  the  troops  of  the  nobles,  and  in  the 
burning  of  many  castles  by  the  peasants.  To  give  a 
history  of  the  work  of  the  Bundschuh  from  1499  to  15 14, 
under  the  leadership  first  of  Jacob  Wimpeling,  who  has 
been  fittingly  called  a  German  Tiberius  Gracchus,  then 
of  Joss  Fritz,  if  possible  a  still  more  intrepid  commander, 
and  of  Poor  Cuntz  of  Wurtemberg,  who  fought  a  good 
fight  against  great  odds,  would  require  too  much  space. 


74  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

Truth  and  righteousness  were  crushed  to  earth,  to  be 
sure,  but  they  were  destined  to  rise  again,  and  that  with 
increased  energy  in  the  not  very  distant  future. 

The  platform  of  the  Bundschuh  may  be  briefly  stated  as  follows  : 
Recognition  of  no  other  lord  than  God,  the  emperor  and  the  pope 
(the  pope  is  omitted  from  one  copy) ;  abolition  of  all  judicial  tribu- 
nals except  local  courts — a  protest  "against  being  dragged  from  their 
homes  on  vague  charges  and  tried  before  unsympathizing  judges  ; 
the  limitation  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  to  spiritual  things ;  aboli- 
tion of  all  titiies,  except  such  as  are  recognized  by  tiie  word  of  God  ; 
freedom  of  fishing,  game,  wood,  forest,  etc.;  limitation  of  clergy  to 
one  benefice  ;  reduction  of  the  number  of  monasteries  and  like  foun- 
dations and  the  use  of  the  confiscated  funds  for  the  military  pur- 
poses of  the  Bundschuh  ;  the  abolition  of  all  obnoxious  imposts  and 
duties;  the  establishment  of  peace  throughout  Christendom,  those 
who  must  fight  being  sent  to  fight  the  Turks  ;  protection  of  all  mem- 
bers of  the  Bundschuh  and  punishment  of  all  who  oppose  its  work  ; 
the  acquisition  of  a  good  city  as  headquarters ;  members  of  the 
Bundschuh  to  appropriate  their  means  for  its  purposes. 

They  succeeded  in  gaining  the  alliance  of  many  of  the 
gentry  and  of  some  of  the  nobility.  Claiming  as  did  the 
leaders  that  they  were  able  to  prove  every  demand  both 
scriptural  and  reasonable,  they  gained  multitudes  of  ad- 
herents. Yet  the  extreme  poverty  of  the  Bundschuh  is 
shown  by  the  difficulty  with  which  funds  could  be  se- 
cured for  a  banner,  which  was  regarded  as  indispensable. 
The  organization  extended  from  Hungary  to  France,  and 
from  Switzerland  to  Saxony  or  beyond.  The  result  was 
disastrous  to  the  peasantry,  but  the  spirit  of  freedom  was 
not  extinguished,  as  we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  see. 

The  period  from  15 14  to  1524  was  not  one  in  which 
revolutionary  zeal  once  kindled  was  likely  to  die  out. 
Three  years  after  the  crushing  of  the  Bundschuh  the 
great  Wittenberg  monk  attacked  indulgences,  and  a  little 
later  (especially  in  15 19  and  1520)  he  stood  forth  as  the 
champion  of  Christian  liberty  and  equality. 

In  his  address  to  the  emperor,  nobles,  and  people  of  Germany, 
Luther  struck  at  the  root  of  sacerdotalism  and  privileged  classes. 
The  unlettered  peasant  who  has  the  spirit  of  God  is  a  better  inter- 
preter of  Scripture  than  pope  or  scholar  who  has  not.  An  honest 
reader  consulting  the  Bible  can  be  impeaclied  by  no  power  below  the 
sun.  The  Christian  cobbler  and  the  Christian  king  he  puts  upon 
an  equality.  Each  has  functions  to  perform — the  one  to  rule  for  the 
benefit  of  others,  the  other  to  make  slioes  for  the  same  purpose.   All 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  75 

believers  are  alike  priests  of  God,  and  therefore  equally  exalted.  All 
sorts  of  luxury  and  extravagance  are  denounced  in  a  style  that  would 
go  straight  to  the  heart  of  the  common  man. 

In  his  treatise  on  the  "  Liberty  of  a  Christian  Man,"  he  gave  utter- 
ance to  as  noble  Christian  sentiments  as  can  be  found  in  literature. 
"  Every  man  is  a  free  and  fully  competent  judge  of  all  those  who 
will  teach  him,  and  is  inwardly  taught  by  God  alone."  He  insisted 
that  everyone — man,  woman,  scholar,  illiterate,  man-servant,  maid- 
servant— may  and  must  attain  to  absolute  certainty  as  to  what  is 
true  Christian  doctrine  and  what  is  heresy,  by  interpreting  the  Scrip- 
tures according  to  the  light  given  by  the  Spirit  of  God.  To  the  sheep, 
not  to  the  preachers,  does  judgment  belong.  He  would  put  the  Bible 
into  the  hands  of  every  one  and  say,  "  There  now,  let  each  one  make 
a  creed  for  himself." 

In  1522,  in  a  sermon  against  Carlstadt,  he  said:  "  1  will  preach,  I 
will  talk,  1  will  write,  but  I  wi',1  force  and  constrain  no  man  with 
violence  ;  for  faith  is  by  nature  voluntary  and  uncompelled."  Even 
as  late  as  1 524,  in  a  letter  to  the  princes  of  Saxony,  he  wrote  :  ' '  Your 
princely  graces  should  not  restrain  the  office  of  the  word.  Men 
should  be  allowed  confidently  and  freshly  to  preach  what  they  can 
and  against  whom  they  will,  for,  as  1  have  said,  there  must  be  sects, 
and  the  word  of  God  must  lie  afield  and  fight.  .  .  If  their  spirit  is 
right,  it  will  not  be  afraid  of  us  and  will  stand  its  ground.  Is  ours 
right,  it  will  not  be  afraid  of  them  nor  of  any.  We  should  let  the 
spirits  have  free  course."  Brave  words  are  these,  truly.  We  shall 
see  hereafter  how  far  he  lived  up  to  them. 

The  peasants  of  Germany,  who  had  been  for  so  long 
struggUng  against  civil  and  ecclesiastical  despotism,  hailed 
the  advent  of  this  great  son  of  a  peasant  as  of  one  who 
combined  thorough  sympathy  for  the  oppressed  with  learn- 
ing, position,  and  iniluence,  and  as  one  under  whose  ban- 
ner they  might  march  on  to  victory.  As  has  already 
been  made  manifest,  the  peasants  of  Germany  were  not 
indebted  to  any  very  large  extent  to  Luther  for  evan- 
gelical teaching  or  impulse.  It  was  only  as  his  teaching 
corresponded  with  the  biblical  views  they  had  imbibed 
from  less  eminent  teachers  that  they  rejoiced  in  his  work. 
It  has  been  proved  beyond  question  that  from  15 17  to 
1522  Luther's  doctrinal  views  were  almost  identical  with 
the  old  evangelical  views  with  which  the  peasants  had 
long  been  familiar,  and  that  after  the  latter  date  a  marked 
change  for  the  worse  appears  in  his  teachings.  There 
can  be  no  doubt,  therefore,  that  the  bold  evangelical 
utterances  of  Luther  during  these  years  constitute  an 
important  factor  among  the  influences  that  led  to  the 
great  revolt  of  the  peasants. 


76  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

The  influence  of  the  advanced  democratic  views  of 
such  knights  as  Ulrich  von  Hutten  and  Franz  von  Sick- 
ingen  was  likewise  very  considerable.  The  mode"ately 
revolutionary  preaching  and  writings  of  Carlstadt,  and 
the  violently  insurrectionary  preaching  and  prophesying 
of  Thomas  Munzer,  one  of  the  worst  fanatics  of  the  age 
and  a  successor  along  certain  lines  of  Hans  Boeheim, 
doubtless  influenced  the  peasants  in  a  considerable  meas- 
ure. But  it  would  be  doing  grave  injustice  to  the  spirit 
of  this  great  struggle  for  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  sup- 
pose that  it  had  the  millenarian  expectations  of  Munzer 
for  its  mainspring.  The  influence  of  Munzer,  so  far  as 
it  did  extend,  was  wholly  baneful  and  destructive. 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  proportion  as  the  spirit  of  lib- 
erty was  increasing  through  such  influences  as  have  been 
mentioned,  the  hardships  of  the  peasants  were  becoming 
more  and  more  unendurable.  A  number  of  instances  of 
revolting  cruelty  occurred  about  this  time. 

A  certain  nobleman  compelled  his  subordinate  to  drive  away  two 
peasants  and  their  families  because  they  had  refused  to  give  him  their 
hens.  Another  nobleman  procured  the  execution  of  a  peasant  for 
the  crime  of  catching  crabs  out  of  a  brook. 

The  peasants  of  the  Count  of  Lippen  complained  that  they  were 
allowed  no  rest,  but  were  compelled  by  the  countess  to  hunt  for 
snail-shells,  wind  yarn,  gather  strawberries,  cherries,  and  sloes,  and 
do  other  such  like  things  on  holidays;  that  they  had  to  work  for 
their  lords  and  ladies  in  fine  weather  and  for  themselves  in  the  rain. 
Moreover,  huntsmen  and  their  hounds  ran  about  w  ithout  regarding 
the  damage  they  did. 

The  pestilence  had  a  few  years  before  destroyed  vast  numbers  of 
the  peasants,  and  many  of  the  noblemen  were  inclined  to  compel  the 
survivors  to  do  the  work  of  the  dead,  as  well  as  their  own. 

in  some  cases  the  rents  and  taxes  are  said  to  have  been  increased 
twenty-fold.  Waste  land  that  had  formerly  been  exempted  was  now 
taxed  to  the  utmost.  Tithing  had  been  extended  to  include  almost 
every  imaginable  article  of  produce.  The  freedom  to  go  on  journeys 
and  to  meet  in  large  numbers  which  had  formerly  been  accorded  to 
the  peasants,  had  been  withdrawn  in  consequence  of  the  recent 
Bundschuh  uprising. 

Thus  we  see  that,  whether  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  outbreak 
was  the  exasperation  of  the  peasants  at  being  compelled  to  gather 
snail-shells  and  cherries  on  holidays,  or  the  shooting  of  some  peas- 
ants for  poaching,  or  the  merciless  exaction  of  rent  in  l.ipheim  when 
the  harvest  had  almost  completely  failed,  all  the  conditions  existed 
for  the  spread  of  the  conflagration  throughout  Germany  when  once 
it  had  been  kindled. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  TJ 

It  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  nobles  were 
uniformly  cruel  and  unreasonable.  A  few  instances  are 
recorded  of  those  who  were  noble  not  in  name  only,  but 
in  deed.  Frederick  the  Wise,  of  Saxony,  was  a  man  of 
heart  and  conscience.  A  nobleman  whose  conscience 
was  troubling  him  as  to  whether  he  ought  to  keep  his 
peasants  in  bondage,  wrote  again  and  again  to  Luther 
for  spiritual  direction.  The  same  Luther  who  could  write- 
the  passionate  pleas  for  liberty  and  equality,  full  of  in- 
consistencies as  he  ever  was,  used  all  the  influence  and 
the  sophistry  he  could  command  to  induce  his  correspond- 
ent to  keep  the  peasants  in  bondage  and  to  quench  the 
Spirit  of  God  that  was,  we  may  suppose,  prompting  the 
man  through  his  conscience  to  loose  the  bonds  of  his 
subjects.  "The  common  man,"  he  wrote,  "must  be 
laden  with  burdens,  otherwise  he  will  become  too  wan- 
ton." When,  after  all  Luther's  advice,  the  man's  con- 
science continued  to  trouble  him,  he  was  taught  to  ascribe 
the  compunction  to  Satanic  influence. 

(3)  Outbreak  of  the  Insurrection.  It  was  in  the  territory 
of  the  Count  of  Lippen,  where  the  peasants  were  com- 
pelled to  gather  snail  shells,  that  the  peasants  first  rose 
in  rebellion  in  1524.  Hans  Miiller,  an  experienced  war- 
rior and  popular  orator,  led  one  thousand  and  two  hun- 
dred peasants  to  Waldshut  on  August  24th.  Here  they 
made  common  cause  with  the  citizens,  who,  under  the 
preaching  of  the  great  reformer,  Balthasar  Hubmaier 
(soon  to  be  known  to  the  world  as  a  great  Anabaptist 
leader),  and  from  close  contact  with  the  free  institutions 
of  Switzerland,  had  become  strongly  democratic  in  sen- 
timent. A  union  was  formed  under  the  name  of  the 
"  Evangelical  Brotherhood."  They  were  resolved  to 
obey  no  other  lord  than  the  emperor,  and  to  destroy 
all  castles,  monasteries,  and  everything  ecclesiastical. 
They  knew  full  well  that  castles  were  a  perpetual  men- 
ace to  liberty,  and  that  monasteries  could  be  maintained 
only  at  the  expense  of  the  tillers  of  the  soil.  They 
were  thoroughly  convinced  that  they  could  expect  only 
taxation  and  oppression  from  the  clergy.  The  Evan- 
gelical Brotherhood  thus  constituted  formed  a  regular 
propaganda.  Enthusiastic  emissaries  were  sent  at  the 
common  expense  far  and  wide  to  organize  the  peasants 


78  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

in  every  locality.  The  aim  was  to  bring  about  a  state 
of  society  in  every  respect  righteous  and  consonant  with 
the  spirit  of  the  gospel.  The  Swabian  League,  organ- 
ized for  the  suppression  of  insurrection,  was  soon  in  a 
position  to  cope  with  the  insurgents,  but  not  until  the 
movement  had  made  great  headway  and  almost  the 
whole  peasant  population  of  Europe  was  in  arms. 

(4)  The  Twelve  Articles  of  the  Peasants.  Let  us  look  for 
a  moment  at  the  twelve  articles  of  the  peasants,  which 
exhibit  the  spirit  of  the  movement  better  than  any  words 
of  the  author  can  do. 

The  first  article  insists  upon  the  right  of  the  people  to  appoint  and 
remove  pastors,  and  to  demand  simple  and  dear  preaching  of  the 
gospel  without  human  additions.  "  Unless  God's  grace  is  formed 
in  us  we  remain  simply  flesh  and  blood,  which  is  of  no  use,  for  only 
through  faith  can  we  come  to  God,  and  only  tlirough  his  mercy  can 
we  attain  to  blessedness."     Is  there  any  heresy  or  fanaticism  here.?- 

In  the  second  article  the  matter  of  tithes  is  discussed.  While  the 
peasants  hold  that  tithes  are  an  Old  Testament  institution  fulfilled  in 
the  New,  they  yet  agree  to  continue  paying  grain  tithes.  These, 
however,  are  to  be  employed  for  the  suitable  maintenance  of  pastors 
of  their  own  choice  and  for  assisting  the  poor  under  the  direction  of 
the  church.  They  object  to  the  minor  tithes  that  had  of  late  years 
been  extorted  from  them  as  unjust  and  not  even  in  accord  with  the 
Old  Testament.     This  is  sound  evangelical  teaching,  is  it  not? 

The  third  article  repudiates  the  idea  that  the  peasants  are  the  prop- 
erty of  their  lords  ;  for  Christ  has  redeemed  and  purchased  all  alike, 
high  and  low,  with  his  precious  blood.  Yet  magistracy  is  an  ordi- 
nance of  God,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  peasants  to  bear  themselves  in 
humility,  not  simply  toward  the  magistracy,  but  toward  all  men. 
They  are  resolved  in  all  things  Christian  to  be  obedient  to  the  legally 
constituted  magistracy.  All  will  pronounce  the  teaching  of  this 
article  above  criticism,  whether  on  religious  or  political  grounds. 

In  the  fourth  article  the  peasants  express  the  conviction  that  it  is 
unseemly  and  unbrotherly,  selfish,  and  contrary  to  the  word  of  God, 
that  no  poor  man  should  be  allowed  to  kill  game  in  the  forests  or 
catch  fish  in  the  streams ;  and  they  demand  that  what  God  has 
made  for  the  use  of  man  be  left  free.'  This  is  a  demand  persistently 
made  throughout  the  entire  course  of  peasant  agitation,  and  one  that 
commends  itself  to  the  Christian  consciousness  as  eminently  just  and 
reasonable. 

In  the  fifth  article  objection  is  made  to  the  appropriation  of  the 
forests  by  the  lords,  and  it  is  demanded  that  the  poor  man  be 
accorded  the  privilege  of  getting  firewood  and  timber. 

in  the  sixth  article  the  peasants  complain  that  the  labor  required 
of  them  is  becoming  greater  from  day  to  day,  and  ask  that  their 
burdens  be  alleviated  according  to  the  word  of  God. 

Articles  seven  to  ten  deal  with  mutual  obligations  of  lords  and 
peasants  in  the  matters  of  wages,  tenure  of  land,  etc.    The  keenest 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  79 

scrutiny  would  fail  to  discover  an  unjust  or  un-Christian  demand 

"  In  Uie  eleventh  article  they  demand  the  utter  abolition  of  the  heriot 
or  death-gift.  The  wonder  is  that  such  a  heartless  practice  should 
ever  have  been  instituted,  or  should  have  been  tolerated  by  the 
public  opinion  of  any  age.  •       .1     *  v 

In  the  twelfth  article  they  make  what  seems  an  eminently  fair 
proposition.  If  any  of  the  foregoing  articles  is  not  according  to  the 
word  of  God,  they  promise  to  withdraw  it  so  soon  as  the  tact  shall 
have  been  pointed  out.  .,       r     c  i         a 

Thomas  Carlyle  pronounced  these  articles  worthy  of  a  bolon.  An 
able  German  historian  says  :  "  It  was  a  man  of  heart  and  intellect 
who  composed  or  revised  the  articles,  one  who  was  familiar  with 
the  oppressions  practised  by  the  nobility  and  sympathized  deeply  with 
the  people,  one  who  aimed  at  no  violent  revolution  and  laid  no  claim 
to  liberty  in  the  sense  of  equality,  but  who  aimed  to  provide  a 
touchstone  for  lords  and  subjects  drawn  straight  from  holy  bcrip- 
ture  and  capable  of  being  applied  with  safety  and  comfort. 

With  thorough  organization  and  such  a  document  as 
the  basis  of  their  demands,  the  peasants  during  the  first 
quarter  of  1525  swept  everything  before  them.  The  cities 
and  towns  which  had  much  to  complain  of  in  the  conduct  of 
lords,  lay  and  ecclesiastical,  and  the  artisan  class,  which 
had  for  generations  been  permeated  with  evangelical  and 
democratic  sentiments,  usually  received  the  peasant  hosts 
with  open  arms.  Castles,  monasteries,  and  other  religious 
houses  in  large  numbers  were  stormed  and  sacked  and 
burned.   The  lords  were  in  many  cases  obliged  to  accept 
the  terms  of  the  peasants  or  to  expect  the  worst,     hi 
some  instances  the  peasants  went  too  far  in  imitation  of 
the  lords  and  wreaked  bloody  vengeance  on  such  as  ren- 
dered themselves  peculiarly  obnoxious  to  them.     Those 
of  the  peasants  who  were  under  the  direct  influence  of 
the  fanatical  Miinzer,  were  too  much  inclined  to  obey  his 
hysterical  exhortation  to  rush  upon  the  enemies  of  the 
Lord,  to  slay,  slay,  and  tire  not.     He  claimed  that  the 
sword  of  Gideon  was  in  his  hand  and  that  he  would  lead 
them  on  to  victory.  "  On,  on,  on,"  shrieked  he,  "  never 
mind   the   wail  of  the   godless.     Though   they  beg   in 
friendly  tones,  though  they  cry  and  whimper  like  chil- 
dren, pity  not.     Was  it  not  thus  that  God  commanded 
his  people  to  slay  the  Canaanites  ?     On,  on,  while  the 
fire  is  hot.     Down  with  the  castles  and  their  inmates. 
God  is  with  you,  on,  on."     The   nobility  were  dazed 
for  a  time  by  the  magnitude  of  the  insurrection.     They 


8o  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

scarcely  knew  which  way  to  turn,  or  whom  to  trust ; 
for  many  of  the  soldiers  had  come  from  the  ranks  of  the 
peasantry  and  sympatliized  with  their  cause. 

(5)  The  Slau(rhterof  the  Peasants.  The  Swabian  League 
soon  had  a  strong  force  in  the  field,  under  one  of  the 
ablest  and  cruelest  generals  of  the  age.  The  tide  soon 
turned.  When  disaster  began  it  swept  over  the  entire 
field  as  rapidly  as  victory  had  done  before.  Munzer,  in 
his  part  of  the  field,  proved  a  complete  failure.  He  had 
provided  himself  with  guns  but  had  neglected  a  supply 
of  ammunition.  He  wrought  the  poor  peasants  up  into 
a  state  of  frenzy,  and  led  them  to  expect  miraculous 
divine  interposition.  They  were  slaughtered  like  sheep. 
The  rest  of  the  peasants'  armies  were  attacked  in  detail 
and  overcome  one  by  one.  About  one  hundred  thousand 
of  the  miserable  people  v/ere  butchered  by  the  troops  of 
the  League. 

(6)  Luther's  Sanguinary  Utterances.  Luther,  who  had 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war  counseled  compromise,  and 
who  had  urged  the  peasants  to  desist  from  their  under- 
taking, soon  began  to  rage  against  them  with  such  fury 
as  to  bring  upon  himself  the  sharp  rebuke  of  some  of  the 
nobles.  The  bloodthirstiness  of  his  exhortations  would 
lead  one  to  suppose  that  he  was  as  crazy  as  MUnzer. 
His  language,  as  has  been  well  said,  was  more  despotic 
than  that  of  the  despots  themselves.  He  wrote  against 
"the  murderous  and  pillaging  bands  of  the  peasants." 
He  urged  that  they  be  "  crushed,  strangled,  and  stabbed, 
privately  and  publicly,  by  whomsoever  can  do  it,  just  as 
one  would  beat  to  death  a  mad  dog."  "  The  magistracy," 
he  added,  "that  falters,  commits  sin  ;  since  it  does  not 
satisfy  the  peasants  to  belong  to  the  devil  themselves, 
but  they  constrain  many  pious  people  to  their  wicked- 
ness and  damnation.  Therefore,  dear  sirs,  fire  here, 
save  here,  stab,  smite,  strangle  them,  whoever  can.  If 
your  death  result,  very  well,  you  can  never  attain  to  a 
more  blessed  death." 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  there  were  plenty  of  the 
nobles  ready  to  carry  out  to  the  letter  such  exhortations. 

(7)  Causes  of  the  Failure  of  the  Peasants.  What  were 
the  causes  of  the  failure  of  this  organized  and  well-con- 
certed struggle  for  civil  and  religious  liberty  ? 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  8 1 

a.  The  twelve  articles  were  too  far  in  advance  of  the 
age.  The  social  and  political  ideas  of  the  author  of  the 
articles  were  just  as  far  beyond  the  dominant  social 
and  political  ideas  of  the  age  as  were  the  religious  and 
ecclesiastical  ideas  of  the  Anabaptists  of  that  time  in  ad- 
vance of  those  that  prevailed  among  Roman  Catholics 
and  Protestants.  The  evangelical  social  reformers  and 
the  evangelical  religious  reformers  both  did  a  noble  work 
during  this  generation  ;  both  alike  had  brilliant  though 
brief  careers  ;  both  alike  drew  to  themselves  the  masses 
of  the  people,  who  were  longing  for  deliverance  from 
social  and  ecclesiastical  bondage.  They  failed  at  the  time 
because  the  great  weight  of  public  sentiment  was  against 
them  ;  because  they  contended  against  vast  vested  in- 
terests that  had  their  roots  deeply  implanted  in  the  soil 
of  Europe  ;  because  they  stood  up  against  the  wealth,  the 
learning,  and  the  organized  power  of  the  world. 

b.  But  this  is  not  all.  The  bane  of  the  peasants' 
movement,  just  as  a  little  later  it  became  the  bane  of  the 
Anabaptist  movement  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  just 
as  it  is  likely  to  prove  to  be  the  bane  of  any  movement 
into  which  it  may  enter,  was  millenarianism.  It  is 
just  as  certain  that  no  Christian  or  Christian  body  can 
entertain  carnal  expectations  with  reference  to  the  set- 
ting up  of  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth  without  serious 
harm  as  it  is  that  Christianity  is  essentially  a  spiritual 
religion,  and  that  progress  is  from  spiritual  to  more  spir- 
itual, rather  than  from  spiritual  to  carnal.  Alas,  for  the 
church  of  Christ  if  it  should  ever  come  to  look  upon  the 
sword  of  Gideon  as  a  fit  instrument  for  the  setting  up  of 
the  kingdom  of  God,  or  to  conceive  of  the  Christ  of  God 
as  leading  a  carnal  host  to  the  slaughter  of  the  ungodly  ! 
Such  thoughts  are  unspeakably  revolting  to  the  rightly 
instructed  Christian  consciousness,  and  the  fact  that 
they  are  entertained  by  earnest  and  zealous  men  does 
not  make  them  one  iota  less  objectionable.  Hans  Boe- 
heim  was  earnest  and  was  fairly  consumed  with  zeal  ; 
Thomas  Miinzer  was  one  of  the  most  self-sacrificing  and 
zealous  of  men.  These  and  other  errorists  have  held  to 
much  of  precious  truth  and  have  had  many  admirable 
traits.  And  yet  their  work  was  vitiated  by  false  and 
carnal  views  of  Christ  and  his  kingdom. 


8l2  a  manual  of  church  history         [per.  v. 

The  peasants'  movement  failed  at  the  time  for  the 
reasons  that  have  been  named,  among  others  ;  but  the 
great  truths  that  were  embodied  in  this  movement,  and 
in  the  closely  allied  Anti-pedobaptist  movement,  did  not 
perish.  The  faith  of  Hubmaier,  the  great  leader  of  the 
latter  and  possibly  the  author  of  the  twelve  articles,  in 
the  immortality  of  the  truth  has  been  abundantly  justi- 
fied by  history.  The  principles  contended  for  in  these 
two  movements  have  gone  on  and  on  from  victory  to 
victory,  until  most  of  them  are  now  regarded  as  com- 
monplaces. The  public  sentiment  of  Christendom  to- 
day would  accept  the  peasants'  demands  as  reasonable 
and  just. 

6.  Liither  in  Conflict  "with  Evangelical  Parties 
(i$2i  onward). 

We  shall  be  sure  to  do  an  injustice  to  Luther  if  we  fail 
to  make  due  allowance  for  the  grave  and  multitudinous 
difficulties  by  which  he  found  himself  surrounded.  That 
he  should  be  mercilessly  attacked  and  that  the  worst 
construction  should  be  put  upon  his  every  word  and  act 
by  the  representatives  of  the  hierarchical  church  was  to 
be  expected.  That  evangelical  mystics  like  Staupitz 
and  Schwenckfeldt  should  have  been  repelled  alike  by 
the  drastic  quality  of  his  polemics  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  and  by  his  gradual  departure  from 
their  modes  of  thought,  could  not  so  readily  have  been 
foreseen,  although  their  revulsion  was  involved  in  the 
very  nature  of  the  case.  That  humanists,  whose  inter- 
est centered  in  the  advancement  of  the  new  learning 
and  of  freedom  of  thought  and  who  looked  with  dis- 
may upon  anything  that  portended  revolution  as  imperil- 
ling not  only  their  personal  security  but  whatever  of 
liberty  and  intellectual  advancement  had  already  been 
achieved,  should  have  been  repelled  by  the  harsh  type 
of  Augustinian  doctrine  that  became  ever  more  promi- 
nent in  Luther's  teaching,  was  inevitable.  That  in  re- 
publican Switzerland,  where  humanism  had  become  ex- 
ceedingly influential  and  mysticism  had  little  hold,  prac- 
tical reform  should  have  taken  on  a  wholly  different  as- 
pect from  that  which  it  assumed  in  Saxony  and  modes 
of    theological   thought   radically   opposed    to   Luther's 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  83 

should  have  there  appeared,  was  a  matter  completely  be- 
yond the  control  of  Luther  or  the  Swiss.  That  old  evan- 
gelical Christians  of  various  types,  who  had  been  led  by 
Luther's  radically  evangelical  utterances  of  15 19-1520  to 
look  upon  him  as  the  champion  of  evangelical  liberty 
and  had  given  him  their  cordial  support,  should  have 
been  repelled  alike  by  the  carnal  character  of  his  war- 
fare, the  exaggerated  Augustinianism  of  his  teaching, 
and  his  intolerance,  and  should  have  come  forward  with 
polemical  zeal  to  attack  Luther's  teaching  and  proceed- 
ings as  contrary  to  the  "  pure  word  of  God,"  and  to 
attempt  the  complete  restoration  of  apostolical  Chris- 
tianity, could  have  been  avoided  only  by  Luther's  put- 
ting himself  squarely  on  their  platform.  That  the  so- 
cial democracy,  which  had  long  been  permeated  with 
New  Testament  ideas  of  liberty  and  equality,  involving 
the  fair  participation  of  all  in  the  enjoyment  of  God- 
given  nature  and  the  fruits  of  labor,  should  have  been 
greatly  encouraged  by  Luther's  reformatory  writings  of 
1520  and  should  have  counted  on  his  support  in  their 
great  uprising,  was  perfectly  natural.  Yet  in  view  of  all 
the  circumstances  his  determined  opposition  to  the  rebel- 
lious peasants  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  It  would  have 
been  absolutely  impossible  for  any  man  to  harmonize 
and  lead  all  the  elements  of  opposition  to  Rome  that  had 
been  developed  among  the  German-speaking  peoples  of 
Europe,  or  even  among  the  Saxons.  A  born  fighter, 
Luther  sought  to  direct  the  struggle  against  Rome  not  by 
efforts  at  conciliating  the  anti-Catholic  elements,  but  by 
remorselessly  crushing  all  opposition.  His  life  was  em- 
bittered and  his  temper  soured  by  controversy,  and  it 
would  be  difficult  to  find  in  all  literature  a  parallel  to  the 
coarseness  and  uncharitableness  of  his  polemics.  Dur- 
ing the  earlier  years  his  great  buoyancy  of  spirits  en- 
abled him  to  be  highly  entertaining  and  agreeable  to  his 
friends  and  admirers  ;  but  his  later  years  were  shrouded 
in  gloom,  and  even  his  most  intimate  friends  were  often 
sorely  tried  by  his  intolerance. 

Sufficient  has  been  said  regarding  Luther's  later  rela- 
tions with  the  humanists  who  refused  to  follow  his 
leadership  and  those  evangelical  mystics  who  resented 
his  departure  from  their  principles  and  became  his  bitter 


84  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

opponents.  His  contlict  with  the  old-evangelical  types 
that  reappeared  under  the  name  of  "  Anabaptist,"  can 
be  best  set  forth  in  connection  with  the  sketch  of  the 
Anabaptist  movement.  His  controversy  with  Zwinglian- 
ism  and  Calvinism  can  be  most  advantageously  de- 
scribed after  the  history  of  these  movements  has  been 
given. 

7.  Some  Demoralising  Elements  in  Luther's  Teachings  and 

Life. 

LITERATURE:  Besides  Luther's  own  works,  the  writings  of 
Cochl^Eus,  Eck,  Witzel,  Prierias,  Henry  Viil.  (of  England),  Sir 
Thomas  More,  and  other  contemporary  Roman  Catholic  opponents  ; 
Dollinger,  " 'D?>  Reformation^^  (consists  chiefly  of  skiiltully  and 
critically  made  extracts  from  the  writings  of  friends  and  foes  of 
Lutheranism  on  a  great  variety  of  topics,  tending  to  show  the  doc- 
trinal and  moral  defects  and  harmful  consequences  of  Luther's 
teachings,  and  constituting  the  most  effective  polemic  against 
Lutheranism  ever  published) ;  Bossuet,  "  Histotre  dcs  l^ariations  des 
Eglises  Proiestaiites,"  1688;  Janssen,  '''Deutsche  Gesc/i.,"  Bd.  \\.  tiiid 
111.,  1 879- 1 88 1  ;  Evers,  "  Martin  Luther,"  1883  onward;  pertinent 
sections  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  histories  of  Alzog,  Funk, 
Kraus,  and  Hergenrother.  Most  of  the  biographers  of  Luther  and 
most  of  the  German  Protestant  historians  of  the  Reformation  freely 
admit  Luther's  inconsistencies  and  extravagances. 

The  doctrinal  inconsistencies  in  Luther's  writings  that 
led  to  the  great  doctrinal  controversies  within  the  Lu- 
theran body  and  the  doctrinal  differences  between  Lu- 
therans and  Reformed  will  be  considered  elsewhere.  In 
view  of  the  frank  admissions  by  Luther,  Melanchthon, 
and  other  evangelical  leaders,  of  the  lamentable  and  un- 
controllable license  that  prevailed  throughout  Lutheran 
Germany  during  the  later  years  of  Luther's  career,  and 
of  the  constantly  reiterated  assertions  by  Catholics  of 
all  types.  Anabaptists,  and  others,  that  the  prevailing 
immorality  and  irreligion  were  due  directly  to  Luther's 
teachings,  it  seems  incumbent  upon  the  historian  to 
undertake  the  disagreeable  and  perhaps  ungracious  task 
of  setting  forth  the  facts  in  the  case  without  fear  or  favor. 
It  may  be  truthfully  said  in  advance  that  every  ob- 
jectionable statement  here  quoted  or  referred  to  could 
be  offset  by  any  number  of  quotations  on  the  same 
topics  that  are  completely  free  from  immoral  tendency 
or  suggestion.     It  may  be  confidently  stated  that  even 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  85 

in  the  cases  in  which  Luther's  utterances  are  from  a 
moral  point  of  view  most  objectionable  his  own  inten- 
tions were  not  immoral,  hi  seeking  to  correct  errors  on 
the  other  side  he  often  allowed  himself  to  use  language 
so  extreme  as  to  involve  consequences  that  he  did  not 
foresee  and  against  which  he  would  have  most  earnestly 
protested. 

(i)  On  the  Relations  of  the  Sexes.  Luther's  language 
in  his  popular  discourses  and  in  his  more  deliberate  pro- 
ductions on  sexual  matters  is  unspeakably  coarse.  Some 
have  attempted  to  exculpate  him  by  reference  to  the  pre- 
vailing freedom  and  unreserve  in  speaking  of  such  mat- 
ters. But  his  language  is  without  parallel  among  theo- 
logical writers  of  repute  in  the  Reformation  time. 

a.  On  the  Uncontrollahleness  of  Sexual  <^ppetite.  It  was 
his  deep-seated  conviction  apparently,  based  no  doubt 
upon  his  observation  of  monastic  and  priestly  life  as  well 
as  of  that  of  the  German  people  of  his  time,  that  the  ex- 
ercise of  the  sexual  functions  is  for  most  people  almost 
as  necessary  as  the  excretory  functions  on  which  life  it- 
self depends  ;  and  that  continence  is  a  special  gift  limited 
to  the  few.  "  To  beget  children  is  just  as  deeply  im- 
planted in  nature  as  to  eat  and  to  drink.  .  ,  Just  as  lit- 
tle as  it  stands  within  my  control  that  1  have  a  man's 
body,  so  little  does  it  stand  within  my  control  that  I  be 
without  a  woman  ;  on  the  other  hand  also  just  as  little  as 
you  can  help  having  a  woman's  body,  can  you  do  with- 
out a  man,  ,  ,  For  it  is  not  a  matter  of  free  choice  or 
counsel,  but  a  necessary,  natural  thing,  that  everything 
that  is  a  man  must  have  a  woman  and  whatever  is  wo- 
man must  have  a  man.  For  this  word  that  God  speaks, 
'  Be  fruitful  and  multiply,'  is  not  a  command,  but  more 
than  a  command,  namely,  a  divine  work,  which  it  lies 
not  in  us  to  hinder  or  to  neglect,  but  is  just  as  much  a 
necessity  as  having  a  man's  body  and  more  necessary 
than  eating  and  drinking  .  .  .  sleeping  and  waking."  He 
urges  young  people,  in  order  to  avoid  unchastity,  other- 
wise utterly  inevitable,  to  marry  at  an  early  age,  regard- 
less of  means  of  support.  Far  more  objectionable  lan- 
guage than  that  quoted  might  be  given, 

b.  On  Concubinage.  In  a  sermon  preached  in  1528, 
having  in  view  his  idea  of  the  impossibility  of  continence 


86  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [I'ER.  v. 

and  the  obligation  of  fruitfulness,  he  makes  the  follow- 
ing recommendations  :  In  case  the  husband  be  incapable 
of  procreation,  his  wife  may  demand  that  he  allow  her 
to  have  commerce  with  his  brother  or  other  relative,  and 
if  being  physically  capable  he  refuse  her  she  is  justifiable 
in  stealing  away  and  marrying  another.  If  the  wife  be 
physically  incapable  of  rendering  the  marriage  due,  the 
husband  is  advised  to  call  in  the  maidservant  and,  if  she 
refuse,  to  discharge  her  and  employ  another.  Wives 
are  advised  to  yield  themselves  to  their  husbands  even 
if  their  physical  condition  be  such  as  to  imperil  life. 

c.  On  Bigamy.  The  case  of  Philip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse, 
is  the  celebrated  one  in  this  connection.  Philip  was  one 
of  the  most  zealous  of  the  Protestant  princes  and  one  of 
Luther's  most  valuable  supporters.  By  1539  he  had  be- 
come weary  of  his  wife,  Christine  of  Saxony,  and  had 
contracted  a  loathsome  disease  through  irregular  ex- 
cesses. At  this  time  he  became  enamoured  of  a  beauti- 
ful young  gentlewoman,  Margaretha  von  der  Saal,  whose 
mother  refused  to  allow  her  to  enter  into  illicit  relations 
with  him.  He  made  up  his  mind  that  the  possession  of 
this  young  woman  as  his  lawful  wife  was  not  only  essen- 
tial to  his  happiness,  but  a  necessary  means  of  amending 
his  life  and  appeasing  his  conscience.  He  also  determined 
to  put  the  responsibility  of  his  bigamous  relationship  on 
Bucer,  Luther,  and  the  other  Protestant  theologians,  who 
were  under  heavy  obligations  to  him  for  support.  Bucer 
yielded  the  point  without  much  hesitation  in  view  of 
Philip's  hint  that  in  case  the  Protestant  theologians 
should  refuse  needful  co-operation  he  would  be  obliged 
to  come  into  closer  relations  with  the  emperor  and  secure 
a  papal  dispensation.  Afterward  he  laid  the  matter  be- 
fore Luther  in  the  frankest  way  and  asked  him  to  solve 
the  difficulty  by  granting  him  a  dispensation  for  a  second 
marriage  and  thus  become  a  party  to  the  transaction. 
Luther  had  already  (see  above)  expressed  himself  in  so 
compromising  a  way  in  favor  of  marital  freedom,  that  re- 
fusal to  comply  with  his  request  would  have  been  diffi- 
cult in  any  case.  Philip  had  found  that  polygamy  was 
practised  with  divine  approval  in  the  Old  Testament 
times  and  he  could  find  no  definite  requirement  of  mo- 
nogamy for  all  in  the  New  Testament.     He  made  up  his 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  87 

mind  that  the  requirement  of  monogamy  was  a  priestly 
device  that  might  be  safely  disregarded.  While  Luther 
admitted  that  such  was  the  case,  he  earnestly  sought  to 
dissuade  the  landgrave  from  so  scandalous  a  procedure, 
advising  him  rather  to  content  himself  with  concubinal 
relations  than  to  involve  the  Protestant  cause  in  re- 
sponsibility for  a  second  marriage.  But  the  landgrave 
was  inexorable  and  the  landgravine's  consent  having 
been  obtained  by  guaranteeing  the  rights  of  her  seven 
children,  the  marriage  was  secretly  celebrated  with  the 
approval  of  Luther,  Bucer,  Melanchthon,  et  al.  Me- 
lanchthon  was  heartbroken  and  was  at  the  point  of 
death,  when  Luther's  courageous  faith  and  earnest 
prayers  were  instrumental  in  raising  him  up.  An  effort 
was  made  to  keep  the  transaction  secret ;  but  the  inter- 
ests of  the  bride  and  her  family  were  too  much  involved 
to  allow  this,  and  its  publication  was  the  hardest  blow 
the  Protestant  cause  suffered  during  this  age.  When  the 
shameful  transaction  began  to  be  noised  abroad,  Luther 
was  so  fearful  of  its  consequences  as  to  urge  Philip  to 
save  the  situation  by  "a  good  strong  lie."  Philip  very 
properly  rebuked  him  by  replying  :  "  I  will  not  lie,  for 
lying  is  evil  ;  no  apostle  ever  taught  it  to  any  Christians, 
nay,  Christ  has  indeed  most  emphatically  forbidden  it."  ^ 
Luther  afterward  sought  to  exculpate  himself  by  the 
plea  of  necessity.  Philip's  threat  to  secure  the  co-opera- 
tion of  emperor  and  pope  seemed  to  Luther  to  necessi- 
tate extreme  concessions  on  the  part  of  the  Protestant 
theologians. 

See  on  this  matter,  besides  Lenz,  as  above,  Heppe,  in  ^^  Zeitsch.  f. 
hist.  Theol.r  Bd.  XXII.,  Scit.  263,  seq.  ;  "  Th.  Stud.  ti.  Krit.,"  1891, 
Seit.  564,  seq.;  Koldewey,  in  "  5^  ».  Krit.,"  1884,  Sei't.  553,  si't/.  ,• 
"■  ^rcrumetita  Buceri  pro  et  contra,'"  1878;  Kolde,  '■'Luther,'"  'Bd.  11., 
Seit.  488  ;  Moiler,  "  Kirchengesch."  ed.  Kawerau,  1804,  "Bd.  III.,  Seit. 
131,  seq. ;  Rommel,  "  Phil,  ^der  Grossnmthige'"  ;  Sir  William  Hamilton, 
"Disc,  in  Met.  and  Phil."  ;  Bayne,  "  M.  Luther,"  Vol.  IL,  p.  560, 
seq.  ;  Jacobs,  "  Martin  Luther,"  p.  331,  seq. ;  and  Richard,  "  Philip 
Melanchthon,"  p.  272,  seq. 

(2)  On  Good  Works,  Faith,  Assurance,  Justification, 
etc.  It  was  natural,  perhaps,  that  in  controversy  with 
papists,  who  put  undue  emphasis  on  works  in  relation  to 

1  See  Lenz,  "  Briefwechsel  Landg.  Phil,  mil  Bucer,"  Bd.  I.,  Sett.  373,  383, 


88  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

salvation,  Luther  should  have  decried  good  works.  He 
was  not  content,  however,  with  holding  up  to  contempt 
the  ceremonial  observances,  pilgrimages,  fastings,  and 
other  ascetical  practices  of  the  papists  ;  but  he  constantly 
expressed  just  as  strongly  his  disapproval  of  the  scrupu- 
lous efforts  of  mystics  and  Anabaptists  to  imitate  Christ 
and  to  carry  out  in  their  lives  the  precepts  of  the  Ser- 
mon on  the  Mount.  Of  course  his  writings  abound  in 
passages  in  which  good  living  is  recognized  as  a  neces- 
sary fruit  of  the  regenerate  life  ;  but  some  specimens  of 
utterances  that  tended  to  produce  carelessness  regarding 
conduct  will  be  in  place  here  : 

In  his  "Church  Postilla  "  '  he  writes:  "Would  to 
God  I  had  a  voice  like  a  thunder-clap,  that  1  might  shout 
to  all  the  world  and  might  pluck  the  little  word  '  good 
works  '  out  of  all  men's  hearts,  mouths,  ears,  and  books." 
"  God  speaks  through  the  law  :  '  This  do,  this  leave  un- 
done, this  will  I  have  from  thee.'  But  the  gospel  preaches 
not  what  we  are  to  do  or  to  leave  undone,  requires  noth- 
ing of  us,"  etc. 

In  1523  he  wrote:  "Oh,  it  is  much  more  necessary 
now  to  preach  against  the  subtle,  sanctimonious,  plausi- 
ble perversion  of  the  world  through  the  shorn  people 
(monks)  than  to  preach  against  public  sinners,  heathen, 
and  Turks,  against  robbers  and  murderers,  thieves  and 
adulterers." 

In  his  Commentary  on  Genesis  he  wrote:  "The  life 
is  far  less  important  than  the  doctrine,  so  that  even  if 
the  life  be  not  so  pure  the  doctrine  may  yet  well  remain 
pure  and  the  life  may  be  borne  with.  .  .  It  is  a  high 
grace  to  be  able  to  separate  the  life  from  the  doctrine." 

"  Faith  which  does  not  include  love  justifies.  Unless 
faith  is  without  any,  even  the  least,  works,  it  does  not 
justify,  nay,  is  not  faith."  "This  faith,  without  an 
antecedent  love,  justifies."  "For  if  love  is  a  form  of 
faith,  1  am  at  once  compelled  to  think  that  love  itself  is 
the  principal  and  greatest  part  of  the  Christian  religion." 
"  Whatsoever  sins  I,  thou,  and  all  of  us,  have  committed, 
or  shall  commit  in  the  future,  are  just  as  much  Christ's 
own  as  if  he  himself  had  committed  them." 

1  Ed.  Walch,  Bd.  XL,  Seit.  36. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  89 

Luther  insisted  tliat  the  Christian  should  believe  him- 
self holy  and  glory  in  his  holiness,  however  sinful  his 
life  might  be.  For  a  sinning  Christian  to  say  "  he  is  a 
poor  sinner  is  the  same  as  to  say  :  I  do  not  believe  that 
Christ  has  died  for  me  and  that  I  have  been  baptized, 
and  that  the  blood  of  Christ  has  cleansed  me." 

Pangs  of  conscience  for  sins  committed  by  a  Christian 
he  regarded  as  the  temptation  of  Satan.  "The  true 
saints  of  Christ  must  be  good,  strong  sinners,"  etc. 

The  following  is  perhaps  one  of  the  most  ethically 
dangerous  of  Luther's  utterances:  "Thou  owest  God 
nothing  save  to  believe  and  confess.  \n  all  things  else 
he  gives  thee  absolute  freedom  to  do  as  thou  wilt  with- 
out any  peril  of  conscience,  so  that  he  on  his  part  does 
not  even  make  any  inquiry  as  to  whether  you  put  away 
your  wife,  run  away  from  your  master,  and  violate  your 
covenant."^  But  he  qualifies  this  statement  by  saying 
that  since  others  are  involved  in  such  proceedings  we  are 
under  obligation  to  do  them  no  wrong.  "  God  gives  thee 
this  freedom  only  in  what  is  thine  own,  not  in  what  is 
thy  neighbor's.  .  .  Before  God  it  is  a  matter  of  indiffer- 
ence that  a  man  should  forsake  his  wife,  for  the  body  is 
not  bound  to  God,  but  is  made  free  by  him  with  respect 
to  all  things  external,  and  is  only  inwardly  God's  own 
through  faith  ;  but  before  men  the  obligation  holds."  It 
would  seem  to  be  implied  in  this  passage  that  husbands 
and  wives  might  freely  separate  by  mutual  consent. 
Other  disastrous  applications  of  the  principle  will  readily 
suggest  themselves. 

(3)  Luther's  Example.  Luther's  personality  was  so 
strong  that  his  own  example  was  sure  to  be  highly  in- 
fluential. His  intemperate  use  of  denunciatory  language, 
his  extreme  coarseness  of  speech,  his  free  indulgence  in 
wine  and  beer,  and  his  intolerance  of  opposition,  co-op- 
erated with  demoralizing  elements  in  his  teachings  to 
produce  an  atmosphere  in  which  strict  morality  and  the 
gentler  aspects  of  Christian  piety  could  not  be  expected 
to  thrive.  The  violent  extrusion  of  the  older  types  of 
Catholic  ascetic  and  mystical  piety  and  of  the  uncom- 
promising zeal  for  the  restoration  of  primitive  Christi- 

1  Ed.  Walch,  "Brf,  VIII.,  Sett.  1127.  seq. 


90  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

anity  represented  by  the  Anabaptists,  deprived  Lutheran 
countries  of  influences  that  might  have  done  much  to 
stem  the  tide  of  immorality  and  irreligion  before  which 
Luther  and  his  coadjutors  were  utterly  powerless. 

Luther  indulged  without  restraint  in  wine  and  beer 
drinking,  and  trusted  that  the  Lord  God  would  excuse 
him  for  occasional  excesses  on  the  ground  that  for  twenty 
years  he  had  crucified  and  macerated  his  body.  He  is 
determined  that  when  he  lies  in  his  coffm  the  worms 
shall  have  a  good  fat  doctor  to  eat.  In  1529  he,  in  com- 
pany with  Amsdorf,  drank  Malvasian  wine  so  excessively 
as  to  bring  on  a  catarrh  that  came  near  proving  fatal. ^ 
The  next  year  he  attributed  an  affection  of  the  throat 
either  to  the  violence  of  the  wine,  the  return  of  old 
troubles,  or  the  buffeting  of  Satan.  His  conviviality  and 
his  frequent  frivolity  were  scandalous  to  many  of  his 
friends,  and  were  constantly  urged  against  him  and  his 
movement  by  Catholics,  Mystics,  and  Anabaptists.  No 
doubt  much  of  Luther's  intemperate  language  was  due 
to  his  drinking  habit.  "Sometimes  we  ought  to  drink, 
sport,  trifle  more  largely,  and  so  commit  some  sin  in 
hatred  and  contempt  of  the  devil,  lest  we  leave  him  any 
place  for  troubling  our  consciences  with  matters  of  no 
moment ;  otherwise  we  are  vanquished,  if  we  are  too 
much  concerned  to  avoid  sinning.  Accordingly,  if  the 
devil  should  say  'Refuse  to  drink,'  do  you  make  re- 
sponse to  him  :  '  But  yet  I  will  drink  just  because  you 
prohibit,  and  so  in  Christ's  name  I  will  drink  more 
largely.'"^  "Whoever  is  able  to  drive  out  these  Sa- 
tanic thoughts  by  other  thoughts,  as  concerning  a  pretty 
girl,  avarice,  drunkenness,  etc.,  or  by  some  vehement 
fit  of  anger,  I  advise  that  this  course  be  pursued  ;  al- 
though this  is  the  supreme  remedy,  to  believe  in  Jesus 
Christ  and  to  invoke  him."' 

8.  Moral  and  Religious  T)eterioraHon  as  a  Consequence  of 
the  Protestant  Revolution. 

There  is  a  consensus  of  contemporary  opinion,  Lu- 
theran,   Catholic,    Mystical,    and  Anabaptist,    that   im- 

1  "  Bricfc,"  ed.  De  Wette,  Bd.  III.,  Seit.  442.  "Ibid.,  Scit.  ui. 

3  Ibid.,  Scit.  188. 


CHAP.  1.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  9I 

morality  of  every  kind  increased  at  a  fearful  rate  after 
the  outbreai<  of  the  Protestant  Revolution.  Many  pages 
might  be  filled  with  detailed  statements  to  this  effect 
from  all  classes  of  religionists  and  from  all  parts  of  Ger- 
many. But  Luther's  own  statements  are  so  numerous, 
so  explicit,  and  so  unaccountable  except  on  the  supposi- 
tion that  they  were  terribly  true  and  were  uttered  in  an 
agony  of  despair  that  caused  prudence  to  be  discarded, 
that  we  may  well  content  ourselves  with  a  few  speci- 
mens of  these. 

In  1525  Luther  wrote  :^  "  Now  our  evangelicals  become  seven 
times  worse  than  they  were  before.  For  after  we  have  learned  the 
gospel,  we  steal,  cheat,  lie,  gormandize,  and  drink,  and  commit  all 
sorts  of  abominations.  While  one  devil  has  been  cast  out  of  us 
seven  worse  have  been  brought  into  us  again,  as  is  to  be  seen  in 
princes,  lords,  gentry,  burgesses,  and  peasants,  how  they  now  do 
and  conduct  themselves  without  any  scruple,  in  contempt  of  God," 
etc.  The  same  year  he  wrote  : '  "  Christians  are  not  so  common  as 
that  they  should  be  gathered  in  a  crowd  ;  a  Christian  is  a  rare  bird. 
Would  God  the  greater  part  of  us  were  good  pious  heathen  who  kept 
the  natural  law,  to  say  nothing  of  the  Christian  law."  At  about 
the  same  time  he  said  he  would  tain  see  two  genuine  Christians  toge- 
ther, but  he  knows  not  even  one. 

As  early  as  1522  he  wrote :  "  But  now  nobody  disgusts  me  more 
than  this  people  of  ours,  because  having  abandoned  the  word,  faith, 
and  love,  they  glory  in  this  alone,  that  they  are  Christians,  because 
they  can  eat  flesh,  eggs,  and  milk  before  the  weak,  communicate  in 
both  kinds,  and  abstain  from  fasting  and  prayer." 

in  one  of  his  catechetical  works  Luther  expressed  the  opinion  that 
"  if  only  adults  were  now  baptized,  not  a  tenth  part  would  submit  to 
baptism,  nav,  we  would  assuredly,  as  much  as  in  us  lies,  speedily 
become  simple  Turks."  He  speaks  of  the  utter  contempt  with 
which  the  people  treat  the  sacrament  of  the  body  and  blood  of  our 
Lord.  They  approach  it  with  as  little  reverence  and  chastening  of 
spirit  as  swine  approach  the  trough. 

Again  :  "  Such  shameless  swine  are  we  graceless  Germans,  for 
the  most  part,  that  we  have  neither  self-control  nor  reason,  and  if 
we  hear  of  God  it  is  much  as  if  we  heard  of  a  clown's  puppet."  "  We 
Germans  are  Germans  and  Germans  we  remain,  that  is,  swine  and 
senseless  beasts."  "  Our  German  people  are  a  lawless,  wild  peo- 
ple, nay,  half  devil,  half  man  "  (1529).  In  a  sermon  (1530)  he  said  : 
"  1  pray  God  for  a  gracious  hour  in  which  he  may  take  me  hence 
and  not  let  me  see  the  calamity  that  must  pass  over  Germany.  For 
I  hold  that  if  ten  JVloseses  were  to  stand  up  and  pray  for  us  they 
would  accomplish  nothing.  So  also  1  feel  that  if  1  would  pray  for 
my  dear  Germany  my  prayer  rebounds  upon  me  and  will  not  mount 
up  as  it  usually  does  when  1  pray  for  anything  else." 

1  Ed.  Walch,  "Bif.  III.,  S«7.  2727.  '^  Ibid.. 'Bd.  XVI.,  Seit.  7i. 


92  A  MANUAL   OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

In  his  commentary  on  Galatians  he  writes :  "  The  more  we  know 
of  tiie  liberty  that  Christ  obtained  for  us,  the  colder  and  more  indo- 
lent we  are  in  our  office,  whether  it  be  to  preach,  to  teacii,  or  in  any 
other  way  to  do  good  and  to  suffer  evil."  in  1532,  after  setting  forth 
his  view  of  the  results  that  might  be  expected  from  liie  preaching  of 
the  gospel,  he  adds:  "  Unfortunately  the  very  opposite  is  the  case, 
and  from  this  teaching  the  world  grows  steadily  worse  and  worse. 
This  is  the  malignant  devil  himself,  as  one  sees,  that  the  people  are 
now-a-days  more  avaricious,  more  unmerciful,  more  unchaste,  more 
perverse,  and  wickeder,  than  before  under  the  papac\'." 

Again  :  "  It  grieves  us  sorely  when  we  are  compelled  to  hear  that 
all  things  were  tranquil  and  at  peace  before  the  gospel ;  but  that  now 
since  it  has  been  promulgated  all  things  are  in  confusion  and  the 
whole  world  is  topsy-turvy.  When  a  man  without  the  Spirit  hears  this 
he  is  at  once  offended  and  judges  that  the  disobedience  of  subjects 
toward  magistrates,  seditions,  wars,  pestilence,  famine,  the  over- 
throw of  commonwealths,  regions,  and  kingdoms,  sects,  scandals, 
and  numberless  like  evils,  spring  from  the  teaching  of  the  gospel."  ^ 

In  his  "  Commentary  on  Genesis"  he  remarks  :"  But  do  you 
ask.  What  good  results  have  come  from  our  teaching?  Tell  me 
first,  What  good  came  from  Lot's  preaching  in  Sodom?  Fire  from 
heaven  overwhelmed  and  destroyed  the  inhabitants  because  they 
heard  the  word  without  fruit  and  in  vain.  Such  a  punishment  will 
in  its  time  befall  ourdespisers  also,  and  we  see  that  from  day  to  day 
they  become  continually  more  blinded  and  senselesss.  ,  .  Since  now 
the  Ingratitude  and  wickedness  of  citizens  and  peasants,  and  of  peo- 
ple in  all  conditions,  is  indeed  so  great,  that  we  are  often  compelled 
to  think  the  whole  world  must  be  possessed  by  the  devil." 

Again :  "  Formerly,  when  we  served  the  devil  in  the  papacy, 
everybody  was  compassionate  and  gentle,  then  people  gave  with 
both  hands,  joyfully,  and  with  great  devotion  for  the  maintenance 
of  false  worship.  Now,  when  people  should  be  fittingly  gentle, 
should  cheerfully  give,  and  should  show  themselves  thankful  toward 
God  for  the  holy  gospel,  everybody  shows  a  disposition  to  destroy 
and  starve  it,  no  one  gives  anything,  but  they  only  take  away. 
Formerly  every  city,  in  proportion  to  its  size,  generously  supported 
some  monasteries,  to  say  nothing  of  parish  clergy  and  rich  founda- 
tions. Now,  if  only  two  or  three  persons  are  to  be  supported,  who 
preach  God's  word,  administer  the  sacraments,  visit  and  console  the 
sick,  instruct  the  youth  in  an  honorable  and  Christian  way,  and  that 
not  at  their  own  expense  but  on  property  that  has  been  left  over  by 
the  papacy,  there  is  general  complaint." 

Luther's  writings  abound  in  lamentations  over  the 
utter  unvvilHngness  of  his  followers,  rich  and  poor,  high 
and  low,  to  contribute  for  the  support  of  the  local 
churches  and  of  educational  institutions,  and  their  con- 
tempt of  the  clergy  and  of  the  preached  word. 


1  "Com.  on  Gal.,"  ed.  of  1543. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  93 

In  the  following  passage  he  bears  testimony  to  the 
wonderful  increase  of  the  drinking  habit  in  his  own  time  : 

When  I  was  young,  I  think  that  the  greater  part  even  of  the  rich 
drank  water  and  used  the  simplest  and  most  easily  obtainable  foods. 
Some  scarcely  knew  what  it  was  to  drink  wine  when  thirty  years 
of  age.  Nowadays,  even  children  are  accustomed  to  the  use  of  wine, 
and  indeed  not  simply  weak,  light  wines,  but  strong  and  foreign 
wines,  and  even  spirits  and  brandy. 

His  writings  abound  in  similar  complaints. 

The  last  few  years  of  his  life  were  greatly  embittered 
by  the  almost  universal  immorality  of  the  people.  He 
seems  to  have  expected  momentarily  some  great  mani- 
festation of  the  divine  wrath. 

In  1545  he  prays  that  the  "  day  of  God's  wrath  and  our  redemp- 
tion may  speedily  come  and  put  an  end  to  the  great  tribulation  and 
to  the  diabolical  mode  of  life"  that  prevailed.  December,  1544,  he 
wrote:  "We  live  in  Sodom  and  Babylon,  everything  grows  daily 
worse  and  worse."  in  June,  1545,  he  wrote  to  his  wife:  "Only 
away  from  this  Sodom  !  1  will  wander  around  and  sooner  eat  a 
beggar's  bread  than  torture  and  disquiet  my  poor  old  last  days  with 
the  disorderly  life  that  prevails  at  Wittenberg." 

There  is  no  sufificient  evidence  that  Luther  committed 
suicide,  as  some  modern  Catholic  writers  have  asserted, 
but  for  months  his  condition  was  that  of  extreme  mental 
depression,  and  he  was  able  to  take  no  satisfaction  in  the 
condition  of  Germany  in  the  bringing  about  of  which  he 
had  been  so  important  a  factor. 

9.  Politico-Ecclesiastical  Proceedings  ajfecting  the  Progress 
of  the  Protestant  Revolution.  1 

Literature  :  Histories  of  Ranke,  Janssen,  Hagen,  and  Gobel,  as 
above.  See  also  Seebohm,  "  The  Era  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  "  ; 
Hellwig,  "  Die  pol.  Be^iefiKiigen  Clemeus  VII.  ^u  Karl  V.  ini  /.  7526"  ; 
Grethen,  "  Die  pol.  Beiiehwigen  Clemens  VII.  ^u  Karl  V.,  i ^2^-1  s2j^^ ; 
Gregorovius,  "■  Gesch.  d.  Siadt  T^ow,"  Bd.  Vlll.;  Stoy,  '' Erste 
Bihidnisshestrebnugen  evang.  Stdnde"  ;  Friedensburg,  ^^  Ztcr  Vorgesch. 
d.  Gotha-Toroauischen  Biindnisscs^^ ;  and  "  D.  Reichstag  ^u  Speier, 
1526  "  ;  Baumgarten,  "  Karl  K."  ;  Winckelmann,  "  Der  Schmalkald. 
Bund  u.  d.  Niirnberger  Relig.  Friede'\-  Moller  (ed.  Kawerau),  '''Kirch- 
engeschichte,''  Bd.  III.,  Seit.  36-148. 

When  the  Edict  of  Worms  went  forth,  putting  Luther 
and  his  followers  under  the  ban,  prohibiting  the  printing. 


94  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  V. 

sale,  and  reading  of  his  books,  and  forbidding  his  enter- 
tainment and  encouragement,  many  no  doubt  thought 
that  the  death-knell  of  Protestantism  had  been  sounded. 
Few  supposed  that  it  would  be  possible  for  Luther's 
favorers  to  protect  him  and  his  cause  against  the  com- 
bined power  of  pope  and  emperor  thoroughly  committed 
to  his  destruction  and  to  the  rooting  out  of  all  insubordi- 
nation. For  some  time  it  was  supposed  by  many  of 
Luther's  friends  that  he  had  been  foully  dealt  with.  If 
this  had  proved  to  be  the  case,  it  is  probable  that  such 
knights  as  Franz  von  Sickingen  and  Ulrich  von  Hutten 
would  have  sought  to  avenge  him,  and  it  may  be  that 
Frederick  of  Saxony  would  have  taken  the  field  against 
imperial  and  papal  tyranny,  with  what  result  could  not 
have  been  predicted.  But  fortunately  for  Luther  and 
his  cause  Charles  was  from  this  time  onward  too  much 
occupied  with  more  urgent  business  to  take  earnestly  in 
hand  the  enforcement  of  the  execution  of  his  edict. 

(i)  IVar  Between  the  Emperor  a^ui  the  King  of  France. 
For  a  long  time  Spain  and  France  had  been  rivals,  and 
their  interests  were  becoming  more  and  more  antagon- 
istic. The  accession  of  Charles  V.,  the  head  of  the  Haps- 
burgers,  to  the  imperial  throne,  to  which  Francis  L  as- 
pired, was  particularly  grievous  to  the  latter,  it  was  not 
simply  disappointed  ambition  that  prompted  Francis  to 
declare  war  against  Charles,  but  quite  as  much  a  reali- 
zation of  the  fact  that  the  interests  of  France  were  se- 
riously imperilled  by  this  great  political  combination. 

On  May  8  a  secret  treaty  had  been  entered  into  at  Worms  betw  een 
the  emperor  and  the  pope  against  France,  Henry  VI II.  of  England 
soon  afterward  joined  the  papal  and  imperial  alliance,  hoping  thereby 
to  regain  England's  French  possessions  and  relying  on  Charles' 
promise  (?)  to  make  Wolsey,  his  chief  adviser,  pop^-  On  May  22, 
three  days  before  the  actual  promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Worms,  the 
French  ambassadors  took  their  departure  from  Worms,  and  a  war 
between  the  emperor  and  France  broke  out  that  lasted  with  intermis- 
sions for  many  years  and  was  of  incalculable  advantage  to  the 
Protestant  cause.  Italy  was  the  chief  bone  of  contention.  France 
was  weakened  at  an  earlv  stage  and  the  imperial  and  papal  cause 
strengthened  by  the  withdrawal  of  Swiss  mercenaries  from  the 
former  and  their  going  into  the  pav  of  the  latter.  Milan  was  taken 
from  tlie  French  in  November,  1^21.  The  Duke  of  Bourbon  rebelled 
against  Francis  and  joined  the  imperial  alliance.  Francis  I.  was  de- 
feated and  captured  at  the  battle  of  Pavia  (1524)-     Pope  Clement 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  95 

VII.  had  expected  Francis  to  triumph  at  Pavia,  and  had  entered  into 
a  secret  alliance  with  him,  Italians  having  become  fearful  of  Spanish 
tyranny.  Francis  was  imprisoned  in  Spain,  but  was  released  (1526) 
on  making  oaths  in  favor  of  the  emperor  from  which  the  pope 
promptly  absolved  him.  This  angered  Charles  and  ruptured  his 
friendly  relations  with  the  pope.  The  marriage  of  Charles  to  the 
infanta  of  Portugal  instead  of  to  the  Princess  Mary  of  England  had 
previously  led  Henry  to  withdraw  from  the  imperial  alliance  and  to 
make  peace  with  France. 

(2)  The  Dessau  and  the  Gotha-Torgau  Leagues.  In  July, 
1525,  Duke  George  of  Saxony,  the  Elector  Joachim  of 
Brandenburg,  the  Archbishop-Elector  Albert  of  Mainz,  and 
the  Dukes  of  Braunschweig  met  at  Dessau  and  entered 
into  an  agreement  to  exterminate  the  accursed  "  Lu- 
theran sect"  from  their  territories.  The  peasants'  up- 
rising, which  had  just  been  suppressed  with  frightful 
carnage,  was  attributed  by  them  to  Luther's  teachings 
and  proceedings,  and  they  believed  the  utter  suppres- 
sion of  Lutheranism  essential  to  the  permanent  peace  and 
tranquillity  of  Germany.  In  February,  1526,  the  Elector 
John  of  Saxony  (successor  of  Frederick)  and  the  Land- 
grave Philip  of  Hesse,  entered  into  a  similar  covenant  for 
the  defense  of  Lutheranism.  They  were  joined  in  June 
by  seven  other  princes,  and  in  September  by  Albert  of 
Prussia  (Gotha-Torgau  alliance). 

(3)  The  Diet  of  Speier  (1^26).  The  breach  between 
the  emperor  and  the  pope  and  the  manifest  strength  of 
the  Protestant  cause  had  changed  the  attitude  of  Charles 
in  respect  to  the  enforcement  of  the  Edict  of  Worms,  and 
had  made  him  open-eyed  to  the  grievances  against  the 
hierarchical  administration  that  were  constantly  thrust- 
ing themselves  upon  his  attention.  A  result  of  the  de- 
liberations of  the  Diet  was  a  decree  signed  by  Ferdinand, 
the  emperor's  brother,  leaving  each  integral  part  of  the 
empire  "  in  matters  of  religion  and  of  the  Edict  of  Worms 
so  to  live,  rule,  and  conduct  itself  as  it  thinks  consonant 
with  its  obligations  toward  God  and  his  Imperial  Majesty." 
This  was  virtually  an  abrogation  of  the  Edict  of  Worms 
and  laid  the  basis  of  the  territorialism  that  was  afterward 
to  find  expression  in  the  maxim  :  "Whose  territory,  his 
religion"  (Cujus  regio,  ejus  religio). 

(4)  Sack  ofl^ome  and  Imprisonment  of  the  Pope  (1527). 
The   conciliatory    attitude  of   Charles   toward  the    Lu- 


96  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

therans  and  his  hostility  to  the  pope  enabled  hinn  readily 
to  raise  a  Lutheran  army  for  the  invasion  of  the  pope's 
domains,  led  by  Frundsberg,  who  went  forth  with  the 
cry:  "When  I  make  my  way  to  Rome,  I  will  hang 
the  pope."  This  sentiment  had  been  expressed  by 
, Frundsberg  and  the  whole  army  was  eager  for  an  op- 
portunity to  lay  hands  on  the  hated  pope.  With  about 
eleven  thousand  of  the  most  desperate  of  Lutheran  ad- 
venturers Frundsberg  crossed  the  Alps  and  joined  a 
Spanish  army  of  somewhat  smaller  size  under  the  Duke 
of  Bourbon.  Before  reaching  Rome  Frundsberg  was 
prostrated  by  a  paralytic  stroke  brought  on  by  a  mutiny 
among  the  troops.  Bourbon  now  commanded  the  entire 
army,  but  was  shot  down  as  he  was  mounting  a  ladder 
at  the  commencement  of  the  siege  of  Rome.  The  im- 
perial army  forced  its  way  into  the  city,  losing  scarcely 
a  hundred  men  and  slaying  from  four  to  six  thousand, 
and  for  eight  days  the  soldiers  did  their  terrible  pleas- 
ure upon  the  people  and  their  possessions. 

Even  the  friends  of  the  emperor  were  not  spared.  The  pope 
escaped  for  the  time  to  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  Some  of  the  cardi- 
nals were  seized  and  dragged  through  the  citv  and  were  compelled 
to  pay  heavy  ransom.  It  was  estimated  that' fifteen  million  ducats 
were  appropriated.  Churches,  even  St.  Peter's,  were  turned  into 
stables.  The  personal  outrages  were  such  as  always  attend  a  sack 
by  a  furious  and  desperate  soldiery.  The  pope  was  the  emperor's 
prisoner  and  was  obliged  to  become  his  subservient  instrument. 

These  proceedings,  it  is  easy  to  see,  gave  security  and 
political  advantages  to  the  Lutherans  and  still  further 
cooled  the  Catholic  ardor  of  the  emperor  ;  but  they  did 
not  at  all  minister  to  the  moral  or  religious  advancement 
of  the  Germans. 

(5)  Second  War  between  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of 
France  (i  527-1 529).  A  few  days  before  the  sack  of  Rome 
(April  30)  an  agreement  had  been  reached  between 
Francis  L  and  Henry  VIII.  to  send  ambassadors  at  once 
to  Charles  with  the  demand  that  he  release  the  French 
princes  held  by  him  and  that  he  pay  certain  financial 
claims  of  the  English,  and  with  instructions  to  declare  war 
immediately  on  his  refusal.  Both  were  still  good  enough 
Catholics  to  resent  the  sacking  of  Rome  and  the  impris- 
onment of  the  pope,  especially  as  none  of  the  spoils  came 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  97 

their  way.  Henry's  desire  for  a  divorce  from  Catharine 
of  Aragon  could,  he  hoped,  be  all  the  more  successfully 
carried  into  effect  if  he  should  succor  the  pope  against 
his  great  enemy  and  Catharine's  great  relative.  By 
August  a  French  army  was  in  Lombardy.  The  emperor 
made  haste  to  come  to  terms  with  the  pope,  liberating 
most  of  the  papal  cities  that  he  had  held  and  restoring  to 
him  most  of  his  prerogatives,  the  pope  promising  in  turn 
to  call  a  General  Council  for  the  pacification  of  Christen- 
dom and  the  reformation  of  the  church  and  to  assist  in 
paying  off  the  soldiers.  The  wretched  pope  was  now 
"  between  the  devil  and  the  deep  sea."  He  was  unwill- 
ing that  Charles  should  have  both  Naples  and  Milan 
and  thus  be  "  lord  of  all,"  that  is  virtual  master  of  Italy, 
and  yet  he  dared  not  show  favor  to  the  enemies  of 
Charles.  Henry  VIII.  took  advantage  of  his  perplexing 
situation  to  extort  from  him  promises  of  favorable  action 
as  to  the  desired  divorce,  promises  that  he  could  not 
fulfill  without  antagonizing  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
France. 

The  situation  of  the  emperor  in  1528  was  extremely  precarious. 
The  Duke  of  Bavaria,  fired  with  ambition  for  the  imperial  dignity, 
sought  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  England,  France,  and  Lorraine, 
for  the  deposition  of  Charles  at  the  approaching  Diet,  on  the  ground 
of  the  heavy  losses  tliat  the  church  and  the  empire  had  suffered 
under  Hapsburg  rule  (Constantinople,  Rhodes,  Hungary,  Basel,  and 
Costnitz).  Of  course  the  co-operating  powers  were  to  have  their 
suitable  compensation  and  a  Bavarian  imperial  administration  would 
speedily  exterminate  the  Lutheran  heresy  and  pacify  Europe.  Philip 
of  Hesse  also,  on  the  Protestant  side,  sent  representatives  to  France, 
Silesia,  Poland,  etc.,  to  treat  for  an  anti-Hapsburg  alliance,  with  the 
immediate  purpose  of  depriving  Ferdinand  of  his  hereditary  domains. 
A  forged  covenant  of  the  Catholic  powers  for  the  speedy  extermina- 
tion of  Lutheranism  was  palmed  oft'  upon  the  Protestant  princes  and 
they  were  on  the  point  of  taking  the  initiative  and  marshaling  all 
their  forces  for  a  decisive  conflict  with  the  emperor  and  his  Catholic 
supporters. 

The  success  of  the  imperial  arms  in  Italy  (1528-1529) 
prepared  the  way  for  the  Peace  of  Cambray  (July,  1 529), 
in  which  France  surrendered  her  claims  to  Italian  terri- 
tory, to  Flanders,  and  to  Artois,  while  the  emperor 
made  slight  concessions  in  the  case  of  Peronne  and  Bou- 
logne. Burgundy  gained  almost  complete  independence 
in  relation  to  France.     Emperor  and  king  agreed  to  co- 

G 


qS  a  manual  of  church  history         [per.  v. 

operate  in  the  suppression  of  heresy  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  tlie  authority  and  dignity  of  the  Holy  See. 

At  about  the  same  time  (1529)  the  Swiss  cantons  that 
remained  Catholic  felt  themselves  driven  to  form  an  al- 
liance with  Austria  against  which  for  centuries  they  had 
contended  so  valiantly. 

(6)  The  Second  Diet  of  Speier  (1529).  Whether  a 
formal  compact  had  been  made  among  the  Catholic 
members  of  the  Diet,  with  pope  and  emperor  at  their 
head,  for  the  deposition  of  the  Lutheran  princes,  the  ex- 
ecution of  Luther,  and  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  or  not, 
it  is  certain  that  there  was  a  definite  understanding 
among  the  Catholics  that  the  Diet  of  1529  should  be 
made  the  occasion  of  drastic  measures  for  the  restoration 
of  religious  uniformity  on  a  Catholic  basis.  Pope,  em- 
peror, and  French  king  were  now  at  peace  and  all  alike 
zealous  for  the  rehabilitation  of  Catholicism  in  Germany 
and  Switzerland.  Moreover,  the  Turks  were  at  the  gates 
of  Vienna  and  the  estates  of  the  empire  must  join  with 
the  Hapsburgers  in  driving  them  back.  The  defiant  at- 
titude of  the  Lutherans,  who  were  on  the  point  of  de- 
claring war  against  the  emperor  in  view  of  the  forged 
agreement  referred  to  above,  made  the  Catholic  princes 
all  the  more  urgent  for  prompt  and  stringent  measures 
against  them.  The  freedom  given  to  the  constituents 
of  the  Diet  in  1526  was  virtually  abolished  and  the  en- 
forcement of  the  Edict  of  Worms  was  now  again  insisted 
upon.  This  enforcement  was  to  be  absolute  in  Catholic 
countries,  in  lands  where  it  had  been  hitherto  ignored 
no  further  innovations  were  to  be  made  until  the  meet- 
ing of  the  General  Council,  which  pope  and  emperor 
promised  for  the  following  year.  Zwinglians  and  Ana- 
baptists were  absolutely  excluded  from  toleration  with 
the  concurrence  of  the  Lutheran  members  of  the  Diet. 
It  was  made  obligatory  on  all  to  use  every  means  for  the 
destruction  of  the  Anabaptists. 

It  was  enacted  "  that  rebaptizers  and  rebaptized,  all  and  each, 
male  and  female,  of  intelligent  age,  be  judged  and  brought  from  nat- 
ural life  to  death,  without  antecedent  inquisition  of  the  spiritual 
judges."  No  one  seems  to  have  thought  the  measure  too  severe, 
and  it  was  remorselessly  executed. 

A  Lutheran  member  expressed  the  sentiments  of  his  co-religionists 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  Q9 

when  he  said :  "  Christ  is  again  in  the  hands  of  Caiaphas  and  Pi- 
late." On  April  25  a  protestation  was  presented  against  all  the 
clauses  of  the  decree  of  the  majority  that  affected  injuriously  the  in- 
terests of  the  Lutherans,  signed  by  John  of  Saxony,  George  of  Bran- 
denburg, Ernest  and  Francis  of  Braunschweig-Luneburg,  Philip  of 
Hesse,  and  Wolfgang  of  Anhalt,  and  by  the  representatives  of 
Strasburg,  Nuremberg,  Ulm,  Costnitz,  Lindau,  Memmingen,  Kemp- 
ten,  Nordlingen,  Heilbronn,  Reutiingen,  Issny,  St.  Gall,  Weissen- 
born,  and  Windesheim,  imperial  cities  that  had  adopted  the  Reforma- 
tion. From  this  protestation  the  name  "  Protestant"  took  its  rise, 
it  was  becoming  evident  that  the  Protestants  must  fight  for  their  ex- 
istence ;  but  Luther  and  Melanchthon,  now  as  earlier,  were  strongly 
averse  to  armed  resistance  to  the  emperor,  the  latter  especially  fore- 
telling disaster  from  astrological  phenomena. 

(7)  T:irkish  Invasion.  The  Ottoman  Turks  who,  in 
1359,  possessed  only  a  narrow stripof  western  Asia  Minor, 
bordering  on  the  Bosphorus,  had,  by  145 1,  brought  into 
subjection  most  of  Asia  Minor  and  the  territory  north  of 
Greece  as  far  as  the  Danube,  extending  to  the  Black  Sea 
on  the  east  and  as  far  west  as  Orsowa  on  the  Danube. 
From  145 1  to  1481  not  only  had  Constantinople  fallen 
into  their  hands,  but  they  had  overrun  the  remainder  of 
Asia  Minor  and  of  Greece,  Bosnia,  Servia,  Wallachia, 
and  the  Crimean  peninsula  with  considerable  territory 
to  the  north.  By  1520,  Syria,  Mesopotamia,  and  Egypt 
had  been  added.  Suleiman  I.  (i 520-1 566)  started  upon 
his  career  the  most  powerful  potentate  in  the  world. 
With  a  thoroughly  disciplined  army  of  some  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  it  was  far  easier  for  him  to  go  forward 
in  conquest  than  it  would  have  been  to  pursue  a  policy 
of  peace.  To  hold  securely  what  he  had  acquired  further 
conquest  was  in  any  case  necessary.  The  Protestant 
Revolution  and  the  wars  among  the  great  Catholic  powers 
(the  papacy,  the  empire,  and  France)  furnished  opportu- 
nity and  incentive  for  the  conquest  of  Hungary,  Sieben- 
blirgen,  Bessarabia,  etc.,  and  the  invasion  of  Austria, 
Moravia,  Bohemia,  and  Poland.  These  eastern  Euro- 
pean States  were  all  the  more  vulnerable  because  of 
their  internal  divisions,  due  in  large  measure  to  racial 
jealousies  and  animosities.  The  German  element  in  the 
population  that  had  had  a  leading  part  in  the  Christian- 
ization  and  the  civilization  of  these  lands  and  by  reason 
of  its  superiority  had  gained,  such  an  amount  of  wealth 
and  power  as  to  awaken  the  animosity  of  the  Slavic  and 


100  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Hunnic  peoples,  did  not  have  their  united  and  enthusiastic 
support  in  resisting  the  Turks.  Tlie  German  house  of 
Luxemburg  possessed  Bohemia  and  Hungary.  The 
heiress  of  Poland  was  betrothed  to  an  Austrian  prince. 
By  a  series  of  marriage  arrangements  the  house  of  Haps- 
burg  had  by  1521  acquired  a  controlling  influence  over 
all  these  eastern  countries.  Before  the  Hapsburgers  had 
had  time  to  consolidate  their  eastern  provinces  and  to 
subdue  the  rebellious  elements  Suleiman  I.  had  entered 
upon  his  remarkable  career. 

in  K2I  Suleiman  1.  captured  Belgrade  and  occupied  a  considerable 
part  of  Croatia.  Francis  I.,  when  a  prisoner  of  the  emperor  at 
Madrid,  had  invited  Suleiman  to  send  a  fleet  against  Spain  and  of- 
fered to  him  the  co-operation  of  France.  In  1526  the  sultan  had  a 
vast  army  of  about  two  hundred  thousand  men  on  the  Hungarian  bor- 
ders. By  great  effort  King  Louis  marshaled  a  poorl_\'  equipped  and 
poorly  disciplined  army  of  less  than  twenty-four  thousand,  w  hich 
was  utterly  overwhelmed  by  the  sultan's  forces  at  Mohacz  (August 
2Q,  1526).  Louis  was  drowned  while  attempting  to  escape,  and  by 
his  death  Hungary  and  Bohemia  came  into  the  possession  of  Ferdi- 
nand of  Austria. 

Without  further  serious  resistance  the  Turkish  army  occupied 
Ofen,  and  was  for  the  time  master  of  all  Hungary.  But  it  was  not 
the  policy  of  the  sultan  to  attempt  at  once  the  administration  of  the 
territory  that  had  been  overrun.  Ferdinand's  claim  to  the  crowns 
of  Hungary  and  Bohemia  was  not  undisputed.  Zapolya,  who  had 
long  been  at  the  head  of  the  anli-(Jerman  elements  and  v\ho  had 
withheld  his  assistance  from  Louis,  was  read\-  to  fight  tor  the  Hun- 
garian crown.  He  secured  the  alliance  of  Francis  1.  and  the  secret 
support  of  the  pope  in  opposition  to  the  Hapsburgers.  'i'he  Duke  of 
Bavaria  claimed  tiie  Bohemian  crown.  By  the  end  of  1527  Ferdi- 
nand's authority  was  generally  recognized  in  both  kingdoms,  but 
opposition  was  far  from  being  overcome. 

Earlv  in  1528  Zapolya  made  a  firm  alliance  with  Suleiman  against 
the  house  of  Austria.  Suleiman  regarded  himself  and  was  regarded 
by  his  followers  as  "  next  after  Allah,"  and  as  "  the  onl\'  lord  upon 
earth."  Immediately  after  the  declaration  of  war  between  the  Cath- 
olics and  Protestants  (Diet  of  Speier  and  Protestation)  he  precipita- 
ted a  vast  army  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  upon  Hungary, 
where  he  was  joined  by  Zapolya,  who  on  his  way  to  meet  the  sultan 
at  Mohacz  had  the  good  fortune  to  smite  the  Hungarian  troops  of 
Ferdinand.  Hungary  offered  almost  no  opposition  to  the  allied 
forces.  The  mighty  army,  witii  twent\-two  thousand  camels,  ap- 
peared with  Oriental  pomp  before  the  walls  of  Vienna  (September  26). 
Suleiman  was  confident  that  three  years  would  suffice  for  the  com- 
plete conquest  of  Europe  and  the  destruction  of  Christianity.  The 
time  had  come  when  Europe  must  unitedly  oppose  the  Turk  or  all 
would  be  lost.  France  offered  to  put  sixty  thousand  troops  in  the 
field  and  to  seek  the  co-operation  of  England,  on  condition  that  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  lOI 

war  indemnity  imposed  by  the  emperor  should  be  scaled  one-half. 
The  leading  Netherlandish  minister  proposed  that  the  pope  agree  to 
the  secularization  of  the  ecclesiastical  estates,  and  that  a  third  of  the 
proceeds  be  used  for  combating  the  Turks.  Many  Lutherans  and 
Zwinglians,  and  most  Anabaptists,  looked  upon  the  Turkish  inva- 
sion as  a  scourge  of  God  against  the  emperor,  tlie  pope,  and  their 
coadjutors  for  their  intolerant  action  at  Speier,  and  were  willing  to 
let  things  take  their  course.  But  Luther,  though  he  had  again  and 
again  declared  himself  opposed  to  militant  Christianity,  insisted  that 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  princes  to  assist  the  emperor  in  repelling  the 
Turkish  invasion. 

Suleiman  offered  favorable  terms  for  the  surrender  of 
the  city  ;  if  these  were  refused  he  would  on  the  third  day 
eat  his  dinner  within  the  walls,  and  would  not  even  spare 
the  unborn  children.  Several  desperate  assaults  were 
successfully  resisted  and  the  invaders  suffered  fearful 
loss.  At  last  (October  14)  the  sultan's  troops  became 
utterly  discouraged,  and  deciding  that  it  was  not  Allah's 
will  that  the  city  should  fall  into  their  hands,  they  raised 
the  siege  and  withdrew  from  Austria. 

There  was  general  rejoicing  throughout  Christendom  ; 
but  Ferdinand's  troops  that  had  so  successfully  and  cour- 
ageously defended  the  city  and  saved  Europe  could  not 
be  paid.  They  mutinied  and  many  of  them  went  over  to 
the  standard  of  Zapolya,  the  vassal  of  the  sultan. 

(8)  Protestant  Defense  and  the  Marburg  Conference 
(i^2g).  After  a  number  of  fruitless  efforts  on  the  part 
of  representatives  of  the  Protestant  estates  to  secure  better 
terms  from  the  emperor,  representatives  of  Saxony,  Hesse, 
Nuremberg,  Ulm,  and  Strasburg  came  to  a  secret  under- 
standing (April  22,  1529)  that  they  would  unitedly  resist 
any  attack  on  the  ground  of  the  divine  word,  whether 
from  the  Swabian  League,  the  judicial  tribunal  of  the 
estates  of  the  empire,  or  the  imperial  administration  itself. 
It  was  arranged  that  the  Protestant  interests  should  hold 
a  Diet  at  Rotach  (in  Coburg)  for  perfecting  arrangements 
for  self-defense  in  the  following  June.  After  much  dis- 
cussion, in  which  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians  participated, 
on  a  footing  of  equality,  a  plan  of  union  was  completed 
and  was  ready  for  the  signatures  of  those  concerned. 
Luther  defeated  the  project  by  protesting  against  any 
recognition  of  "  Zwingli's  godless  views"  (on  the  Lord's 
Supper).     The  cities  of  Ulm  and  Strasburg  had  adopted 


102  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Zwingli's  teachings.  The  whole  people  might  be  de- 
stroyed for  the  sake  of  one  Achan.  For  the  Lutherans 
to  unite  with  people  who  strive  against  God  and  the 
sacrament  "  would  be  to  go  to  meet  damnation  with  body 
and  soul."  The  Elector  of  Saxony  sustained  Luther  in 
this  intolerant  position.  Philip  of  Hesse  was  extremely 
anxious  to  retain  the  co-operation  of  Strasburg  and  Ulm 
and  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  tlie  Zwinglian  cantons 
of  Switzerland  and  looked  upon  Luther's  attitude  as  sheer 
theological  stubbornness.  No  agreement  could  be  reached 
and  the  Diet  proved  ineffective.  Philip  of  Hesse,  in  con- 
sultation with  Melanchthon,  Bucer,  and  others,  realizing 
the  supreme  importance  of  evangelical  union,  and  under- 
estimating the  fundamental  differences  between  Luther- 
anism  and  Zwinglianism,  arranged  for  a  conference  be- 
tween Lutheran  and  Zwinglian  theologians  and  their 
political  supporters,  with  a  view  to  harmonizing  their  dif- 
ferences and  reaching  a  basis  of  co-operation  against  the 
Roman  Catholic  powers  that  were  seeking  to  crush  all 
alike.  This  conference  was  held  at  Marburg,  September 
29  onward. 

it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Luther  was  still  extremely  averse  to 
armed  resistance  to  the  emperor  and  his  allies,  and  that  through  years 
of  controversy  he  had  become  thoroughly  embittered  against  Zwingli 
and  his  followers.  It  would  have  been  exceedingly  difficult,  in  view 
of  the  opprobrious  language  that  he  had  used  against  Zwingli  and 
his  views  on  the  Supper,  for  him  to  accept  any  sort  of  compromise 
with  Zwinglianism.  So  intemperate  had  been  his  language  as  to 
provoke  the  moderate  Capito  to  liken  him  to  "a  ra\'ing  Orestes." 
in  his  writing,"  Against  Fanatics,"  he  attributes  Zwingli's  peculiar 
teachings  to  the  devil,  who  aimed  thereby  to  destroy  the  evangelical 
cause  through  internal  strife.  The  "fanatics"  (Zwingli  and  his 
followers)  were  patricides,  matricides,  and  fratricides.  They  had 
slain  God,  Luther's  father,  in  his  words,  they  had  murdered  Chris- 
tianity, his  mother,  and  his  brethren.  To  love  them  or  hold  fellow- 
ship with  them  was  out  of  the  question.  He  denounced  them,  more- 
over, as  "devils,"  "knaves,"  "heretics,"  "rioters,"  "dissem- 
blers," "  hypocrites,"  etc.,  sparing  no  offensive  epithet  that  occurred 
to  his  fertile  mind.  Zwingli,  Capito,  QEcolampadius,  etc.,  were  far 
more  moderate  in  their  polemics,  though  they  could  not  but  feel  in- 
dignant at  the  unbrotherly  way  in  which  Luther  constantly  treated 
them.  Occasionally  they  were  aroused  to  sharp  retort ;  but  in  gen- 
eral they  observed  the  proprieties  of  discussion  and  depended  upon 
argument  rather  than  raving. 

Luther  and  Melanchthon  had  little  faith  in  the  success  of  the  con- 
ference.   In  fact,  Luther  was  resolved  that  harmony  should  be 


CHAP.  1.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  103 

reached,  if  at  all,  only  through  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the 
Zwinglians.  Fourteen  articles  were  drawn  up  in  which  the  funda- 
mentals of  the  evangelical  faith  were  set  forth  in  a  way  that  was 
satisfactory  to  both  parties.  On  the  Lord's  Supper  there  was  a 
deadlock.  Luther  planted  himself  on  the  words:  "This  is  my 
body,"  etc.,  and  insisted  that  the  real  presence  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  is  their  only  allowable  teaching.  The  Zwinglians 
insisted  that  the  expression  is  to  be  interpreted  symbolically.  Me- 
lanchthon  and  Zwingli  agreed  on  a  statement  that  implied  the  spir- 
itual partaking  of  Christ's  body  and  blood.  But  Luther  would  hear 
of  no  compromise,  and  he  refused  to  have  any  fellowship  with  Zwin- 
gli. The  great  majority  of  the  members  of  the  conference  were  for 
peace  and  co-operation,  and  for  the  mutual  toleration  of  differences  ; 
but  Luther's  bitter  and  uncompromising  attitude  widened  the  breach 
between  the  two  parties  and  made  it  irreparable.  The  irreconcilable 
hostility  of  Lutherans  and  Reformed  constitutes  a  factor  of  the  ut- 
most importance  in  later  European  history. 

The  Marburg  Conference  was  followed  (November  29) 
by  an  evangelical  congress  at  Schmalkalden.  Philip  of 
Hesse  had  his  heart  set  on  the  admission  of  Ulm  and 
Strasburg  to  the  alliance.  Lutherans  were  still  uncom- 
promising and  a  distinctly  Lutheran  basis  of  co-operation 
was  submitted  at  Schwabach  and  finally  adopted  at 
Torgau.  Luther  still  adhered  firmly  to  his  counsel  of 
non-resistance.  True  Christians  should  bear  the  cross 
and  not  seek  to  avenge  themselves.  He  had  rather  die 
ten  times  over  than  that  his  teaching  should  be  the  occa- 
sio  ^  of  bloodshed. 

))  The  Diet  of  Aiigshurg  (i^^o).  The  emperor  had 
en  red  into  a  treaty  with  the  pope  at  Barcelona  (June 
20,  1529),  and  in  the  following  December  had  received 
the  imperial  crown  at  his  hands.  Peace  had  been  com- 
pleted with  France  (treaty  of  Cambray)  in  August,  1529. 
The  Turks  had  retired  from  Vienna,  but  were  still 
menacing  the  eastern  portions  of  the  empire,  and  the  co- 
operation of  the  constituents  of  the  empire  must  be  se- 
cured through  another  Diet.  The  protestation  of  the 
evangelical  princes  and  cities  and  their  manifest  determi- 
nation to  resist  any  attempted  enforcement  of  the  decree 
of  the  recent  Diet  of  Speier  had  convinced  the  emperor 
that  drastic  measures  must  for  the  time  at  least  be  aban- 
doned and  conciliation  attempted.  In  January,  1530,  the 
emperor  summoned  a  Diet  to  be  held  in  Augsburg  the 
following  April.     The  summons  was  couched  in  concilia- 


104  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

tory  language.  Every  one  was  to  be  at  liberty  to  ex- 
press his  sentiments,  opinions,  and  views,  in  order  that 
unity  and  harmony  in  Christian  truth  might  be  reached, 
and  that  all  unjust  imputations  on  both  sides  might  be 
set  aside.  He  had  evidently  high  hopes  of  bringing  about 
a  friendly  settlement  of  the  difficulties  that  for  thirteen 
years  had  disquieted  the  empire.  The  Protestants  were 
invited  to  present  to  the  Diet  an  explicit  statement  of 
their  tenets  and  to  bring  their  leading  theologians  for  the 
discussion  of  points  of  difference.  The  pope  seems  to 
have  agreed  with  the  emperor  for  the  time  in  his  policy 
of  conciliation.  The  latter  attended  the  Diet  in  person, 
entering  the  city  with  great  pomp  on  June  15.  The  Diet 
was  formally  opened  on  June  20. 

Melanchthon,  in  consultation  with  Luther,  who  for 
prudential  reasons  was  not  invited  to  Augsburg,  but  kept 
within  reach  at  Coburg,  presented  the  Lutheran  creed 
in  its  most  conciliatory  form  (Augsburg  Confession)  in 
German  and  in  Latin.  This  statement  was  read  before 
the  Diet  on  June  25. 

The  Confession  was  in  purpose  an  apology.  Eck  had  in  the  pre- 
ceding March  presented  to  the  emperor  in  four  hundred  and  four 
propositions  a  violent  attack  upon  the  evangelicals  in  which  Lu- 
therans, Zwingiians,  and  Anabaptists  were  confounded,  and  in 
which  the  most  otijectionable  views  to  which  any  individual  or  party 
had  given  expression  were  attributed  to  the  evangelical  interest  as  a 
whole,  it  was  the  aim  of  Melanchthon  to  minimize  the  differences 
between  Lutherans  and  Catholics  and  on  crucial  points  to  use  lan- 
guage so  ambiguous  that  it  could  be  interpreted  in  a  Catholic  sense 
without  excluding  the  Lutheran  teaching.  Luther  seems  to  have 
shared  with  Melanchthon  and  the  Lutheran  princes  in  the  hope  that 
the  Diet  would  give  toleration  and  legitimacy  to  this  moderate  form 
of  evangelical  teaching.  Melanchthon  labored  unceasingly  in  elimi- 
nating from  the  statement  everything  likelv  to  offend  the  Catholics 
that  could  possibly  be  spared.  Melanchthon  was  by  this  time  as 
strenuous  as  Luther  in  repudiating  the  Zwingiians  and  excluding 
them  from  such  advantages  as  the  Lutherans  might  gain  through 
their  negotiations.  He  meant  to  prove  that  the  evangelicals  were 
good  Catholics  and  went  so  far  in  his  concessions  as  to  elicit  the 
remarket  Philip  of  Hesse:  "Master  Philip  goes  backward  like  a 
crab."  As  a  minimum  he  would  have  been  willing  to  accept  as 
tolerated  reforms  communion  under  both  kinds,  the  marriage  of  the 
clergy,  and  the  abolition  of  private  masses.  The  Confession  pur- 
ports to  contain  "  nothing  that  is  at  variance  with  the  Scriptures,  or 
the  catholic  church,  or  the  Roman  Church,  so  far  as  it  is  known 
from  its  writers."  "  All  the  dissension  "  is  said  to  be  "concerning 
certain  abuses,  few  in  number."    The  utmost  pains  is  taken  to 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  105 

discriminate  between  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians  and  Anabaptists. 
The  views  of  the  former  on  the  Supper  and  of  the  latter  on  infant 
baptism  and  infant  salvation,  are  expressly  condemned.  The  real 
corporeal  presence  in  the  Eucharist,  partaken  of  indiscriminately  by 
all  communicants,  is  asserted  and  transubstantiation  is  not  definitely 
excluded.     No  mention  is  made  of  the  papacy. 

A  Confutation  of  the  Confession,  drafted  by  Eck,  Faber,  et  al., 
was  promptly  brought  forward.  It  is  a  sharply  controversial  docu- 
ment. Its  authors  deny  that  the  Confession  is  a  straightforward 
and  complete  statement  of  the  Lutheran  teaching,  the  non-Catholic 
features  of  the  system  being  studiously  glossed  over  or  ignored.  It 
was  a  merited  rebuke  to  the  plasticity  of  Melanchthon,  for  which 
Luther  and  the  other  evangelicals  were  also  largely  responsible.  The 
emperor  declared  the  Confutation  conclusive  against  the  Protestants 
and  demanded  their  unconditional  submission  to  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority, with  threats  of  coercive  measures.  Melanchthon  wished  to 
make  further  concessions  ;  but  Philip  of  Hesse  and  John  of  Saxony 
resented  the  imperial  threats  and  resolved  to  risk  everything  on  be- 
half of  the  Confession.  Seeing  the  increasing  resoluteness  of  the 
evangelicals  the  emperor  again  grew  conciliatory  and  certain  tempo- 
rary concessions  were  made  pending  the  meeting  of  the  General 
Council  which  emperor  and  pope  agreed  to  summon  at  an  early  date. 

As  Melanchthon  went  on  making  concessions  his  in- 
fluence with  the  more  sturdy  of  the  Lutheran  princes 
waned  and  he  was  unable  to  prevent  Bucer,  who  repre- 
sented the  four  imperial  Zwinglian  cities,  Strasburg,  Con- 
stance, Memmingen,  and  Lindau,  from  securing  some  re- 
cognition at  their  hands.  A  Confession  of  Faith  prepared 
by  Bucer  and  Capito  on  behalf  of  the  four  cities  (Tetra- 
politana)  was  presented  to  the  emperor  on  July  11. 
This  also  was  confuted  by  the  Catholic  theologians  to 
the  satisfaction  of  the  emperor.  Ulm  held  aloof  from  the 
"four  cities"  and  presented  a  statement  in  eighteen  ar- 
ticles on  the  Supper,  which,  while  protesting  against  the 
actual  chewing  (manducatio  oralis)  of  the  flesh  and  blood, 
conformed  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  Lutheran  mode 
of  expression,  insisting  that  the  Supper  is  more  than  a 
mere  memorial.  The  threatening  attitude  of  the  Turks 
and  the  need  of  the  assistance  of  the  Protestants  pre- 
vented the  emperor  from  proceeding  rashly  against  them. 
Finding  concessions  unavailing  and  the  Lutheran  princes 
stalwart,  Melanchthon  prepared  a  defense  of  the  Con- 
fession against  the  Catholic  Confutation,  which  has  since 
held  its  place  side  by  side  with  the  Confession  as  one  of 
the  symbolical  books  of  the  Lutheran  Church.     The  em- 


I06  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

peror  gave  the  Lutherans  till  April  15,  1531,  to  give  in 
their  adhesion  to  the  articles  in  dispute  that  had  not 
already  been  adjusted. 

(10)  The  ScJimalkald  League  and  the  Peace  of  Nurem- 
berg. The  emperor  was  exerting  himself  to  the  utmost 
for  the  calling  of  a  General  Council  for  the  reunification 
of  his  subjects.  To  strengthen  the  Hapsburg  influence 
he  sought  to  have  his  brother  Ferdinand  chosen  king  of 
the  Romans.  This  proceeding  was  opposed  by  the  Elector 
of  Saxony,  while  the  other  electors  readily  sold  their  votes. 
The  difficulty  could  be  overcome  by  excluding  the  Elec- 
tor of  Saxony  as  a  heretic  and  a  papal  bull  for  this  pur- 
pose was  at  hand  to  be  used  should  it  prove  expedient. 
The  other  electors  opposed  such  a  proceeding  ;  but  the 
proposal  was  in  itself  sufficient  to  precipitate  the  organi- 
zation of  the  Schmalkald  League.  The  elector  was  at 
last  convinced  that  he  could  not  dispense  with  the  upper- 
German  cities  of  Zwinglian  tendencies,  nor  disregard  the 
policy  of  Philip  of  Hesse,  Bucer,  and  Sturm,  to  unite  all 
the  evangelicals  for  defense  against  imperial  and  papal 
coercive  measures.  The  formation  of  this  league  consti- 
tuted the  evangelicals  a  political  party. 

The  evangelical  princes  met  at  Schmalkalden  and  protested  against 
the  election  of  Ferdinand  as  king  of  the  Romans.  The  Elector  of 
Saxony  ahsented  himself  from  tlie  meeting  at  Cologne  for  the  elec- 
tion of  Ferdinand  and  the  election  was  accomplished  in  the  face  of 
his  protest  and  that  of  his  evangelical  associates  (January  5,  1531). 
The  Schmalkald  League  met  on  February  27  for  the  completion  of 
its  organization.  It  was  composed  of  Electoral  Saxony,  Hesse, 
Braunschweig-Luneburg,  Braunschweig-Grubenhagen,  and  the  cities 
of  Strasburg,  Ulm,  Constance,  Reutlingen,  Memmingen,  Lindau, 
Biberach,  Isny,  Liibeck,  Magdeburg,  and  Bremen.  The  league  was 
to  be  in  force  for  six  years  and  new  members  might  be  admitted  by 
unanimous  consent. 

The  upper-German  cities  had  been  admitted  to  the  league  through 
Bucer's  compromising  measures  and  strict  Zwinglianism  lost  its 
hold  throughout  this  region.  Zurich,  under  Zwingli's  leadership, 
soon  became  involved  in  war  with  the  live  Catholic  cantons  which, 
powerfully  supported  from  without,  pioved  more  than  a  match  for 
the  Swiss'  Protestant  forces.  At  Kappel,  ZUrich  and  her  allies  suf- 
fered an  overwhelming  defeat  (October,  1531).  Zwingli  was  slain, 
and  peace  had  to  be  made  on  terms  wholly  favorable  to  the  Cath- 
oMcs.  The  Zwinglian  cantons  were  obliged  to  give  freedom  to 
Catholic  work  and  worship.  OEcolampadius,  already  in  feeble 
health,  died  in  November.  Thus  the  Zwinglian  cause  "was  almost 
completely  prostrated. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  107 

In  December,  1531,  the  Elector  of  Saxony  and  the 
Landgrave  of  Hesse  were  appointed  heads  of  the  league, 
and  the  cities  of  Goslar  and  Einbeck  were  admitted  to 
membership.  The  Duke  of  Bavaria,  though  a  Catholic, 
had  entered  into  covenant  with  the  evangelicals  against 
Ferdinand.  The  league  soon  had  the  support  of  France, 
England,  Denmark,  King  Zapolya  of  Hungary,  and  Duke 
Charles  of  Gelders.  Thus  the  Lutheran  cause  had  the 
support  not  only  of  all  evangelical  Germany,  but  of  the 
Catholic  enemies  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  The  re- 
newal of  Turkish  hostilities  in  Hungary  still  further  em- 
barrassed the  emperor,  who  now,  deeply  humiliated,  felt 
obliged  to  come  to  a  good  understanding  with  the  Protes- 
tants and  to  leave  them  free  until  differences  could  be 
adjusted  by  a  general  council. 

This  freedom  was  guaranteed  by  the  Diet  of  Nurem- 
berg (July,  1532).  After  this  proclamation  of  toleration 
the  emperor  returned  to  Spain  and  for  nine  years  the 
Protestants  had  almost  complete  immunity  from  papal 
and  imperial  interference. 

The  emperor's  chief  hope  of  religious  and  political  re-unification 
now  lay  in  the  calling  of  a  general  council ;  but  here  also  he  was  be- 
set with  difficulties,  if  such  a  council  should  overrule  the  pope  and 
in  defiance  of  his  authority  attempt  a  thorough  reformation  of  the 
church  in  its  head  and  members  so  as  measurably  to  satisfy  the  de- 
mands of  the  Protestants,  the  Ultramontane  interests  were  sure  to 
repudiate  the  council  and  a  schism  of  another  kind  would  ensue.  If 
on  the  other  hand  the  papal  interests  should  be  allowed  to  dominate 
the  council,  the  Protestants  would  repudiate  its  decrees  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  not  free.  The  co-operation  of  England  and  France  was 
thought  to  be  necessary  to  the  success  of  the  measure.  The  new 
Elector  of  Saxony,  John  Frederick,  was  approached  by  a  papal  nun- 
cio regarding  the  council  in  June,  1533.  The  Schmalkald  League, 
to  which  the  proposal  was  submitted,  expressed  decided  distrust  and 
disapproval.  Protestants  were  promised  a  free  council  and  were 
asked  to  promise  in  advance  implicit  obedience  to  its  decrees.  They 
had  little  faith  in  the  freedom  of  a  council  in  which  papal  and  impe- 
rial interests  preponderated,  and  they  could  not  in  any  case  under- 
take to  accept  decisions  that  might  militate  against  their  consciences 
and  their  interests 

To  demonstrate  to  the  emperor  the  stalwartness  of  the 
Protestant  cause  and  the  hopelessness  of  inducing  Protes- 
tants to  surrender  their  principles  to  a  council  controlled 
by  pope  and  emperor,  Luther  prepared  the  Schmalkald 


I08  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

Articles,  in  which  he  emphasized  justification  by  faith 
alone.  "There  can  be  no  yielding  in  respect  to  this 
article,  though  heaven  and  earth  should  fall,  since  on  it 
depends  everything  that  we  teach  and  live  against  Dope, 
devil,  and  the  world." 

The  mass,  purgatory,  pilgrimages,  brotherhoods,  relics,  indulgen- 
ces, and  the  invocation  of  saints  are  repudiated  with  opprobrious  lan- 
guage. Monastic  institutions  of  all  kinds  are  to  be  abolished  or 
turned  into  schools.  Luther  was  willing  to  discuss  with  Catholic 
theologians  theories  of  sin,  law,  penance,  sacraments,  priestlv  mar- 
riage, and  the  like.  Luther's  doctrine  of  the  Supper,  little  modified 
by  the  harmonizing  efforts  of  Bucer,  found  expression  in  the  articles. 
These  articles  were  not  formally  subscribed  by  the  League,  but  they 
were  ultimately  adopted  (1544)  among  the  symbolical  documents  of 
Lutheranism.  A  sliarp  polemical  tract  by  Melanchthon  on  "  The 
Power  and  Primacy  of  the  Pope  "  wasadop'ted  by  the  League  (1537). 

War  between  the  emperor  and  the  King  of  France  necessitated  the 
indefinite  postponement  of  the  council,  negotiations  regarding  which 
had  evoked  the  Schmalkald  Articles.  Turkish  invasion,  moreover, 
tended  to  bring  the  emperor  again  into  a  more  conciliatory  state. 

The  years  1 532-1 546  were  a  time  of  great  prosperity 
for  political  Lutheranism.  The  peace  of  Nuremberg  gave 
the  princes  a  freedom  they  had  not  enjoyed  before  to 
carry  out  the  Lutheran  reforms.  Lutheranism  triumphed 
in  Anhalt,  Wiirtemberg,  Augsburg,  and  Pomerania  in 
1534.  These,  together  with  the  cities  of  Frankfurt,  Ham- 
burg, and  Hanover,  became  members  of  the  League  two 
years  later  (1536).  During  the  latter  year  Denmark  ac- 
cepted Lutheranism  as  the  State  religion.  After  the  death 
of  Duke  George  (1539)  Saxony  and  Brandenburg  were 
opened  to  the  propagation  of  Lutheranism,  which  was 
soon  triumphant,  though  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  did 
not  enter  the  League  and  sought  to  occupy  a  mediating 
position,  in  the  same  year  Lutheranism  became  widely 
accepted  in  Livonia.  In  1542  Hermann  von  Wied,  Arch- 
bishop-Elector of  Cologne,  renounced  Romanism  and 
sought  to  carry  his  constituency  into  the  Lutheran  fold. 
The  Duke  of  Jijlich-Cleve  adopted  Lutheranism  in  1543, 
but  the  emperor  was  able  to  suppress  the  movement  and 
was  greatly  encouraged  by  his  success 

The  Zwinglian  cause  had  not  yet  recovered  from  its  reverses,  but 
a  new  type  of  evangelical  teaching,  which  mediated  between  Luther- 
anism and  Zwinglianism,  and  was  destined  to  a  greater  career  than 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  109 

either,  had  appeared  in  Geneva  and  was  already,  in  1546,  a  mighty 

religious  force. 

Luther  died  in  1546,  in  time  to  escape  the  humiliation 
that  was  soon  to  befall  the  Protestant  cause. 

(11)  The  Schmalkald  War  and  the  Peace  of  Augsburg 
(1^46-1^^^).  The  general  council,  after  long  and  re- 
peated delays,  had  at  last  assembled  at  Trent.  Ic  had  • 
become  more  evident  than  ever  to  the  Protestants  that 
they  could  hope  for  no  advantage  from  a  council  whose 
chief  business  it  was  to  exterminate  them,  and  that  any 
reforms  determined  upon  would  be  wholly  inadequate.  If 
the  anti-papal  and  anti-Austrian  forces  of  Europe  had 
been  at  this  time  thoroughly  united  and  dominated  by  a 
single  mighty  will,  they  would  have  been  irresistible. 
Unfortunately  there  were  almost  as  many  distinct  pri- 
vate interests  as  there  were  political  units  involved,  and 
a  comprehensive  plan  of  defense  and  aggression,  backed 
up  by  adequate  financial  provision  and  adequate  troops 
under  the  best  available  leadership  was,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, impossible.  Philip  of  Hesse,  who  more  than 
any  of  the  Protestant  princes  was  fitted  to  lead,  had 
crippled  himself  and  inflicted  irreparable  injury  upon  the 
evangelical  cause  by  his  bigamous  marriage.  The  Elec- 
tor Joachim  II.  regarded  this  action  as  one  of  the  most 
foolish  things  he  had  ever  heard  of,  and  thought  it  must 
have  cost  the  devil  much  labor.  Strange  to  say,  Philip's 
loss  of  prestige  among  the  evangelicals  led  him  to  draw 
nearer  to  the  emperor,  for  he  "  must  seek  means  to  save 
body  and  goods,  land  and  people."  He  was  soon  in  closest 
alliance  with  the  arch-enemy  of  the  Protestant  cause. 
In  1542  war  broke  out  between  the  two  Saxon  houses 
over  the  collection  of  taxes  for  the  Turkish  war.  Philip 
of  Hesse  acted  as  mediator  and  secured  temporary  peace  ; 
but  Maurice  (afterward  elector)  was  deeply  resentful  and 
was  ready  at  a  critical  moment  to  betray  his  evangelical 
confederates. 

Duke  Henry  of  Braunschweig,  one  of  the  most  disrep- 
utable of  the  princes  of  the  time,  had  severely  punished 
the  city  of  Goslar  for  its  anti-Catholic  measures.  He 
was  attacked  (July,  1542)  by  the  troops  of  the  Elector 
of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  under  the  leader- 


no  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

ship  of  the  latter.  Wolfenbiittel,  his  stronghold,  was  be- 
sieged and  captured,  and  the  duke  was  driven  out  of  his 
territory  and  forbidden  to  return.  Roman  Catholic  altars 
and  other  sacred  objects  were  stolen  or  destroyed,  and 
measures  were  taken  for  the  complete  establishment  of 
the  evangelical  system. 

At  the  Diet  of  Speier  (Feb.,  1544)  the  emperor  asked 
the  estates  for  twenty-four  thousand  infantry  and  four 
thousand  cavalry  against  the  Turks  and  against  France. 
The  aid  was  granted.  The  case  of  Henry  of  Braun- 
schweig was  settled,  the  terms  being  that  his  lands  should 
be  restored  to  him,  but  the  evangelical  worship  should 
continue.  With  the  help  of  the  English  and  the  Ger- 
mans the  emperor  gained  such  advantages  over  the  King 
of  France  that  the  peace  of  Crespy  (Sep.  14,  1544)  was 
largely  in  his  favor.  The  French  undertook  to  join  with 
the  emperor  in  his  campaign  against  the  Turks  and  in 
procuring  the  meeting  of  a  general  council. 

No  doubt  there  was  also  an  understanding  that  both  should  exert 
themselves  for  the  extermination  of  Protestantism.  The  Jesuits  were 
already  beginning  to  make  their  influence  felt  in  favor  of  drastic 
measures  against  the  new  faith.  The  refusal  of  the  Protestants  to 
recognize  the  council  that  met  at  Trent  in  1545  as  ecumenical,  or 
Christian,  dispelled  the  hope  of  the  emperor  tliat  conciliation  would 
result  from  such  moderate  reforms  as  would  leave  the  pope  at  the 
head  of  the  church  and  the  hierarchical  system  as  of  old.  The  irrec- 
oncilableness  of  the  Protestant  demands  with  the  preservation  of 
church  unity  on  a  hierarchical  basis  appeared  more  clearly  than  ever 
at  the  Diet  of  Worms  (May,  1545). 

At  this  time  the  majority  of  the  Protestant  princes  were 
in  favor  of  immediate  armed  resistance  ;  but  John  Fred- 
erick of  Saxony  still  held  out  for  peace.  Meanwhile  the 
emperor  was  secretly  preparing  himself  for  the  irrepressi- 
ble conflict. 

A  little  later  in  the  year  Cologne  was  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  the  protest  of  the  university,  the  chapter,  and 
a  large  proportion  of  the  clergy  against  the  defection  of 
the  archbishop.  These  had  of  course  the  hearty  support 
and  co-operation  of  the  emperor. 

By  September  Henry  of  Braunschweig  was  again  in  the 
field  with  an  army  of  thirteen  thousand  five  hundred  men. 
He  was  met  by  Saxon  and  Hessian  forces  nearly  twice 


CHAP.  l]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  III 

as  strong.  Henry's  troops  proved  unreliable  and  he  was 
taken  prisoner  before  there  had  been  much  bloodshed. 

The  Elector  of  the  Palatinate  now  showed  a  disposition 
to  become  a  Protestant  and  to  enter  the  League,  and  in 
January,  1546,  his  wife  and  part  of  his  court  received  the 
communion  under  both  kinds. 

The  Archbishop  Elector  Albert,  of  Mainz,  died  in  Sep- 
tember, 1545.  The  emperor  promptly  made  a  nomina- 
tion for  the  position.  The  chapter  insisted  on  making  an 
independent  choice,  and  Heusenstamm  was  appointed, 
through  the  influence  of  Philip  of  Hesse  and  other  Prot- 
estant princes  and  with  the  understanding,  it  is  probable, 
that  he  would  use  his  office  in  the  evangelical  interest. 
He  soon  afterward  declared  in  favor  of  free  preaching, 
priestly  marriage,  and  communion  under  both  kinds. 
Thus  the  Protestants  came  to  have  a  majority  in  the 
electoral  body. 

At  about  that  time  Henry  of  Braunschweig  revealed  to  Philkj  of 
Hesse  the  design  of  the  emperor  to  reduce  all  the  princes  of  Ger- 
many, Protestant  and  Catholic  alike,  to  beggary,  and  staked  the 
salvation  of  his  soul  on  the  truthfulness  of  his  information.  Philip 
hoped  on  this  ground  to  secure  a  union  of  princes  of  both  religions 
against  emperor,  pope,  and  council. 

A  conference  at  Regensburg  (January,  1546)  between 
Catholics  and  Protestants  demonstrated  afresh  the  irrec- 
oncilable differences  between  the  two  parties. 

John  Diaz,  a  highly  educated  Spaniard,  a  Protestant  convert  who 
had  spent  some  time  with  Bucer  and  others,  made  a  noble  defense  of 
the  faith.  His  brother,  Alfonso,  a  member  of  the  Roman  Curia, 
labored  earnestly  for  his  conversion,  and  failing  to  move  him  pro- 
cured his  assassination.  This  showed  the  fanatical  zeal  that  was 
coming  to  dominate  the  Catholic  supporters  of  pope  and  emperor, 
and  still  further  irritated  the  Protestants. 

The  Diet  of  Regensburg  (June,  1546)  was  poorly  at- 
tended. The  Schmalkald  allies  sent  a  protest  against 
the  council  and  petitioned  for  the  continuance  of  peace. 
The  emperor  treated  their  overtures  with  contempt,  gave 
orders  for  extensive  military  preparations,  and  expressed 
his  intention  of  vindicating  his  imperial  authority.  In 
July  he  pronounced  the  leaders  of  the  league  outlaws 
and   thus   declared    war   against    them.     The   emperor 


112  A   MANUAL   OF  CHL'RCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

wished  the  war  to  be  regarded  as  a  purely  political  one. 
The  pope  on  the  other  hand  proclaimed  a  crusade  against 
heretics  and  offered  indulgences  to  all  who  would  partici- 
pate. 

Just  before  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  Maurice  of 
Saxony  had  entered  into  alliance  with  the  emperor 
against  the  Schmalkald  League.  His  compensation  was 
to  be  the  electoral  dignity  and  certain  territorial  advan- 
tages. He  became  the  enthusiastic  executor  of  the  em- 
peror's sentence  of  outlawry  and  hurriedly  invaded 
electoral  Saxony.  After  overrunning  most  of  the  coun- 
try he  was  on  the  point  of  being  conquered  when  the 
emperor  with  a  Spanish  army  came  to  his  aid.  The 
emperor  triumphed  at  the  battle  of  Muhlberg  and  John 
Frederick  was  taken  captive  (April  24,  1547).  Maurice 
had  been  made  elector  in  October,  1546.  Wittenberg 
was  compelled  to  surrender  soon  afterward,  having 
sustained  with  remarkable  heroism  a  siege  of  many 
months.  A  sentence  of  death  against  John  Frederick 
was  commuted  to  indefinite  imprisonment  by  the  en- 
treaty of  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  Most  of  his  lands 
were  bestowed  upon  Maurice. 

Philip  of  Hesse  felt  obliged  to  surrender  to  the  emperor 
at  Halle  (June  19).  He  humiliated  himself  in  the  most 
abject  way  before  the  emperor  and  apologized  for  his  re- 
bellion. He  was  thrown  into  prison  with  the  assurance 
that  his  imprisonment  would  not  be  perpetual. 

The  rebellious  Archbishop  Elector  of  Cologne  was  de- 
prived of  his  electoral  and  archiepiscopal  offices  and  al- 
lowed to  retire  to  his  family  estates. 

Thus  the  Schmalkald  League  was  destroyed  and  the 
political  power  of  Protestantism  seemed  to  have  come  to 
an  end. 

The  emperor  was  too  well  aware  of  the  deep-seated 
convictions  of  the  evangelicals  of  Germany  in  religious 
matters  to  suppose  that  he  could  at  once  bring  the  entire 
body  into  conformity  with  papal  doctrine  and  practice. 
He  felt  that  compromise  would  be  necessary,  at  least  for 
a  time,  to  the  securing  of  religious  tranquillity.  To  re- 
unite Catholics  and  Protestants  a  Confession  of  Faith  was 
drawn  up,  under  his  direction,  known  as  the  Augsburg 
Interim,  to  which  Melanchthon  and  many  of  the  Luther- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I13 

ans  gave  in  their  adherence  as  a  measure  of  necessity. 
Melanchthon,  in  a  letter  to  Cariowitz,  the  Roman  Catholic 
counsellor  of  Maurice,  to  whom  the  defection  of  the  former 
was  due,  disclaimed  all  responsibility  for  the  Lutheran 
schism  and  professed  his  willingness  to  allow  pope  and 
bishops  to  retain  their  authority  and  to  have  the  mass 
restored  to  its  Catholic  form. 

The  Interim  repudiated  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  aione,  gave  full  recognition  to  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchical 
system,  including  the  papacy,  as  necessary  to  unity,  recognized  the 
seven  sacraments,  with  the  sacrificial  view  of  the  Supper,  interces- 
sion and  meritoriousness  of  the  saints,  prayers  for  the  dead  in  con- 
nection with  the  mass,  and  ecclesiastical  fasts  and  festivals.  Mar- 
riage of  the  clergy  and  communion  under  both  kinds  were  to  be 
tolerated  until  they  should  have  been  finally  pronounced  upon  by  a 
general  council.  It  was  arranged  that  the  document  should  be 
presented  to  the  emperor  in  the  Diet  by  two  Protestant  members,  the 
Electors  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Palatinate.  The  Protestants  were 
at  first  the  more  inclined  to  accept  the  Interim  because  they  supposed 
that  it  was  to  be  binding  upon  the  Catholics  as  well  as  the  evangelical 
princes  and  cities  ;  but  it  soon  became  apparent  that  there  was  no  in- 
tention on  the  part  of  the  emperor  and  the  Catholic  princes  to  con- 
cede to  Protestants  within  their  territory  even  the  small  measure  of 
toleration  provided  for  in  this  document. 

Coercive  measures,  involving  severe  persecution, 
were  at  once  entered  upon  in  the  South  German  cities, 
which  had  become  utterly  helpless  through  the  fortunes 
of  war.  The  threat  of  the  emperor  to  the  imperial  cities, 
"You  shall  yet  learn  Spanish,"  was  well  understood  to 
mean  that  they  were  to  be  deprived  of  all  civil  and  re- 
ligious liberty.  Spanish  soldiers  occupied  Constance, 
Augsburg,  Ulm,  Strasburg,  Regensburg,  and  all  other 
important  cities  in  this  region.  Protestant  ministers  fled 
for  their  lives.  Roman  Catholic  services  were  every- 
where introduced  and  the  intimidated  burghers  were 
driven  to  mass  by  the  soldiers. 

Maurice  of  Saxony  was  still  Protestant  enough,  or  at 
least  politic  enough,  to  insist  upon  the  modification  of  the 
Interim  for  North  Germany.  After  much  negotiation  he 
gained  certain  concessions  incorporated  in  the  Leipzig 
Interim,  a  document  which  owed  its  form  to  Melanch- 
thon. 

It  embraced  a  compromise  statement  of  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith,  and  a  modification  of  the  requirement  of  Friday  fasting,  of 

H 


114  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

the  daily  celebration  of  tiie  mass,  and  of  the  form  of  the  mass.  The 
aim  was  to  excuse  the  Protestants  of  this  region  from  tlie  most  of- 
fensive aspects  of  Catholic  practice,  in  some  places  a  pretense 
was  made  of  conforming  to  these  regulations  ;  in  others  efforts  to  re- 
introduce Catholic  ceremonies  were  strenuously  resisted  by  ministers, 
people,  and  municipal  authorities.  John  Frederick,  though  a  prisoner 
and  in  great  peril,  courageously  repudiated  the  measure.  Magde- 
burg became  tiie  center  ot  opposition  to  the  Interim  and  a  city  of 
refuge  tor  the  stanch  Lutherans.  Amsdorf,  Mattiiias  Flacius  Illy- 
ricus,  Erasmus  Albertus,  Nicolas  Gallus,  et  al.,  waged  fierce  warfare 
against  the  hiterim  and  against  Melanchthon,  Agricola,  Major,  Cru- 
ciger,  Bugenhagen,  et  al.,  who  had  had  to  do  with  the  framing  and 
the  promulgation  of  the  measure.  (See  later  section  on  the  Interim- 
istic  and  Adiaphoristic  Controversies.) 

The  pope  and  the  Roman  Curia  were  utterly  opposed 
to  the  slight  concessions  made  to  the  Protestants  in  the 
Interim,  resented  civil  interference  in  religious  matters, 
and  had  no  faith  in  the  success  of  these  measures.  The 
papal  policy  was  to  define  rigorously  the  doctrines  and 
practices  of  the  church  and  to  give  no  quarter  to  here- 
tics. Any  attempt  to  pacify  Christendom  by  compro- 
mises was  regarded  as  worse  than  useless. 

By  1551  clouds  began  to  appear  in  the  imperial  sky. 
The  emperor  and  the  pope  were  at  cross  purposes.  More- 
over, the  inveterate  hostility  of  many  of  the  Catholic 
princes  to  the  Hapsburgers  was  showing  signs  of  re- 
awakening, in  March  of  this  year  Charles  had  ex- 
pressed to  Ferdinand  his  intention  of  having  his  son 
Philip  succeed  him  in  Germany  to  the  exclusion  of 
Ferdinand's  son  Maximilian,  who  had  developed  strong 
evangelical  tendencies.  Philip  had  been  trained  by  the 
Jesuits  and  was  known  to  be  a  religious  fanatic  of  the 
deepest  die,  who  would  have  no  mercy  on  heresy. 

Maurice  of  Saxony  had  been  deeply  chagrined  by  the 
continued  imprisonment  of  his  father-in-law,  Philip  of 
Hesse,  and  at  the  same  time  realized  the  impossibility  of 
carrying  out  the  Interim  in  his  own  domains. 

Henry  I!.,  of  France,  though  a  zealous  Catholic,  was 
willing  to  join  hands  with  the  enemies  of  the  emperor  if 
thereby  he  could  secure  the  bishoprics  of  Metz,  Toul, 
and  Verdun,  in  Lorraine.  Maurice  had  for  some  time 
been  negotiating  a  coalition  against  the  emperor.  After 
the  capitulation  of  Magdeburg  (November,  1551)  he 
raised  the  war-cry  against  the  emperor  and  with  a  rapidly 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  II5 

growing  army  attacked  him  unprepared  at  Innsbruck. 
At  the  same  time  France  threw  an  army  into  the  Nether- 
lands.    Even  Ferdinand  refused  him  succor. 

The  treaty  of  Passau  (August,  1552)  guaranteed  amnesty  to  the 
emperor's  opponents  and  religious  toleration  until  differences  could 
be  settled. 

The  next  two  years  brought  nothing  but  misfortune 
to  the  aged  and  discouraged  emperor.  France  triumphed 
in  Lorraine.  Albert  of  Brandenburg  raided  the  imperial 
cities,  Nuremberg,  Bamberg,  and  WUrzburg,  and  assisted 
France  on  the  Rhine.  Maurice  gained  a  decisive  victory 
at  Sieverhausen  (July,  1553),  but  lost  his  life  in  the  bat- 
tle. In  1554  Charles  gave  to  Ferdinand  full  power  to 
make  peace  between  the  empire  and  its  foes  on  the  best 
terms  possible.  He  was  unwilling  to  burden  his  con- 
science with  personal  concessions  to  heresy,  although  he 
realized  that  concessions  must  be  made. 

The  Augsburg  treaty  ( September  25,1555)  gave  to  the  princes  of  the 
Lutheran  and  the  Catholic  communions  respectively  full  power  over 
the  religious  life  of  their  territories  {cnjits  regio,  ejus  religio).  Subjects 
of  the  other  faith  were  to  have  the  right,  without  loss  of  honor  or 
goods,  to  emigrate.  The  Ecclesiastical  Reservation  reauired  that  in 
case  a  Catholic  prelate  should  change  his  faith,  he  should  resign 
and  give  place  to  a  duly  elected  successor  recognized  by  the  hierarchy. 
In  cities  where  both  faiths  were  already  established  side  by  side,  pro- 
vision was  made  for  their  continued  toleration.  The  Augsburg  Con- 
fession was  the  only  form  of  Protestantism  recognized  in  the  treaty, 
Lutherans  being  as  determined  as  Catholics  to  exclude  from  tolera- 
tion Zwinglians,  Calvinists,  and  Anabaptists.  This  was  the  first 
settlement  of  the  religious  troubles  of  the  empire  that  gave  any 
promise  of  permanence.  It  was  repudiated  from  the  beginning  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  and  there  was  no  likelihood  that 
either  party  would  observe  its  provisions  any  further  than  policy 
should  seem  to  require. 

A  few  months  later  Charles  V.  abdicated  and  retired 
to  a  monastery  (1556).  Philip  11.  succeeded  him  as  King 
of  Spain,  while  his  brother  Ferdinand  succeeded  to  the 
imperial  dignity  (15 56-1 564). 

10.  Concluding  Remarks  on  the  Lutheran  Reformation 
(i)  In  an  earlier  section^  the  problem  of  reform,  as 

1  p.  21,  seq. 


Il6  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

we  conceive  it,  was  stated.  Let  us  take  Lutheranism  as 
the  most  influential  element  in  the  Protestant  Revolu- 
tion, and  as  fairly  representative  of  the  entire  politico- 
ecclesiastical  movement,  and  test  it  by  the  categories 
that  have  been  laid  down.  Did  Lutheranism  employ, 
to  the  best  advantage,  the  pure  elements  of  opposition 
to  the  hierarchy  that  had  come  down  from  the  past,  re- 
jecting the  vitiating  elements  .^  Did  Lutheranism  secure 
the  ends  whose  accomplishment  was  indispensable  to  a 
pure  reformation — the  abolition  of  sacerdotalism,  the 
abolition  of  the  unhallowed  union  of  Church  and  State, 
the  reinstatement  of  the  Scriptures  as  the  guide  of  faith 
and  practice  .'' 

We  have  seen^  that  in  Lutheranism  the  five  elements 
of  opposition  to  the  hierarchy  were  combined.  Yet  these 
elements  could  not  possibly  be  combined  harmoniously. 
The  pure  elements  could  not  fail  to  be  vitiated  by  com- 
bination with  the  impure.  The  final  result  could  not  be 
pure.  If  a  given  movement  is  purely  biblical,  it  may  be 
at  the  same  time  mystical,  for  there  is  a  biblical  mysti- 
cism ;  it  may  be  at  the  same  time  biblical,  mystical,  and 
humanistic,  in  a  measure  ;  but  biblical,  mystical,  human- 
istic, realistic,  and  political,  it  could  not  possibly  be  with- 
out inner  contradictions.  Hence  we  find  in  the  character, 
the  actions,  and  the  writings  of  Luther, — his  writings 
furnish  an  almost  perfect  index  to  his  character, — all 
sorts  of  inconsistencies.  Luther  could  be  biblical  when 
it  suited  his  purpose.  When  he  would  refute  the  claims 
of  the  hierarchy  no  man  could  urge  the  supreme  au- 
thority of  Scripture  more  vigorously  than  he.  But  does 
he  always  so  urge  it  .-•  Let  us  see.  When  James  is 
quoted  against  his  favorite  doctrine  of  justification  by 
faith  alone,  with  marvelous  audacity  he  turns  upon  the 
luckless  writing  and  denounces  it  as  a  "  right  strawy 
epistle."  So,  also,  he  contrasted  the  Gospel  accord- 
ing to  John  with  the  other  Gospels,  greatly  to  the  dis- 
advantage of  the  latter.  So,  also,  the  book  of  Revela- 
tion was  not  of  such  a  character  as  divine  inspiration 
would  have  given.  Other  books  of  Scripture  fared  no 
better.     Again,   when  he  came  into  controversy  with 

•  p.  S.  s<3- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  II7 

rigid  adherents  of  the  biblical  principle,  he  no  longer  held 
that  in  ecclesiastical  practice  that  only  is  allowable 
which  is  sanctioned  by  Scripture,  but  that  it  is  suificient 
if  prevalent  practices  are  not  distinctly  forbidden  by 
Scripture.  His  Roman  Catholic  opponents  were  not 
slow  to  see  Luther's  inconsistencies,  and  they  made  Vig- 
orous use  of  them  in  their  polemics. 

Again,  Luther  apprehended  the  great  biblical  doctrine 
of  the  priesthood  of  believers,  and  the  consequent  right 
of  every  Christian  to  interpret  the  Scriptures  according 
to  his  own  judgment,  enlightened  by  the  Spirit.  Yet, 
practically,  he  made  his  own  interpretation  the  only  ad- 
missible one,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  revile  and  persecute 
those  who  arrived  at  results  different  from  his  own. 

Again,  Luther  apprehended  that  most  important  bibli- 
cal doctrine,  justification  by  faith.  He  saw  in  the  failure 
to  recognize  this  doctrine,  the  ground  of  all  papal  cor- 
ruptions. Instead  of  tempering  this  doctrine  by  the 
complementary  teachings  of  the  Scriptures,  he  really 
made  it  the  supreme  criterion  of  truth.  Whatever  Scrip- 
ture could  not  be  made  to  teach  justification  by  faith 
alone  was  for  Luther  no  Scripture  at  all. 

So,  also,  while  professing  to  give  the  first  place  to 
Scripture,  he  practically  put  Augustine  in  the  first  place, 
interpreting  Scripture  by  Augustinian  dogma  rather  than 
Augustinian  dogma  by  Scripture.  It  is  evident,  there- 
fore, that  Luther  did  not  hold  to  the  biblical  principle 
purely  and  consistently. 

How  fared  it  with  the  mystical  .?  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  writings  of  the  German  mystics  had  an  impor- 
tant place  in  Luther's  own  individual  development. 
There  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  calling  in  question  the 
fact  that  he  was  a  man  of  a  profoundly  spiritual  life.  But 
it  is  certain  that  the  mystical  element  was  almost  entirely 
lost  to  his  followers.  The  general  effect  of  his  preach- 
ing, so  far  as  we  can  judge  from  his  own  statements  and 
those  of  his  most  intimate  friends,  compared  with  those 
of  his  opponents,  was  not  in  the  direction  of  personal  re- 
ligious experience,  but  rather  of  a  dead  faith  and  a  blind 
assurance.  The  preaching  and  writings  of  Luther  were 
destructive,  rather  than  constructive.  He  could,  by  his 
denunciations,  undermine  papal  authority,  and  bring  the 


Il8  A  A\ANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

doctrine  of  salvation  by  works  into  utmost  contempt ;  but 
he  failed  signally  to  develop  an  apostolical  in  the  place 
of  a  monkish  piety  in  his  followers,  it  may  safely  be 
affirmed,  that  the  mystical  element  among  the  reformatory 
forces  was  not  made  the  most  of  by  Luther  and  his  fol- 
lowers— certainly  little  of  it  appeared  among  his  follow- 
ers. It  was  almost  supplanted  by  the  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation by  faith  alone,  apprehended  by  many  in  a  semi- 
antinomian  way. 

How  far  was  the  humanistic  element  utilized  .-'  Cer- 
tainly Lutheranism  would  not  have  appeared  when  it 
did,  nor  as  it  did,  without  humanism.  Certainly  human- 
ism had  an  important  place  in  the  personal  development 
of  Luther,  and  especially  of  Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  and 
Calvin.  It  was  humanism  that  led  Luther,  from  15 12 
onward,  to  combat  with  so  much  zeal  Aristotle  and  the 
scholastic  theology.  It  was  humanism  that  led  him  to 
study  the  Scriptures  in  their  original  languages.  It  was 
humanism  that  furnished  him  with  many  of  his  ablest 
supporters.  But  this  is'  an  altogether  different  thing 
from  saying  that  humanism  here  found  its  full  utilization. 
Humanism  was  liberal  and  tolerant.  Humanists  thought 
for  themselves,  and  were  willing,  for  the  most  part,  to 
accord  to  others  the  same  privilege.  True,  this  tolera- 
tion sprang  largely  from  religious  indifferentism  ;  but 
whatever  its  source,  it  was  a  thing  sadly  needed  in  that 
generation.  The  Reformers  were,  for  the  most  part,  in- 
tolerant. They  believed  that  the  truth  should  have  free 
course  ;  but  then  each  one  was  perfectly  confident  that 
he  had  apprehended  the  entire  scope  of  the  knowable, 
and  was  far  from  recognizing  the  right  of  others  to  think 
and  teach  perversely — that  is,  contrary  to  his  own  views. 

Again,  humanists  were  averse  to  dogmatizing.  Lu- 
therans had  no  sooner  thoroughly  overthrown  scholasti- 
cism than  they  introduced  an  era  of  Protestant  scholas- 
ticism, with  the  same  deadening  and  despiritualizing 
effect  as  had  marked  that  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Humanists  believed  in  bringing  about  reformation 
through  the  sheer  force  of  the  truth.  They  did  not  ob- 
ject to  reforms  introduced  by  State  authority,  but  neither 
did  they  urge  such  religious  revolutions.  The  new 
learning,  thought  Erasmus,  will  clear  away  all  supersti- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  II9 

tion  and  darkness.  This  done,  abuses  will  vanish  in 
the  face  of  enlightened  public  opinion.  The  Reformers 
had  far  more  faith  in  external  compulsion,  far  less  in  the 
inherent  power  of  the  truth.  Thus  we  see  that  neither 
the  biblical  nor  the  mystical,  nor  yet  the  humanistic  ele- 
ment, was  fully  apprehended  and  made  to  yield  all  the 
fruit  that  was  in  it,  by  Luther  and  his  followers. 

The  fourth  element,  the  realistic-hierarchical,  is  to  be 
conceived  of  rather  as  a  negative  than  as  a  positive  force. 
Under  this  head  may  be  included  all  the  anti-scriptural 
and  Romanizing  elements  that  clogged  the  Protestant 
Revolution.  In  so  far  as  this  prevailed,  the  biblical, 
mystical,  and  humanistic  were  sure  to  suffer. 

(2)  77?^  maintenance  of  the  union  of  Church  and  State 
was  the  most  vicious  point  in  Luther's  system.  As  the 
uniting  of  Church  and  State  had  done  more  than  all  other 
influences  combined  to  corrupt  the  church,  and  as  this 
union  always  furnished  the  most  unyielding  obstacle  to 
reform,  so  its  retention  by  Luther  made  it  absolutely  im- 
possible that  any  thorough  reformation  of  the  Church 
should  find  place.  The  impossibility  of  a  purely  religious 
reformation  of  a  State  church  lies  in  the  following  con- 
siderations : 

a.  The  political  relations  of  States  are  such  that  they 
rarely  move  without  reference  to  temporal  interests. 
Religion  may  furnish  the  ostensible  motive,  but  when 
we  are  admitted  into  the  confidence  of  the  negotiators  in 
politico-religious  movements  we  shall  almost  always  see 
that  the  matter  of  lands  and  dollars  furnishes  the  decisive 
moment. 

b.  Admitting  as  a  possibility  the  purely  religions 
motives  of  the  authorities  in  any  politico-religious 
movement,  the  consciences  of  the  people  and  their  re- 
ligious ideas  are  not  the  consciences  and  ideas  of  the 
authorities.  The  people,  as  a  body,  were  at  that  time 
very  likely  to  conform  outwardly  to  the  ecclesiastical 
arrangements  of  their  rulers  ;  yet,  who  would  be  so 
credulous  as  to  think  that  the  entire  spiritual  status  of  a 
nation  could  be  changed  in  a  day  or  in  a  year?  The  Spirit 
of  God  worketh  not  in  this  wise. 

c.  The  very  process  of  transferring  a  people  suddenly 
from  one  communion  to  another,  without  any  exercise 


120  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  volition  on  their  part,  tends  to  foster  in  their  minds 
the  notion  that  religion  is  a  mere  matter  of  outward 
form.  A  sense  of  carnal  security  is  thus  engendered 
antagonistic  to  any  earnest  efforts  for  salvation. 

The  leaders  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  made  Prot- 
estants by  States  as  far  as  possible.  Temporal  advan- 
tages furnished  the  chief  motive  to  most  of  the  rulers. 
A  thoroughly  corrupt  Christianity  could  not  fail  to  be 
the  result. 

It  appears  that  all  the  possible  ill  effects  of  a  politico- 
religious  reformation  were  realized  in  the  Protestant 
Revolution  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

(3)  Infant  baptism  has  always  gone  hand  in  hand  with 
State  churches.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  an  eccle- 
siastical establishment  could  be  maintained  without  in- 
fant baptism  or  its  equivalent.  We  should  think,  if  the 
facts  did  not  show  us  so  plainly  the  contrary,  that  the 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone  would  displace  in- 
fant baptism.  But  no.  The  Establishment  must  be 
maintained.  The  rejection  of  infant  baptism  implies 
insistence  on  a  baptism  of  believers.  Only  the  baptized 
are  properly  members  of  the  church.  Even  adults  would 
not  all  receive  baptism  on  professed  faith  unless  they 
were  actually  compelled  to  do  so.  Infant  baptism  must, 
therefore,  be  retained  as  the  necessary  concomitant  of  a 
State  church.  But  what  becomes  of  justification  by 
faith?  Baptism,  if  it  symbolizes  anything,  symbolizes 
regeneration.  It  would  be  ridiculous  to  make  the  sym- 
bol to  forerun  the  fact  by  a  series  of  years.  Luther  saw 
the  difficulty  ;  but  he  was  sufficient  for  the  emergency. 
"Yes,"  said  he,  "justification  is  by  faith  alone.  No 
outward  rite,  apart  from  faith,  has  any  efficacy."  Why, 
it  was  against  opera  operata  (works  performed  for  merit) 
that  he  was  laying  out  all  his  strength.  Yet  baptism  is 
the  symbol  of  regeneration,  and  baptism  must  be  admin- 
istered to  infants,  or  else  the  State  church  falls.  With 
an  audacity  truly  sublime,  the  great  Reformer  declares 
that  infants  are  regenerated  in  connection  with  baptism, 
and  that  they  are  simultaneously  justified  by  personal 
faith.  An  infant  eight  days  old  believe.?  "Prove  the 
contrary,  if  you  can!"  triumphantly  exclaims  Luther, 
and  his  point  is  gained.     If  this  kind  of  personal  faith  is 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  121 

said  to  justify  infants,  is  it  wonderful  that  those  of  ma- 
turer  years  learned  to  take  a  somewhat  superficial  view 
of  the  faith  that  justifies  ? 

(4)  In  the  very  idea  of  a  religious  establishment  is 
implied  the  maintenance  of  the  Establishment.  The  tolera- 
tion of  dissent  is  antagonistic  to  the  integrity — nay,  to 
the  very  existence — of  an  Establishment.  The  idea  that 
two  forms  of  Christianity  could,  with  any  good  results, 
exist  side  by  side  in  a  given  State,  seemed  almost  as 
preposterous  to  Luther  as  it  did  to  Philip  II.  or  to  Cath- 
arine de  Medici.  Though  schismatic  themselves,  the 
Reformers  had  a  horror  of  schism  almost  as  decided  as 
that  of  the  Romanists.  The  tendency  of  Protestantism 
to  individualism  and  endless  sectarianism  was  a  reproach 
which  Romanists  delighted  to  heap  upon  Protestants  ; 
and  the  Reformers  did  not  know  enough  to  admit  the 
fact,  and  to  justify  it.  The  necessity  of  uniformity  in 
religion  felt  by  civil  and  religious  leaders  alike,  and  the 
necessity  of  giving  the  lie  to  Roman  Catholic  reproaches, 
led  the  Protestant  civil  rulers,  with  the  hearty  co-opera- 
tion of  the  Protestant  religious  leaders,  to  persecute  to 
the  death  those  that  dared  dissent  from  the  established 
religion. 

It  was  the  most  natural  thing  in  the  world,  circum- 
stances being  as  they  were,  that  a  Reformation  should  be 
attempted  and  carried  out  just  as  was  the  Lutheran. 
A  political  revolution  seems  to  have  been  inevitable. 
Religious  affairs  were  already  so  intermingled  with  po- 
litical that  we  can  hardly  conceive  of  a  great  political 
revolution  which  should  not  involve  the  overthrow  of  the 
hierarchy.  It  was  the  most  natural  thing  in  the  world  that 
the  movement  should  have  begun  from  the  religious  side. 
Considering  that  the  hierarchy  was  sure  to  make  use  of 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  power  combined  for  the  suppression 
of  any  movement  that  threatened  its  overthrow,  it  was 
perfectly  natural  that  the  religious  and  the  political  reform- 
ers should  have  clung  close  together,  or  rather  that  the 
two  elements  should  have  been  combined  in  the  same  in- 
dividuals. Again,  it  was  natural  that  the  politico-religious 
reformers  should  have  striven  to  retain  full  control  of 
the  movement,  to  keep  the  ranks  solid.  It  was  natural 
that  the  political  elements  during  the  times  of  outward 


122  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

danger  should  have  greatly  preponderated  over  the  re- 
ligious, it  was  natural  that  deserters  from  the  ranks  on 
the  one  side  or  the  other  should  be  hunted  down  and 
slain.  All  this  was  natural,  was  to  be  expected.  But 
in  a  religious  movement  we  demand  not  what  is  natural, 
but  what  is  Christian, — not  the  methods  of  the  practical 
politician,  but  the  methods  appointed  by  Christ.  We 
demand  that  the  men  to  whom  we  pay  homage  as  apos- 
tles of  Christ  be  swayed  not  by  worldly  motives,  but  by 
purely  Christian  motives.  We  demand  faith  not  in  the 
arm  of  flesh,  but  in  the  Lord,  such  faith  as  does  the  right 
regardless  of  consequences,  assured  that  God  will  take 
care  of  the  consequences. 

(5)  The  achievements  of  Luther  may  be  thus  summed 
up  :  a.  He  overthrew  the  papal  authority  in  Germany. 
h.  He  secured  recognition  of  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith,  and  thereby  overthrew  a  vast  amount  of  the 
mediaeval  superstition,  to  a  great  extent  sacerdotalism, 
on  which  the  whole  mediaeval  system  rested,  c.  He 
greatly  promoted  individualism — freedom  of  thought  on 
the  part  of  individuals,  although  this  was  not  his  desire, 
and  he  fought  against  it  with  might  and  main. 

These  things  he  accomplished  in  part  voluntarily,  in 
part  involuntarily. 

What  has  been  said  of  the  Lutheran  movement  may  be  said,  with 
some  important  modifications,  of  ail  the  other  politico-ecclesiastical 
movements  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  needed  modifications  will 
sufficiently  appear  in  the  description  of  the  various  movements  that 
is  to  follov/. 

IV.  THE  ZWINGLIAN  REFORMATION. 

LITERATURE:— Works  of  Zwingli,  OEcolampadius,  Vadianus, 
Leo  JudiEus,  and  other  early  Swiss  Reformers  ;  Bullinser,  "  T^efor- 
mationsgeschiclite^^  (a  contemporary  work  not  published  until  1866- 
1868)  ;  Simmler,  "  Sammlmtg  alter  u.  neuer  Urktoideii  ^iir  Bc'lniclittmir  d. 
Kircheusreschiclite,  voriwhrnlich  d.  Si-li-weit^c'rlands,''  1757-1763  (Simm- 
ler made  a  very  valuable  collection  of  manuscripts  and  pamphlets, 
which  is  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  Ziirich); 
Strickler, '''' Acten'iammlimg  ^ur  Sc/iu'c'i^i'risc/ie>i  T^cformatioiisgescliichte  in 
d.  Jahren  /§2i-i^j2,^'  5  Bde.,  1878-1884;  Egli,  ''/fctc'iisamwlmtg  {iir 
Gesch.  d.  Zurcher  Reformaiion  in  d.  Jalirm  r liig-i ^^j,'^  '879; 
^^  Archiv.  fur  d.  Sclnv.  Ref .-Gesch.,  herattsgeg.  anf  yeranstaltiing  d. 
Sclm.  Pill  aver  ein,^'  1868-1876  (contains  manv  important  documents 
on  the  R.  C.  side);  Wirz  and  Kirchhofer,  "  Helvetisc/i.  Kirc/iengesch." 
aus  J.  J.  Hottinger's  ''  Allerem  IVerkeu.  anderer  Quellen,^^  1808-1819; 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  123 

Ruchat,  "  Hist,  de  la  Ref.  de  la  Suisse"  1727-1728  ;  Lives  of  Zwingli 
by  Myconius  (Lat.,  1536,  ed.  Neander,  1840),  Hess  (French,  1810, 
also  Ger.  and  Eng.),  Hottinger  (1842,  also  Eng.),  Christoffel  (1857, 
Eng.,  1858),  Morikofer  ( 1867-1869),  Grob  ( 1883,  Eng.,  1884),  Hardy 
(i874),Stahelin  (i8g5onw.),  Jackson  ("  Heroes  of  the  Reformation" 
Series);  Baur,  ""  ZwingW  s  Theologie,'"  1885-1889;  Usteri,  ""  hiitia 
Zunnglii''''  (in  '^  Studienu.  Kritikt'ii,"  1885)  ;  Baur,  "  Die  ersteZur.  Dis- 
piitatwH,"  1883;  Lives  of  CEcolampadius  by  Herzog  (1843)  and 
Hagenbach  (1858);  Escher,  " 'D/t?  Glauhensparteien  in  der  Schwei^. 
Eidgenossenschaft  u.  Hire  Be{iehuiigeH  ^iim  /luslande,  i  i^2y-i ^^i ,"  1882  ; 
Oechsli,  ''''Die  Anfange  d.  Glaubetiskoiiflides  ^zoisclien  Ziirich  u.  d.  Eid- 
genossen,"  1883  ;  Usteri,  "  Zwinglt  u.  Erasmus,''''  1885  ;  Kessler,  "  Sab- 
hatha" ;  Stahelin,  '''' T)ie  Reformatiomsche  IVirksamkeit  l^adiainis," 
1882;  Pestalozzi,  "Leo  Juda^us,"  1861  ;  Pressel,  "J.  Vadianus," 
1861  ;  "■  Beriier  Beitr'age,"  ed.  Nippold,  1884;  Anschelm,  '"  "Berner 
C/ironik"  ed.  Stierlin,  1884-1886;  ""  Cfironik  d.  Stadt  Schauffhausen" 
1844;  Arx,  '' Gesch  d.  Kanton  St.  Gallen"  1810-1813  ;  Fuesslin, 
"  Beytrage  {iir  Erlauterting  d.  Kirch enref or mationsgesch .  d.  Schwei{er- 
lands"  1740-1753  ;  StiJrler,  "  Urkunden  d.  Bern.  Kirchenre/orm,"  1862; 
pertinent  sections  in  the  manuals  of  Ch.  Hist,  by  Gieseler,  Schaff, 
Sheldon,  Moller  (ed.  Kawerau),  Alzog,  Herzog,  Hergenrother,  Hase, 
and  Kurtz,  in  the  histories  of  the  Reformation  by  Seebohm,  Fisher, 
Walker,  and  Bezold,  and  in  Ranke's  great  work  on  "  Germany  in 
the  Time  of  the  Reformation."  See  also  articles  on  the  Swiss  lead- 
ers in  the  McClintock  and  Strong,  Schaff-Herzog,  Hauck-Herzog, 
and  Lichtenberger  encyclopedias.  For  a  very  extensive  bibliog- 
raphy see  Schaff,  "  Hist,  of  the  Chr.  Ch.,"  Vol.  VIL,  pp.  12-21.  For 
literature  on  the  Anabaptist  movement  in  Switzerland  see  future  sec- 
tion, and  especially  bibliography  in  the  author's  "  Hist,  of  Anti- 
Pedobaptism,"  pp.  395-406. 

I .  Political,  Social,  and  Economic  Condition  of  the  Swiss 
Cantons  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Protestant  Revolution. 

The  Swiss  Republic  was  founded  in  1291,  when  the 
three  "forest  cantons,"  Uri,  Schwyz,  and  Unterwalden, 
entered  by  an  "  eternal  covenant  "  into  a  confederation. 
Lucerne  entered  the  confederation  in  1332,  ZiJrich  in 
1351,  Glarus  and  Zug  in  1352,  Bern  in  1353,  Freiburg 
and  Solothurn  in  1481,  Base!  and  Schaffhausen  in  1501, 
and  Appenzell  in  1513.  Most  of  the  cantons  had  ac- 
quired control  over  a  considerable  amount  of  adjoining 
territory.  Aargau,  Thurgau,  Wallis,  Geneva,  Grau- 
biinden,  Neuchatel,  Valangin,  and  a  number  of  cities, 
including  Biel,  Mijhlhausen,  Rotwell,  and  Locarno,  were 
thus  in  close  relations  with  the  thirteen  confederated 
cantons.  Each  canton  was  for  most  purposes  independ- 
ent.    In  the  federal  Diet  each  canton,  regardless  of  its 


124  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

population,  had  an  equal  number  of  representatives. 
This  fact  made  it  possible  for  a  majority  of  the  smaller 
cantons  to  defeat  the  efforts  of  a  minority  of  the  larger 
cantons,  embracing  a  majority  of  the  population  of  the 
confederacy,  to  introduce  the  Reformation  as  a  federal 
measure. 

The  Swiss  had  become  noted  for  extraordinary  valor 
in  the  struggles  through  which  they  attained  to  independ- 
ence. Though  brave  and  noble-minded  they  were  poor, 
and  when  their  wars  for  independence  had  ceased,  they 
were  led  by  love  of  adventure  and  love  of  money  to  be- 
come mt?rcenaries  of  foreign  powers.  By  the  time  of  the 
Reformation  the  mercenary  system  had  already  devel- 
oped the  worst  results.  The  mode  of  life  of  the  merce- 
naries was  not  such  as  to  foster  the  simplicity  and  thrift 
for  which  the  Swiss  had  been  noted.  They  became 
habituated  to  luxury  and  license,  and  returning,  cor- 
rupted the  population.  The  best  of  the  Swiss  saw  the  cor- 
rupting and  degrading  tendency  of  the  system  and  pro- 
tested against  it  ;  but  this  naturally  had  little  effect  when 
the  inducements  to  individuals  were  so  strong.  Men  of 
influence,  moreover,  were  pensioned  by  the  pope,  the 
emperor,  and  the  king  of  France,  etc.,  who  were  rivals 
in  securing  the  Swiss  troops,  and  thus  their  mouths  were 
shut. 

This  corruption  of  the  Swiss  was  attended  with  grow- 
ing indifference  and  contempt  for  the  church,  and  with 
freedom  and  enlightenment  of  thought,  wliich  made  this 
the  most  favorable  country  in  Europe  for  religious  inno- 
vation. When  in  1518  the  pope  required  twelve  thou- 
sand Swiss  troops  to  fight  against  the  Turks,  the  Swiss 
replied  that  they  ought  not  to  be  called  out  before  other 
nations  ;  but  they  promised  him  ten  thousand  men,  add- 
ing, that  if  he  liked  he  could  take  in  addition  the  two 
thousand  priests. 

The  Swiss  cantons  may  be  classified  as  urban  and  ru- 
ral, or  "  forest."  The  urban  cantons,  as  a  rule,  readily 
adopted  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation,  while  the  rural 
cantons  for  the  most  part  remained  true  to  their  old  faith. 
How  are  we  to  account  for  this  fact  ?  The  following 
considerations  furnish  a  partial  explanation  : 

(i)  The  Swiss  confederation  had  succeeded  in  greatly 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I25 

limiting  the  financial  exploitation  of  the  country  by  the 
Roman  Curia  and  the  rural  cantons  had  little  to  complain 
of  on  economic  grounds.  Moreover,  they  were  protiting 
largely  by  the  hiring  of  their  young  men  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  powers  as  soldiers.  As  their  warlike  sons  con- 
stituted "the  only  valuable  commodity  which  the  peas- 
ants and  petty  nobility  of  Switzerland  could  at  that  time 
bring  into  the  market,"'  and  as  the  population  of  these 
cantons  were  for  the  most  part  too  ignorant  to  have 
come  under  the  influence  of  humanistic  modes  of  thought, 
it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  they  would  hasten  to 
break  with  Roman  Catholicism. 

(2)  The  wealthy  towns  were  far  more  conscious  of 
papal  exploitation.  The  well-to-do  middle  class,  that 
was  chiefly  influential,  derived  no  benefit  from  the  mer- 
cenary system,  and  regarded  it  as  distinctly  disadvan- 
tageous ;  for  it  "strengthened  the  power  of  their  ene- 
mies, the  nobility,  and  increased  the  warlike  capacities 
of  the  lower  classes,  from  whom  they  derived  their 
wealth."^  The  aggrandizement  of  the  house  of  Haps- 
burg  was  a  perpetual  menace  to  the  independence  of  the 
city  cantons,  on  which  their  territory  bordered  and  which 
were  coveted  on  account  of  their  wealth  and  the  advan- 
tageous position  that  they  occupied  in  relation  to  Ger- 
many, Austria,  France,  and  Italy.  It  is  easy  to  see  the 
enormous  value  that  the  Hapsburgers  must  have  placed 
on  the  possession  of  Switzerland  and  to  appreciate  the 
heartiness  with  which  the  cantons  most  concerned  wel- 
comed whatever  tended  to  weaken  the  Hapsburg  rule 
and  the  papal  power  that  was  so  largely  identified  with 
that  of  the  empire. 

(3)  The  New  Learning  had  found  ready  acceptance 
in  urban  Switzerland,  and  the  University  of  Basel  had 
become  one  of  its  chief  strongholds.  Erasmus  spent 
much  of  his  time  there  (1514-1516  and  1521-1529)  during 
the  early  years  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  and  many 
of  the  ablest  young  men  of  Switzerland,  such  as  Zwingli, 
OEcolampadius,  Capito,  Pellican,  Hedio,  and  Denck, 
came  under  his  influence.  Basel  was  already  one  of  the 
great  publishing  centers  of  Europe,  and  from  it  streams 

'  Kautsky,  "Communism  in  Central  Europe,"  p,  155,  seq.  ^Ibid.,  p  156. 


126  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  intellectual  and  spiritual  influence  went  forth  into  the 
neighboring  cantons  and  the  contiguous  Austrian  and 
German  districts.  Thomas  Wyttenbach,  who  taught 
theology  at  Basel  (i  505-1 508),  was  an  evangelical  hu- 
manist of  learning  and  spiritual  power.  Long  before 
Luther  he  had  attacked  indulgences,  the  Roman  Catholic 
view  of  the  Supper,  and  the  enforced  celibacy  of  the 
priesthood.  Several  of  Luther's  early  works  were  re- 
printed at  Basel  and  given  a  wide  circulation  throughout 
Switzerland.  Many  of  Erasmus'  works,  including  his 
Greek  New  Testament,  were  published  there. 

(4)  The  old  evangelical  training  was  far  more  widely 
diffused  in  the  urban  than  in  the  rural  cantons.  This 
form  of  Christianity  flourished  far  more  among  the  arti- 
san classes  that  abounded  and  were  thoroughly  organ- 
ized in  urban  Switzerland  than  among  the  rural  classes. 
As  the  Waldenses  and  related  parties  were  fundamen- 
tally opposed  to  warfare,  even  in  self-defense,  rural 
Switzerland,  from  almost  every  family  of  which  recruits 
for  Austria,  France,  Venice,  Milan,  and  the  pope  went 
forth,  must  have  been  peculiarly  uncongenial  soil  for 
this  type  of  Christianity,  and  it  would  have  been  ex- 
ceedingly difficult  on  this  account  for  secret  adherents  to 
old  evangelical  types  of  teaching  to  escape  detection. 

2.  Characteristics  of  the  Szviss  Reformation. 

(i)  Far  more  than  the  Lutheran  the  Zwinglian  Refor- 
mation was  a  civil  and  moral  reformation.  While  Lu- 
theranism  led  many  to  license,  Zwinglianism  took  meas- 
ures for  the  moral  amelioration  of  the  people. 

(2)  The  Zwinglian  Reformation  was  at  the  same  time 
far  more  quiet  and  far  more  thorough  than  the  Lutheran. 

a  More  quiet  because  :  (a)  Contempt  for  Rome  had 
come  to  be  looked  upon  in  Switzerland  as  a  matter  of 
course,  and  preaching  against  abuses  here  excited  little 
astonishment  on  the  spot  or  at  Rome,  (b)  No  man 
arose  in  Switzerland  of  Luther's  vehemence  and  zeal. 
The  Swiss  reformers  were  more  philosophical  and  cool. 
What  they  said,  as  a  general  thing,  they  could  adhere 
to,  and  they  were  far  less  frequently  than  Luther  ob- 
liged to  withdraw  from  untenable  positions. 

b.  More  thorough,  because  :  (j)  Humanism  was  more 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  127 

predominant  in  the  Swiss  than  in  the  German  reformers. 
Zwingli  was  free  from  the  realistic  views  with  regard  to 
the  church  that  dominated  Luther's  thinking  and  acting 
and  hesitated  less  to  become  a  schismatic,  (b)  The 
government  was  popular,  and  no  rulers  with  extensive 
political  relations  had  to  be  consulted.  The  confedera- 
tion of  the  cantons  and  treaties  with  foreign  powers 
caused  considerable  embarrassment  from  time  to  time, 
but  were  by  no  means  so  obstructive  as  the  imperial  rela- 
tions in  Germany,  (c)  A  higher  degree  of  enlightenment 
and  freedom  from  superstition  characterized  the  Swiss  as 
a  people. 

3.  ZwinglVs  Reformatory  Work  to  1^2^. 

(i)  Sketch  of  Zwingli  up  to  1^19.  Ulrich  Zwingli  was 
born  in  1484,  at  Wildhaus.  His  father  was  a  bailiff,  and 
his  maternal  uncle  a  priest.  Ulrich  was  early  taken 
charge  of  by  the  latter,  who  sent  him  to  school  first  in 
Basel,  then  in  Bern,  then  to  the  University  of  Vienna. 
In  1502  he  returned  to  Basel  as  teacher  in  the  St.  Martin 
school.  In  1505  Wyttenbach,  a  man  of  learning  and  elo- 
quence, lectured  in  Basel.  He  foresaw  and  foretold  the 
overthrow  of  indulgences  and  many  other  papal  abuses. 
Zwingli  had  heretofore  occupied  himself  with  philos- 
ophy and  general  culture.  He  was  now  led  to  devote 
himself  rigorously  to  the  study  of  theology.  From  1506 
he  was  pastor  at  Glarus.  Here  he  devoted  a  great  part 
of  his  time  to  the  study  of  Latin  classics  and  philosophy. 
He  preached  eloquently,  condemning  to  some  extent  the 
mercenary  spirit,  the  evil  effects  of  which  he  saw  ;  yet 
he  received  a  pension  from  the  pope,  and  maintained 
that  the  Swiss  ought  to  assist  the  Holy  See  with  troops. 
In  1513  he  felt  the  necessity  of  a  knowledge  of  Greek, 
for  the  sure  understanding  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
applied  himself  industriously  to  the  study  of  this  lan- 
guage. He  always  regarded  this  study  as  one  of  the 
most  important  steps  in  his  preparation  for  the  career  of 
a  reformer.  New  light  seemed  to  him  thence  to  dawn 
upon  the  sacred  word.  The  influence  of  Erasmus,  who 
about  this  time  took  up  his  residence  in  Basel,  was  of 
fundamental  importance  in  Zwingli's  development. 

From  the  beginning  of  15 16,  his  preaching  assumed  a 


128  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

thoroughly  simple  and  biblical  form.  About  the  same 
time,  in  accordance  with  the  words  of  St.  Paul,  "that  it 
is  good  for  a  man  not  to  touch  a  woman,"  he  proposed  to 
himself  to  abandon  his  unchaste  mode  of  life  (which  had 
previously  been  carried  on  so  modestly  and  secretly  that 
even  his  familiar  friends  scarcely  knew  of  it) ;  but  having 
no  companion  of  the  same  turn  of  mind,  alas  !  he  fell  and 
returned  as  "a  dog  to  his  vomit,"  having  persisted  in 
his  resolution  only  six  months.  In  view  of  the  extreme 
laxity  of  morals  that  prevailed  among  the  clergy  at  this 
time,  it  is  to  Zwingli's  honor  that  he  even  formed  such  a 
resolution.  Yet  this  was  far  from  being  the  last  of  his 
irregularities,  since  the  woman  he  married  was  his  mis- 
tress long  before  she  was  his  wife. 

These  facts  are  candidly  given  by  Zwingli  in  his  extant  writings. 

From  1 5 16-15 19  he  ^^^s  pastor  at  Einsiedeln,  where 
he  continued  to  study  with  all  diligence.  He  had  come 
to  see  the  need  of  reformation,  and  had  aided  quietly  in 
the  suppression  of  some  abuses  ;  but  as  he  was  not  yet 
reformed  himself,  it  is  easy  to  understand  why  he  was 
not  more  active  in  reformation. 

In  1 5 18  an  indulgence  preacher  of  extraordinary  effron- 
tery, Bernard  Samson,  by  name,  appeared  in  Switzer- 
land. Zwingli,  among  others,  preached  against  him, 
and  he  was  driven  away.  In  this  he  had  the  support  of 
the  Bishop  of  Constance,  who  was  at  the  time  selling 
indulgences  for  diocesan  purposes.  The  pope  advised 
Samson  to  withdraw  from  Switzerland. 

In  the  latter  part  of  15 18,  Zwingli  was  appointed  to 
become  chief  preacher  in  Ziirich.  A  report  gained  cur- 
rency at  Ziirich  that  he  had  seduced  the  daughter  of  a 
respectable  citizen  of  Einsiedeln.  In  a  letter  in  answer 
to  an  inquiry  from  a  friend  in  Ziirich,  he  acknowledges 
that  he  has  sustained  unchaste  relations  with  a  young 
woman,  but  palliates  the  guilt  by  alleging  that  she  was 
not  a  virgin,  but  a  common  harlot.  While  showing  some 
contrition  for  the  sin,  he  congratulates  himself  on  having 
always  adhered  rigidly  to  a  purpose  early  formed,  never 
to  seduce  a  virgin  or  a  nun. 

(2)  Zwingli  at  Ziirich  until  the  First  Disputation.  Here, 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 29 

Zwingli,  with  a  view  to  promoting  pure  scriptural  doc- 
trine, at  once  deviated  from  the  customary  mode  of 
preaching  from  passages  of  Scripture  arranged  authorita- 
tively throughout  the  year,  and  began  expounding  in 
regular  order  entire  books  of  the  Bible.  This  method  of 
preaching  was  exceedingly  popular.  His  preaching  was 
very  practical,  being  directed  against  superstition,  hypoc- 
risy, idleness,  and  inordinate  eating  and  drinking,  and  in- 
sisting on  repentance,  amendment  of  life,  love,  and  fidel- 
ity. He  urged  the  rulers  to  be  just,  to  protect  widows 
and  orphans,  to  maintain  the  independence  of  the  con- 
federacy, etc. 

Zwingli  was  accused  by  the  monks  (whose  hostility 
he  had  excited)  of  being  a  follower  of  Luther.  He  in- 
dignantly rejected  the  imputation,  claiming  that  he  was 
a  follower  of  Christ  ;  but  acknowledging  that  so  far  as 
he  had  read  Luther's  writings  he  had  found  his  teachings 
so  well  fortified  and  grounded  in  the  word  of  God  that  it 
was  not  possible  for  any  creature  to  refute  them. 

In  1520,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  the  clamoring  of  the 
monks  against  Zwingli,  the  Council  of  Ziirich  enacted 
that  henceforth  all  the  preachers  should  preach  freely 
from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments,  but  should  refrain 
from  discussing  human  innovations.  Zwingli  probably 
advised  this  action,  desiring  nothing  for  himself  but  lib- 
erty to  expound  the  Scriptures.  He  felt  that  abuses 
would  vanish  of  themselves,  if  true  doctrine,  i.  e.,  a  cor- 
rect understanding  of  the  Scriptures,  should  have  be- 
come diffused  (Erasmic  influence). 

Zwingli  aimed  not  simply  at  an  ecclesiastical,  but  also 
at  a  moral  and  civil  reformation.  He  was  highly  pa- 
triotic, and  after  he  had  in  1520  given  up  his  papal  pen-^ 
sion,  he  was  unsparing  in  his  denunciation  of  the  mer- 
cenary system. 

Yet  even  now,  in  fulfillment  of  an  earlier  agreement,  Zurich  sent 
military  aid  to  the  pope,  it  is  worthy  of  note  tliat  instead  of  excom- 
municating Zwingli  at  this  time,  the  pope  sought  in  every  way  to 
win  him  back  to  his  allegiance.  Even  as  late  as  1526  the  pope  had 
not  wholly  despaired  of  Ziirich  and  could  address  the  council  as 
"  beloved  sons  "  and  promise  to  pay  the  debts  of  which  he  was  con- 
tinually being  reminded. 

The  preaching  of  Zwingli  was  far  more  wholesome  in 
I 


130  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

its  influence  than  that  of  Luther.  While  he  preached 
justification  by  faith,  he  did  not  make  upon  his  hearers 
the  impression  that  good  works  were  not  worth  perform- 
ing. 

Zwingli  had  preached  quietly  in  ZiJrich  for  three  years, 
when,  in  1522,  some  Ziirich  citizens  ate  meat  on  a  fast 
day.  This  made  a  great  sensation,  and  tiie  men  were 
thrown  into  prison.  Zwingli  defended  them  before  a 
commission  from  the  bishop  of  Constance,  and  soon  after 
published  his  first  polemical  writing,  "On  Choice  and 
Freedom  in  Eating." 

in  this  he  defends  evangelical  freedom  in  all  things  that  God  has 
not  forbidden. 

It  is  forbidden  in  the  Old  Testament  not  only  to  take  from,  but  to 
add  to  divine  ordinances ;  how  much  more  in  the  New  Testament, 
which  is  meant  to  be  the  only  perpetual  law  for  Christians.  Paul 
urges  Christians  to  stand  fast  in  tlie  liberty  wherewith  Christ  hath 
made  them  free,  etc.  Those  that  insist  on  the  observance  of  fasts 
virtually  condemn  Paul.  The  general  assembly  has  a  right  to  set 
apart  days  for  fasting,  but  conformity  or  non-conformity  is  a  mat- 
ter that  belongs  to  the  individual  conscience. 

\n  May,  1522,  the  bishop  of  Constance  issued  a  pas- 
toral letter  warning  against  innovations,  and  tlie  Diet  of 
Lucerne  forbade  all  preaching  likely  to  cause  disquiet. 

In  July  following,  Zwingli,  in  the  name  of  ten  other 
clergy,  addressed  to  the  Diet  a  "Friendly  Petition  and 
Exhortation."  In  this  writing  the  unscripturalness  and 
the  unrighteousness  of  clerical  celibacy  are  set  forth, 
and  the  Diet  is  exhorted  to  remove  obstructions  to  mar- 
riage. In  August,  a  somewhat  similar  petition,  abound- 
ing in  sarcasm,  was  addressed  to  the  bishop  of  Con- 
stance.' hi  this  writing  he  set  forth  with  great  clearness 
the  sole  authority  of  Scripture  over  against  all  ecclesias- 
tical authority. 

At  this  time  (1522)  he  entered  into  relations  with  Anna 
Reinhart,  a  young  and  beautiful  widow,  which  is  com- 
monly spoken  of  as  a  secret  marriage  ;  but  the  marriage 
relation  was  not  avowed  till  April,  1524.  His  reputation 
has  suffered  to  some  extent  from  this  connection  ;  but 
there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  doubting  his  good  faith 

'^ "  Apologetieus  Archittles"  (Zwingli's  Works,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  17.  26,  etc.). 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  131 

in  the  matter.     The  secrecy  was  due  to  prudential  con- 
siderations. 

(3)  The  First  Disputation  at  Zurich  (^January  25,  1^2^). 
The  foregoing  occurrences  had  caused  a  great  ferment  of 
popular  feeling,  and  it  seemed  best  to  the  council  to  ap- 
point a  public  disputation  for  the  thorough  discussion  of 
such  subjects  as  were  agitating  men's  minds,  in  the  Ger- 
man tongue  and  with  the  Scriptures  as  the  authoritative 
standard.  For  this  disputation  Zwingli  arranged  his  re- 
formatory views  in  sixty-seven  articles.  His  arguments 
were  so  convincing  to  the  council  that  it  charged  him  to 
persevere  in  his  evangelical  methods,  and  all  the  other 
preachers  to  follow  his  example.  This  was  a  complete 
triumph  for  Zwingli. 

The  sixty-seven  articles,  which  Zwingli  afterward  expanded  into 
a  book,  which  constitutes  one  of  the  completest  expositions  of  his 
views,  and  which  constituted  at  the  time  a  sort  of  text-book  of 
Zwinglianism,  are,  in  substance,  as  follows: 

1.  The  assertion  of  the  right  to  preach  the  gospel  regardless  of 
church  authority. 

2.  Christ  is  the  only  way  to  blessedness,  and  is  the  only  head  of 
the  church,  which  consists  of  all  true  believers. 

3.  Hence  the  gospel,  through  which  men  are  brought  to  a  knowl- 
edge of  Christ,  and  are  taught  to  put  no  reliance  in  human  doctrines 
and  ordinances,  should  be  everywhere  preached. 

4.  The  mass  is  not  a  sacrifice,  for  Christ  was  sacrificed  once  for 
all  for  the  sins  of  believers,  but  onlv  the  memorial  of  the  sacrifice. 

5.  The  church  universal  Is  invisible,  and  consists  of  the  v/hole 
company  of  the  elect. 

6.  The  highest  tribunal  on  earth  is  the  Christian  church  in  any 
particular  place ;  hence,  the  papacy  has  no  claim  to  obedience. 

7.  Mediation  of  saints  and  of  priests  is  rejected. 

8.  Celibacy  of  the  clergy  is  declared  to  be  a  great  evil. 

g.  The  mass  Is  rejected  as  idolatry,  and  the  Lord's  Supper  is  de- 
clared to  be  a  simple  memorial.  In  a  word,  all  post-apostolic  ad- 
ditions to  Christian  doctrine  and  practice  (except  Infant  baptism  and 
the  unregenerate  church-membership  that  it  involves),  are  rejected. 
He  even  calls  in  question  the  propriety  and  expediency  of  infant  bap- 
tism ;  but  leaves  the  question  to  be  settled  at  a  later  stage 

it  was  with  considerable  difficulty  that  any  one  could 
be  found  to  dispute  with  Zwingli.  His  chief  opponent 
was  Faber,  vicar  of  the  bishop  of  Constance,  who  was 
no  match  for  the  Ziirich  Reformer. 

More  decided  steps  toward  reformation  followed  upon 
this  disputation.    Clergy  married,  convents  were  thrown 


132  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

open,  and  the  baptismal  service  was  translated,  many 
ceremonies  being  omitted.  The  cathedral  chapter,  which 
had  supported  a  considerable  number  of  worthless  clergy, 
was  reformed  according  to  Zwingli's  ideas,  and  tlie  pub- 
lic schools  under  its  control  were  greatly  improved. 

Through  this  disputation,  and  especially  through  a 
writing  of  Louis  Hetzer's  (a  learned  Hebraist,  who  after- 
ward became  noted  as  an  anti-pedobaptist)  on  "  Images 
and  Pictures,"  and  a  writing  of  Zwingli's  on  the  mass, 
the  sentiment  against  images  and  pictures  in  the  churches 
and  against  the  mass  became  almost  universal. 

A  reformer  named  Hottinger,  with  a  band  of  citizens, 
threw  down  the  great  cross  on  the  public  square  (1523J. 
Many  approved  and  many  disapproved  of  this  proceed- 
ing, and  much  excitement  followed.  Zwingli  condemned 
the  act,  not  as  criminal  in  itself,  but  as  an  act  of  wanton- 
ness against  the  magistracy.  The  perpetrators  were  ar- 
rested ;  but  the  popular  unrest  was  so  marked  that  it 
was  thought  necessary  to  appoint  another  disputation  on 
images  and  the  mass.  All  the  clergy  of  the  confederacy 
were  invited.  The  bishops  of  Constance,  Basel  and  Chur, 
and  the  University  of  Basel,  were  pressed  to  send  their 
scholars.  Only  Schaffhausen  and  St.  Gall  were  repre- 
sented. 

(4)  Tlie  Second  Disputation  at  Zihich  {October  26, 
I ^2^).  On  this  occasion  no  champion  appeared  for  the 
papal  party  ;  but  the  matters  were  thoroughly  discussed 
by  Zwingli,  Leo  Judasus  (Zwingli's  Melanchthon),  Con- 
rad Grebel  (a  highly  educated  man,  who  soon  afterward 
became  an  Anabaptist),  Balthazar  Hubmaier  (soon  to  be- 
come a  zealous  Anabaptist  leader),  and  the  burgomasters 
themselves.  Here  also  the  Scriptures  were  made  the 
sole  criterion. 

All  present  agreed  that  there  were  great  abuses  in  the  matters  un- 
der discussion,  and  that  these  abuses  ought  to  be  removed.  There 
was  difference  of  opinion  as  to  whetiier  or  not  the  reform  ought  to 
be  carried  out  at  once.  It  was  decided  tiiat  the  ignorance  of  clergy 
and  people,  especially  in  the  country,  was  so  gross  that  it  would  be 
best  to  leave  matters  as  thev  were  until  some  instruction  could  be 
imparted.  For  this  purpose  Zwingli,  the  abbot  of  Cappel,  and  Con- 
rad Schmidt,  commander  of  the  Knights  of  St.  John  at  Kusnacht, 
were  to  preach  throughout  the  countr\'  districts. 

Zwingli  was  also  directed  to  iMilMi^h  an  "  Introduction,"  setting 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 33 

forth  in  a  popular  way  the  meaning  and  object  of  the  Reformation. 
Meanwhile,  all  excess  of  zeal  was  held  in  check,  and  disturbers  of 
the  peace  were  punished. 

The  council  had  the  shrined  pictures  in  the  churches  shut  up,  and 
proclaimed  that  every  one  was  free  to  celebrate  the  mass  or  not ;  and 
the  mass  was  almost  abandoned  in  the  city  by  clergy  and  people. 

Zwmgii's  "  Introduction  "  was  sent  (January  24,  1524)  to  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  cantons  ot  the  confederacy  at  Lucerne.  The 
twelve  cantons  were  unanimous  in  deprecating  innovation,  and  sent 
a  deputation  to  Zurich  to  remonstrate  with  the  council  and  to  insist 
upon  the  restoration  of  the  old  order  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  The 
council  answered  (March  21)  that  while  ZiJrich  would  remain  true 
to  the  confederacy,  the  word  of  God  and  the  salvation  of  souls  alil<e 
demanded  reform,  and  that  a  return  to  the  old  position  was  impos- 
sible. 

Many  were  impatient  of  any  delay,  and  wished  to  see  the  reforma- 
tion carried  out  at  once.  So  strong  had  public  opinion  become  against 
pictures  and  mass,  that  the  council  gave  orders,  in  June,  1524,  to 
destroy  images.  As  to  the  mass,  it  should  remain  a  short  time  till 
measures  could  be  devised  for  abolishing  it. 

The  monasteries  were  suppressed  and  changed  into  schools  and 
almshouses.  The  council  secured  the  assent  of  its  subjects  by  a 
public  invitation  to  declare  their  opinion  on  these  proceedings. 

hi  April,  1525,  the  Lord's  Supper  was  celebrated  in  the  great  min- 
ster at  Zurich,  under  both  kinds,  and  without  the  liturgy.  This  com- 
pleted the  Reformation  at  ZiJrich.  From  1524,  onward,  a  number  of 
Zwingli's  ablest  supporters,  carrying  out  Zwingli's  view  that  every 
practice  and  principle  not  enjoined  or  taught  in  the  New  Testament 
should  be  unconditionally  rejected,  had  come  to  reject  infant  bap- 
tism ;  to  insist  on  a  regenerate  membership  in  the  churches  ;  and  to 
deny  the  right  of  the  magistracy  to  dictate  in  matters  of  religion. 
These  men  soon  gained  a  large  following,  and  were  a  source  of  the 
utmost  discomfiture  to  Zwingli. 

At  the  time  of  the  abolition  of  the  mass  and  the  restoration  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  Zwingli  had  designed  to  vest  all  disciplinary  power, 
including  the  power  of  excommunication,  in  the  local  church.  He 
was  also  disposed  to  question  the  propriety  of  retaining  infant  bap- 
tism. But  the  separation  of  the  Anabaptists  convinced  him  of  the 
impracticability  of  these  positions,  and  he  felt  the  necessity  of  de- 
fendmg  infant  baptism,  and  of  vesting  all  church  authority  in  the 
civil  council  under  the  advice  of  the  preachers. 

Zwingli  published,  in  1525,  his  "  Commentary  on  True  and  False 
Religion."  in  this  he  sets  forth  his  own  views  in  their  most  com- 
plete form,  and  combats  Roman  Catholicism  and  Anabaptism,  He 
was  influential  in  securing  the  inauguration  of  a  system  of  public 
moral  regulations,  and  thus  morality  was  not  only  preached  but  en- 
forced. 

4.  Zwinglianism  in  the  Other  Cantons. 

(i)  The  Reformation  in  Bern.  At  Bern  a  number  of 
men  of  high  social  standing  early  showed  themselves 
favorable  to  the  Reformation. 


134  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

John  Haller  had  begun  to  denounce  the  corruptions  of 
the  church  before  Luther  and  Zwingli  came  forward.  He 
entered  into  a  correspondence  with  Zwingli  soon  after 
his  (Zwingli's)  reformatory  activity  began,  and  was 
greatly  influenced  by  Zwingli's  and  Luther's  writings. 
In  1 521  he  married  a  lady  of  high  social  position,  and 
his  friends  were  influential  enough  to  protect  him. 

Far  abler  and  more  influential  wasBert/iold  Hdllcr,  who 
came  to  Bern  in  15 18  as  a  teacher,  and  in  1521  became 
preacher  in  the  minster  (chief  church).  Haller  was 
neither  learned  nor  enthusiastic,  yet  his  eloquence  and 
geniality,  together  with  his  cool  persistency,  gained  him 
many  friends  and  enabled  him  under  the  inspiration  and 
guidance  of  Zwingli,  to  accomplish  much  for  the  Refor- 
mation. 

His  chief  helper  was  the  eloquent  and  enthusiastic  5^- 
bastian  Meyer.  Both  preached  the  simple  gospel  after 
the  example  of  Zwingli  and  Luther,  and  the  latter  was 
bold  in  his  denunciation  of  monks  and  clergy.  Many  of 
the  aristocracy  favored  the  Reformation,  but  the  monks 
opposed  it  with  all  their  might. 

Nicholas  Manuel,  a  poet  and  painter,  was  a  member 
of  an  ancient  family.  As  a  member  of  the  council  he 
protected  the  preachers  against  their  enemies.  From 
1520  onward  he  published  satirical  poems  against  popes, 
clergy,  and  monks,  in  1522  he  published  three  farces, 
which  were  acted  on  the  streets  and  in  which  the  whole 
hierarchy  was  unmercifully  ridiculed. 

The  authorities,  though  on  the  whole  favorable  to 
reformation,  dreaded  agitation  ;  and  while  they  permit- 
ted evangelical  preaching  they  forbade  controversy.  Se- 
bastian Meyer  became  involved  in  controversy  and  was 
banished.  Haller  and  others  of  milder  disposition  were 
allowed  to  remain. 

The  sentiment  in  favor  of  reformation  was  continually 
growing,  and  after  a  public  disputation,  in  1528,  the 
Reformation  was  carried  out  on  the  Zwinglian  plan. 

(2)  The  Reformation  in  Basel.  Basel  was  the  most  im- 
portant city  in  Switzerland.  Its  university,  endowed  by 
the  popes,  and  its  numerous  publishing  houses,  made  it 
a  great  lit-erary  center.  Humanism  was  gaining  consid- 
erable ground. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  135 

Erasmus  was  there,  and  was  the  idol  of  the  learned 
and  the  noble  and  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  the  bishop. 

Wyttenbacli  had  long  been  denouncing  indulgences  and 
the  like,  and  foretelling  a  great  change. 

The  works  of  Luther,  from  15 17,  were  republished  in 
Basel,  and  from  there  circulated  all  over  Europe. 

The  bishop  of  Basel  read  Luther's  earlier  writings  and 
greatly  admired  him.  When  Luther  was  supposed  to  be 
in  want  and  in  danger,  the  bishop  and  some  others  were 
ready  not  only  to  aid  him  with  money,  but  also  to  give 
him  a  secure  place  of  refuge. 

Capito,  a  learned  Greek  and  Hebrew  scholar,  drew 
large  crowds  by  his  expository  sermons.  Evangelical 
views  were  widely  diffused  by  1520.  Capito  was  at 
heart  a  Lutheran,  but  would  not  yet  acknowledge  it. 
Greatly  against  the  wishes  of  the  evangelical  party,  and 
probably  with  a  view  to  escaping  the  difficult  task  of  be- 
coming a  party  leader,  he  left  Basel  in  1520  for  Mainz. 
This  was  a  great  blow  to  the  Reformation  in  Basel. 

Medio,  who,  under  the  influence  of  Zwingli,  had  been 
aroused  to  considerable  activity  in  the  cause,  carried  on 
Capito's  work  for  a  while,  but  soon  followed  him  to 
Mainz. 

In  1 521,  William  %eiiblin,  who  afterward  became  an 
Anabaptist,  took  up  the  cause  thus  deserted,  and  carried 
it  forward  with  wonderful  energy.  As  preacher  at  St. 
Alban's  Church,  "  he  interpreted  the  Scriptures  so  well," 
writes  a  contemporary,  "  that  the  like  had  never  been 
heard  before."  He  confronted  popes,  bishops,  clergy, 
and  various  ecclesiastical  usages,  such  as  the  mass,  fes- 
tivals, etc.,  with  Scripture.  In  a  procession,  in  place  of 
the  usual  relics,  he  carried  a  beautifully  bound  Bible, 
saying  :  "  This  is  the  right  holy  Scripture,  the  rest  are 
only  dead  bones."  The  rush  to  his  preaching  was  so 
great,  that  he  is  said  to  have  often  preached  to  four  thou- 
sand people.  Reublin  thus  preached  for  about  a  year. 
His  great  popularity  shielded  him  from  his  enemies,  but 
in  1522  a  company  of  humanists  indulged  in  a  pork-feast 
on  Palm  Sunday,  in  order  to  show  their  contempt  for 
church  feasts.  Reublin  was  held  responsible  for  this  out- 
rage, and  was,  perhaps,  a  participant  in  the  feast.  Eras- 
mus, though  he  regularly  ate  meat  secretly  on  fast  days, 


136  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

condemned  this  manifestation  of  contempt  for  the  church. 
Reublin  was  banished,  and  again  reformation  received  a 
check.  The  banishment  of  Reublin  came  near  causing 
an  uprising  of  the  people. 

OEcolampaduis  (born  1482),  was  one  of  the  most 
thoroughly  educated  men  of  his  time.  He  possessed  con- 
siderable means  and  studied  at  Heidelberg,  receiving  his 
master's  degree  at  the  age  of  fourteen.  Next  he  studied 
law  at  Bologna,  returning  thence  to  Heidelberg,  where 
he  studied  theology.  During  a  residence  at  Tiibingen, 
he  came  in  contact  with  Melanchthon.  At  Stuttgart,  he 
formed  the  acquaintance  of  Reuchlin.  He  then  returned 
to  Heidelberg,  where  he  remained  until  15 12,  dividing 
his  time  between  theology  and  classical  studies.  He 
learned  Hebrew  from  a  converted  Jew,  and  was,  per- 
haps, the  best  Hebraist  among  the  Reformers.  His  Greek 
learning  was  probably  second  only  to  Melanchthon's. 
He  seems  to  have  had  an  insatiable  desire  for  knowledge 
for  its  own  sake,  and  to  have  been  almost  destitute  of 
ambition  for  eminence  or  leadership.  After  preaching  at 
Basel,  Nuremberg,  and  Basel  again  (15 15-15 18),  he  en- 
tered a  cloister  where  he  remained  for  some  months  ;  but 
coming  under  suspicion  of  being  a  Lutheran,  he  fled  to 
the  castle  of  Franz  von  Sickengen,  where  he  preached 
about  six  months.  He  returned  to  Basel  in  1522,  and 
took  up  the  Reformation.  He  always  acknowledged 
Zwingli  as  his  superior,  and  consulted  him  about  every 
important  movement.  Under  CEcolampadius'  careful 
management,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  university  and  the  monks,  the  Reformation 
in  the  Zwinglian  form  was  gradually  set  up  with  the 
sanction  of  the  civil  authorities. 

(3)  The  Reformation  in  St.  Gall  and  Appcn{cll.  St. 
Gall,  where  a  disciple  of  Columba,  St.  Gallus  by  name, 
had  established  a  monastic  mission  station  (c.  613),  was 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  a  prosperous 
manufacturing  city.  Clergy  and  monks  had  controlled 
the  city  and  were  notoriously  vicious.  The  trade  guilds 
had  become  highly  influential  and  grew  restive  under 
corrupt  ecclesiastical  rule.  Zwingli's  reformatory  efforts 
at  Zlirich  were  applauded  by  many.  Among  his  earliest 
and  most  influential  supporters  in  this  community  was 


CHAP.  l]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 37 

Vadianus  (Von  Watt),  one  of  the  most  eminent  human- 
ists of  the  time.  Born  in  1484  of  wealthy  and  noble 
parents,  he  had  enjoyed  the  best  educational  advantages 
that  the  time  afforded.  He  entered  the  University  of 
Vienna  in  1502,  studied  philosophy,  theology,  law,  and 
medicine,  was  crowned  poet  and  orator  by  the  Emperor 
Maximilian  (March,  15 14),  and  was  made  rector  of  the 
university  in  15 16.  He  returned  to  St.  Gall  in  15 18, 
where  he  practised  medicine  and  led  in  public  affairs  till 
his  death  in  1551.  His  efforts  to  introduce  Zwinglian 
reformatory  measures  were  seconded  by  Joh.  Kessler, 
a  saddler,  who  had  studied  at  Wittenberg,  but  declined 
to  enter  the  ministry.  To  him  we  are  indebted  for  a 
faithful  chronicle  ("  Sabbatha,"  see  Literature).  The  en- 
thusiastic Anabaptist  movement  that  swept  over  St.  Gall 
in  1525  no  doubt  occasioned  the  postponement  of  the  full 
introduction  of  Zwinglian  reform,  which  did  not  take 
place  till  1 527-1 528. 

Appenzell,  which  had  been  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  abbot  of  St.  Gall,  voted  for  reform  in  1523.  Here 
also  the  Anabaptist  movement  led  to  a  reaction  and  a 
partial  restoration  of  Roman  Catholic  worship. 

(4)  T/ie  Scliaffhausen  Movement.  Zwingli's  views 
found  influential  adherents  in  the  canton  as  early  as 
1520,  when  he  was  highly  commended  by  Dr.  Sebastian 
Hofmeister,  a  Franciscan  monk  and  professor  of  theology. 
Under  his  leadership  and  that  of  Sebastian  Meyer,  an- 
other Franciscan,  the  canton  became  permeated  with 
Zwinglian  teaching.  Hofmeister  took  part  in  the  Ziirich 
disputations  and  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  foremost 
representatives  of  the  cause  of  reform.  The  more  en- 
thusiastic and  popular  Anabaptist  movement  of  1525, 
under  the  influence  of  which  Hofmeister  himself  for  a 
time  came  to  reject  infant  baptism,  so  disturbed  the  can- 
ton that  the  authorities  felt  compelled  to  banish  not  only 
the  Anabaptists,  but  also  Hofmeister  and  Meyer,  who  were 
held  responsible  for  the  disorder.  Hofmeister  had  great 
difficulty  in  purging  himself  from  the  suspicion  of  being 
an  Anabaptist,  but  at  last  he  went  to  ZiJrich  and  pusil- 
lanimously  renounced  all  sympathy  with  Anabaptist 
teaching  and  secured  from  the  Zurich  leaders  letters  of 
commendation  that  enabled  him  to  return  to  his  home. 


138  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

The  commotion  caused  by  the  Anabaptist  propaganda 
led  to  the  postponement  of  the  full  introduction  of  Zwing- 
lianism  until  1529. 

(5)  The  Graiibimden  {Orisons)  and  tlie  Refonnatio^i. 
The  GraubUnden  was  a  semi-independent  republic,  which 
did  not  enjoy  full  cantonal  rights  (until  1803),  but  was  in 
alliance  with  the  confederation  and  in  a  measure  subject 
to  Zurich  and  Bern.  It  was  far  larger  than  the  can- 
tons and  embraced  German,  Italian,  and  Romanic  popu- 
lations. Nowhere  was  the  democratic  spirit  more  pro- 
nounced. "  Next  to  God  and  the  sun,  the  poorest  in- 
habitant is  chief  magistrate  "  (ancient  proverb).  In- 
dividual communities  were  freer  than  in  most  parts  of 
Switzerland  to  follow  their  convictions  in  religious  mat- 
ters. Large  numbers  early  adopted  Zwingli's  views,  but 
there  was  little  disposition  to  coerce  the  Catholics.  The 
Anabaptist  movement  found  this  a  fruitful  field  and  it  re- 
quired all  the  pressure  that  ZUrich,  Bern,  and  the  other 
Zwinglian  cantons  could  exert  to  induce  the  authorities 
to  persecute  its  adherents.  The  chief  Zwinglian  leader 
was  John  Comander,  an  ex-priest,  through  whose  in- 
fluence freedom  to  choose  between  the  Reformed  and  the 
Catholic  faith  was  accorded  to  all  the  inhabitants  (1526) 
and  "the  whole  heresy  of  the  Anabaptists  was  strenu- 
ously inhibited  and  its  adherents  threatened  with  banish- 
ment." 

From  the  contiguity  of  the  GraubiJnden  with  the  por- 
tions of  Italy  and  Austria  where  Waldenses  and  related 
parties  were  numerous  and  persistent  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  from  the  spirit  of  freedom  that  was  so  marked 
in  this  region,  it  is  highly  probable  that  multitudes  of 
those  who  so  readily  adopted  Zwinglian  and  Anabaptist 
views  had  been  previously  under  old  evangelical  in- 
fluence. 

5.  The  Zwinglian  Movement  from  1^2^  Onward. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  just  as  Zwinglianism  was 
assuming  definite  shape  in  Ziirich  as  a  reformatory  move- 
ment, and  the  other  cantons  that  sympathized  with  ZUrich 
were  about  to  follow  in  her  footsteps,  two  related  but 
widely  differing  popular  movements  emerged,  that  were 
greatly  to  modify  the  future  development  of  Swiss  Prot- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 39 

estantism.  The  first  was  the  social  democratic  uprising 
that  culminated  in  the  Peasants'  War.  The  other  was 
the  revival  of  the  old  evangelical  type  of  Christian  doc- 
trine and  life  in  the  form  known  as  Anabaptist.  The 
former  has  already  occupied  our  attention.  The  latter 
demands  separate  consideration  at  a  later  stage  of  our 
inquiry.  Switzerland  was  to  a  great  extent  free  from 
the  worst  features  of  the  feudal  system,  and  serfdom  no 
longer  existed  in  the  sense  in  which  it  prevailed  in  Ger- 
many. But  the  poor  and  oppressed  still  found  many 
inequalities  in  the  distribution  and  enjoyment  of  nature's 
provisions,  even  in  republican  Switzerland,  and  early  in 
the  Reformation  time  the  rumblings  of  discontent,  in- 
volving demand  for  agrarian  reform,  caught  the  ear  of 
Zwingli  and  his  associates  and  elicited  their  sympathy. 
The  Swiss  proletariat  sympathized  deeply  with  the  Ger- 
man and  Austrian  peasants  in  their  great  strike  for  lib- 
erty and  a  fair  share  in  the  products  of  the  soil.  Zwingli 
never  went  so  far  as  did  Luther  in  his  revolutionary  atti- 
tude toward  the  social  democracy.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  had  compromised  himself,  as  Luther  had  never  done, 
in  relation  to  infant  baptism,  which  he  had  admitted  to 
be  neither  scriptural  nor  useful,  and  yet  he  felt  himself 
obliged  to  defend  this  practice  with  all  his  energy,  when 
he  saw  that  its  rejection  involved  the  setting  up  of 
churches  of  professed  believers  only  and  the  complete 
overthrow  of  the  existing  State-Church  system  that 
seemed  to  him  essential  to  the  maintenance  of  civil  and 
religious  order.  The  extreme  antipathy  of  Zwingli  and 
his  civil  and  religious  associates  to  radicalism  in  social 
and  religious  matters  was  due  quite  as  much  to  the  fact 
that  the  toleration  of  such  radicalism  would  injure  the 
reputation  of  the  evangelical  cantons  with  the  German, 
Austrian,  and  French  authorities  and  endanger  their  con- 
tinued independence,  as  to  their  fear  of  local  disorder. 

From  1525  to  his  death,  in  1531,  Zwingli's  time  was 
occupied  with  literary  and  political  efforts  to  suppress 
the  great  popular  Anabaptist  movement,  literary  and 
political  controversy  with  Lutheranism,  efforts  to  har- 
monize and  secure  the  co-operation  of  Lutherans  and 
Zvvinglians  against  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman  Ca- 
tholicism,  and   literary,   political,   and    military   conflict 


I40  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

with  Swiss  Roman  Catholicism.  His  life  must  have  been 
a  very  laborious  and  strenuous  one.  His  correspondence 
with  the  evangelical  leaders  of  Switzerland,  Southern 
Germany,  etc.,  was  very  extensive,  and  shows  that  he 
was  the  recognized  and  trusted  leader  of  a  widespread 
movement.  His  controversial  writings,  which  are  nu- 
merous and  some  of  them  elaborate,  show  him  to  have 
been  a  master  of  argumentation  and  a  scholar  of  high 
rank.  By  political  sagacity  he  was  able  to  dominate  and 
lead  not  only  the  ZiJrich  Council  and  the  entire  religious 
government  of  the  canton,  and  also  to  a  great  extent  the 
politico-ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Basel,  Bern,  Schaff- 
hausen,  St.  Gall,  and  other  Swiss  evangelical  communi- 
ties, but  also  to  exert  a  molding  influence  on  the  religious 
development  of  Strasburg,  Dim,  Constance,  Memmin- 
gen,  Lindau,  and  other  cities  and  towns  of  Southern  Ger- 
many. These  cities,  reformed  in  a  Zwinglian  or  semi- 
Zwinglian  way,  brought  to  the  support  of  the  Zwinglian 
cause  wealth  and  influence. 

The  attitude  of  Catholic  and  Protestant  parties  in  Swit- 
zerland toward  each  other  depended  in  some  measure 
on  the  fortunes  of  Protestantism  and  Roman  Catholicism 
on  the  larger  European  arena  that  have  already  been 
sketched. 

(i)  The  Conference  at  Baden  {May,  7526).  The  Swiss 
Diet,  in  which  the  nobility  and  aristocracy  alone  had 
seats  and  in  which  each  canton  voted  as  a  unit,  had  re- 
peatedly taken  cognizance  of  the  innovations  and  had 
resisted  every  effort  on  the  part  of  the  evangelicals  to 
secure  its  endorsement  of  reformatory  measures.  If  the 
canton  of  Bern  had  been  actuated  more  by  religious  than 
by  political  considerations  the  evangelical  cause  would 
have  had  greater  strength  in  the  confederacy.  The  no- 
bles were  led  to  believe  that  religious  innovations  would 
be  followed  by  political  innovations,  to  the  overthrow  of 
their  class  privileges.  "  The  priests  are  attacked  at 
present,"  said  Faber,  "  the  nobles'  turn  will  come  next." 
For  some  years  a  conference  between  Catholic  and  evan- 
gelical theologians  was  under  consideration  as  the  best 
means  of  settling  the  difficulties.  This  was  advocated  by 
Dr.  John  Eck,  the  great  Catholic  disputant,  and  Dr. 
John  Faber,  of  Constance.     This  conference  was  at  last 


CHAP.  1.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  14I 

brought  about  (May  21,  1526)  at  Baden,  a  Catholic  city 
in  Aargau.  Zwingli  felt  tliat  his  life  was  in  danger  and 
remained  at  home.  OEcolampadius,  the  learned  Basel 
pastor  and  professor,  ably  sustained  the  evangelical 
cause,  while  Eck,  the  fiery,  stormy,  controversialist, 
who  rested  everything  on  ecclesiastical  authority,  upheld 
the  Catholic  side.  Berthold  Haller  represented  the  Bern 
evangelicals,  but  played  an  insignificant  part  in  the  dis-* 
putation. 

The  Catholics  were  victorious  in  the  opinion  of  the 
Diet,  and  it  was  resolved  that  innovations  should  cease 
throughout  the  confederacy.  Zwingli  was  declared  ex- 
communicated, and  the  deposition  of  OEcolampadius  by 
the  Basel  Council  was  demanded.  Faber  insisted  upon 
the  burning  of  all  Protestant  versions  of  the  Bible,  along 
with  heretical  works  of  all  kinds.  Thomas  Murner  used 
all  sorts  of  opprobrious  language  in  relation  to  Zwingli. 

This  check  to  the  Reformation  was  only  temporary. 
The  more  popular  legislative  bodies  (greater  councils) 
were  able  in  some  cases  to  overrule  the  aristocratic 
bodies  (smaller  councils)  and  to  prevent  any  serious  in- 
terference with  the  progress  of  Zwinglianism,  and  after 
some  further  hesitation  Zwinglianism  was  authoritatively 
introduced  in  Basel,  Bern,  Schaffhausen,  St.  Gall,  etc. 
(1528). 

(2)  The  First  Cappel  War  {i ^2g).  The  lines  were  now 
very  closely  drawn  between  Protestants  and  Catholics, 
and  there  was  little  disposition  on  either  side  to  tolerate 
the  other.  The  parties  were  so  evenly  divided,  how- 
ever, in  Glarus  and  the  Graubunden,  that  mutual  tolera- 
tion was  a  necessity.  In  November,  1528,  the  five 
Forest  cantons  formed  a  league  for  mutual  defense  against 
Zwinglian  aggression  and  for  the  re-establishment  of 
Catholicism  throughout  Switzerland.  A  few  months  later 
(April,  1529,  just  as  the  Diet  at  Speier  was  placing 
Zwinglianism,  along  with  Anabaptism,  under  the  ban), 
they  entered  into  an  alliance  with  Ferdinand  of  Austria, 
against  whose  ancestors  the  confederates  had  defended 
themselves  so  nobly  for  generations  past,  and  who  had 
every  reason  to  encourage  the  breaking  up  of  the  con- 
federation. The  Forest  cantons  secured  the  support  of 
Freiburg,  Solothurn,  and  Wallis.     The  Zwinglian  (city) 


142  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  V. 

cantons  had  formed  an  alliance  among  themselves 
(Burgrecht).  Constance  joined  with  them  (December, 
1527),  Biel  and  Miihlhausen  (1529),  and  Strasburg  (Jan- 
uary,  1530).  By  1529  the  feeling  between  the  Zwingli 
ans  and  Catholics  had  become  so  embittered  that  war 
was  imminent.  The  burning  at  Schwyz  of  a  Zwinglian 
preacher  from  ZUrich  (Jacob  Kaiser),  who  was  evan- 
gelizing in  Catholic  territory,  led  the  Protestants,  under 
Zwingli's  leadership,  to  take  the  field  at  once.  Zwingli 
was  far  more  militant  than  Luther,  and  during  the  strug- 
gles that  followed  he  was  always  on  the  side  of  military 
promptitude  and  aggressiveness  and  against  compro- 
mising measures.  He  insisted  on  taking  his  place  side 
by  side  with  the  soldiers,  prepared  military  instructions, 
planned  the  campaign,  and  was  recognized  as  the  mili- 
tary chieftain.  He  was  indeed  "  first  in  peace,  first  in 
war,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of  his  countrymen."  Ziirich 
had  four  thousand  men  promptly  on  the  frontier.  Bern 
sent  five  thousand,  and  smaller  numbers  were  furnished 
by  Basel,  St.  Gall,  and  Miihlhausen.  Conflict  was  averted 
through  the  mediation  of  the  Landammann  Aebli,of  Gla- 
rus,  who,  weeping,  plead  for  delay  in  order  that  by  nego- 
tiations the  diificulties  might  be  amicably  adjusted  and 
the  confederation  saved.  The  hostile  armies  meanwhile 
exchanged  provisions  and  established  friendly  relations 
with  each  other,  and  it  became  evident  that  at  heart  the 
Swiss  were  one  people  and  were  averse  to  shedding  each 
other's  blood.  The  peace  negotiations  were  furthered 
by  Jacob  Sturm,  of  Strasburg,  and  by  representatives 
of  Glarus,  Solothurn,  Schaffhausen,  Appenzell,  Grau- 
biinden,  Sargans,  and  Constance,  which  had  taken  no 
active  part  in  the  warlike  demonstrations. 

The  Catholic  cantons  agreed  to  abandon  the  alliance 
with  Austria  and  both  parties  agreed  to  mutual  tolera- 
tion. No  canton  was  to  seek  to  coerce  another,  and  the 
confederation  was  not  to  interfere  with  indi\idual  can- 
tons in  religious  matters,  in  the  allied  and  dependent 
territories  that  did  not  form  constituent  parts  of  the  con- 
federated cantons  a  majority  might  determine  whether 
Protestant  or  Catholic  worship  should  prevail.  The 
Catholic  cantons  were  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war 
and  to  indemnify  the  family  of  the  martyred  preacher. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  143 

Zwingli  regarded  the  peace  as  a  triumph  for  truth  and 
righteousness,  and  returned  to  Zijrich  rejoicing.  He 
composed  in  the  camp  a  patriotic  hymn,  which  became 
almost  as  popular  as  Luther's  "  A  Mighty  Fortress  is  our 
God." 

(3)  Zwingli  in  International  Politics  (1^29-1^^0).  By 
this  time  Zwingli  had  become  profoundly  interested  in 
international  politics.  He  had  come  to  realize  that  evan- 
gelicals of  neither  party  could  expect  anything  but  con- 
tinued hostility  and  harassment  at  the  hands  of  the  allied 
forces  of  the  pope  and  the  Hapsburgers,  and  that  their 
only  security  lay  in  a  firmly  cemented  alliance  in  which 
differences  of  doctrine  and  practice  should  be  tol- 
erated. Zwingli  regarded  Luther  and  his  views  with 
an  aversion  almost  equal  to  that  of  the  Saxon  reformer 
for  the  Swiss.  Neither  was  able  to  see  in  the  views  of 
his  opponent  anything  but  perverseness  and  folly.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  their  differences  of  opinion  on  the  Sup- 
per and  related  matters  were  based  upon  differences  of 
fundamental  philosophical  conceptions  that  divided  Chris- 
tian thinkers  in  the  early  centuries,  as  well  as  later ; 
but  they  knew  it  not  and  could  simply  hate  each  other. 
Yet  Zwingli  realized  far  more  completely  than  did  Luther 
the  necessity  of  a  united  militant  Protestantism,  and  did 
not  share  in  the  least  Luther's  reverence  for  the  empire 
or  his  aversion  to  war  for  the  faith.  We  have  seen  that 
at  the  Marburg  Conference  (1529)  Zwingli  was  far  more 
conciliatory  than  Luther  and  was  anxious  for  union  on 
the  basis  of  a  mutual  toleration  of  differences,  while  Lu- 
ther would  countenance  no  politico-religious  alliance  with 
those  whom  he  refused  to  recognize  as  Christian  breth- 
ren. 

At  the  Marburg  Conference  Zwingli  formed  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Philip  of  Hesse  and  his  correspondence 
with  the  Landgrave  during  the  next  two  years  reveals 
his  anxiety  to  overcome  all  obstacles  to  evangelical  union 
against  emperor  and  pope.  He  also  made  an  earnest 
effort  to  win  France  and  Venice  to  the  support  of  the 
evangelical  cause. 

At  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  (1530)  he  sent  a  carefully 
prepared  Confession  of  Faith  to  the  emperor,  which  was 
treated  with  contempt.     In  1 531  he  sought  to  conciliate 


144  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [pER.  V. 

the  king  of  France  by  a  similar  Confession,  in  which  he 
carefully  distinguishes  his  position  on  leading  doctrines 
from  those  of  Catholics,  Lutherans,  and  Anabaptists. 
In  this  document  he  expresses  the  confident  expectation 
that  he  will  meet  in  heaven  good  men  of  all  ages  and  na- 
tions without  regard  to  their  relations  to  the  Old  and 
New  Dispensations.  This  was  Zwingli's  last  literary 
work. 

(4)  Tlie  Second  Cappel  War  (i^^i).  Zwingli's  policy 
for  Switzerland  was  the  overthrow  of  the  constitution  of 
the  confederation  that  gave  a  majority  of  the  votes  in 
the  Diet  to  a  minority  of  the  population,  and  to  reconsti- 
tute the  confederation  on  the  basis  of  representation  in 
proportion  to  numbers.  The  Catholic  cantons  were 
jealous  of  the  rights  that  they  enjoyed  under  the  consti- 
tution by  reason  of  their  majority  in  the  Diet.  Almost 
from  the  beginning  it  was  evident  that  both  parties  mis- 
understood or  deliberately  sought  to  misinterpret  the 
provisions  of  the  treaty  of  Cappel.  Catholics  showed 
no  disposition  to  tolerate  Zwinglianism  in  the  cantons 
under  their  control,  and  the  Zwinglian  cantons  were 
equally  disinclined  to  tolerate  Catholics.  Zwingli  and 
his  associates  began  at  once  to  labor  with  consuming  zeal 
for  the  establishment  of  the  new  doctrine  in  doubtful 
places,  where  evangelical  sentiment  was  strong,  but  the 
decisive  step  had  not  yet  been  taken.  Zwingli  conducted 
a  synod  in  Thurgau  and  secured  the  formal  adoption  of 
his  programme  of  reform  (1529).  St.  Gall,  the  abbot  of 
whose  great  monastery  still  sought  to  rule  the  territory 
attached  to  it,  had  long  been  essentially  evangelical. 
The  city  of  St.  Gall  had  long  since  become  Zwinglian  and 
the  Reformation  was  now  carried  out  in  tlie  abbot's  terri- 
tory. As  the  abbot  was  a  prince  of  the  empire,  this  step 
involved  considerable  daring.  The  abbacies  of  Wettin- 
gen,  Hitzkirch,  and  Baden  were  brought  to  renounce  Ro- 
man Catholicism  and  to  accept  the  new  teaching.  Zwing- 
lians  were  at  this  time  fired  with  a  fresh  enthusiasm 
and  were  determined  to  make  hay  while  the  sun  shone. 
Catholics  regarded  this  enthusiastic  propagandism  as  a 
violation  of  the  spirit  of  the  treaty  of  Cappel  and  were 
soon  negotiating  again  with  the  emperor  and  Ferdinand 
of  Austria.     The  great  bitterness  of  the  Catholics  of  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  145 

Forest  cantons  against  Zwingli  and  his  followers  is  mani- 
fest from  the  defamatory  language  that  was  freely  used 
and  allowed  by  the  authorities.  The  ZUrichers  and  the 
Bernese  were  denounced  as  traitors  and  as  heretical 
trades-people.  Their  preachers  were  stigmatized  as  cup- 
thieves  and  soul-murderers.  Zwingli  figured  in  their 
discourses  as  a  Lutheran  god.  Savoy  attacked  Geneva 
in  1530,  but  was  repelled.  The  Castellan  of  Musso  oc- 
cupied a  portion  of  GraubiJnden,  but  was  compelled  to 
withdraw.  There  had  been  much  wrangling  in  the  Diet 
over  religious  questions.  The  Catholic  cantons  had  re- 
fused their  aid  in  driving  the  Castellan  of  Musso  from 
GraubiJnden. 

Zwingli  was  deeply  distressed  because  of  the  dangers 
that  beset  the  confederacy  and  the  evangelical  cause  ; 
but  advised  immediate  resort  to  arms  as  the  less  of  evils. 
Bern  proposed  to  destroy  the  trade  of  the  Forest  cantons 
and  thus  bring  them  to  terms.  This  plan  was  adopted 
against  Zwingli's  counsel.  ZUrich  and  Bern  united  in 
refusing  supplies  to  the  Catholic  cantons,  which  by  reason 
of  crop  failure  and  epidemic  were  soon  in  dire  distress. 
On  July  26,  1531,  Zwingli  appeared  before  the  Great 
Council  of  Zlirich  and  resigned  his  leadership  because  of 
their  following  the  counsel  of  the  Bernese  against  his 
own.  His  resignation  was  rejected  and  he  was  induced 
to  withdraw  it.  A  great  comet  (Halley's)  was  visible  in 
August  and  September.  Zwingli  interpreted  it  as  por- 
tending disaster  to  the  evangelical  cause  and  his  own 
death. 

Driven  to  desperation  the  Forest  cantons  raised  an 
army  of  eight  thousand  and  assumed  the  offensive  (Oc- 
tober g,  1 531).  The  ZUrichers  and  their  allies  were  de- 
moralized by  dissension,  discontent,  and  superstitious 
forebodings,  and  could  muster  only  fifteen  hundred  men 
as  compared  with  the  five  thousand  enthusiastic  soldiers 
that  they  had  sent  to  Cappel  two  years  before.  Zwingli, 
discouraged  and  despondent,  led  the  pitiful  army  to 
battle.  Five  hundred  of  the  faithful  fifteen  hundred, 
who  of  course  represented  the  stanchest  element  in  the 
city  and  canton,  were  slain,  including  Zwingli,  seven 
members  of  the  Small  Council,  nineteen  members  of  the 
other  councils,  and  a  number  of  pastors  who  had  led  their 

K 


146  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

flocks  to  battle.  The  Forest  cantons  lost  only  about 
eighty  men.  Their  victory  was  complete.  Zwingli's  body 
was  cut  to  pieces  and  burned,  and  his  ashes  mingled 
with  those  of  swine,  were  scattered  to  the  wind.  Zwingli's 
widow  was  bereft  at  the  same  time  of  a  son,  a  brother, 
a  son-in-law,  and  a  brother-in-law.  CEcolampadius  died 
a  few  weeks  later.  The  Zwinglian  cause  had  met  with 
an  irreparable  catastrophe. 

The  peace  of  Cappel  (November  20,  1531),  between 
Ziirich  and  the  Forest  cantons,  approved  three  days 
later  by  Bern,  Glarus,  Freiburg,  and  Appenzell,  provided 
that  the  Five  cantons  and  their  associates  should  be  left 
undisturbed  in  the  Catholic  faith,  and  that  the  ZiJrichers 
and  their  associates,  with  the  exceptions  of  Bremgarten, 
Mellingen,  Rapperschwil,  Toggenburg,  and  Wesen,  should 
be  free  to  continue  in  their  new  faith.  Each  party 
agreed  to  abstain  from  opprobrious  language.  The  prin- 
ciple of  parity,  or  equal  rights  under  the  constitution,  was 
thus  established,  in  the  common  bailiwicks  those  who 
had  accepted  Zwinglianism  should  be  free  to  retain  it  or 
to  return  to  the  old  faith  and  restore  the  mass,  images, 
etc.  Zurich  agreed  to  give  up  her  alliances  with  foreign 
cities.  The  settlement  was  naturally  almost  wholly  in 
the  interest  of  Catholicism.  Catholics  became  at  once 
thoroughly  aggressive,  and  the  Counter-Reformation 
was  carried  out  as  fully  as  the  treaty  allowed.  Catholic 
rites  were  re-established  in  Rapperschwil  and  Caster. 
The  abbot  of  St.  Gall  received  back  his  convent  with 
indemnity  from  the  city  and  regained  his  authority  over 
Toggenburg.  Convents  were  restored  in  Thurgau  and 
Rheinthau.  in  Glarus,  where  Zwinglians  were  in  the 
majority,  the  Catholics  got  possession  of  several  churches 
and  gained  the  ascendency  in  the  government  of  the 
canton.  Zwinglianism  was  suppressed  in  Solothurn, 
though  in  the  majority,  and  many  Zwinglians  were  obliged 
to  emigrate.  Einsiedeln,  where  Zwingli,  Leo  Judceus, 
and  Myconius  had  labored,  became  a  great  center  of  Ro- 
man Catholic  influence.  The  convent  of  St.  Mary,  with 
its  "  Black  Madonna,"  attracted  multitudes  of  pilgrims, 
while  its  printing  press  became  one  of  the  most  prolific 
in  Europe. 

Aggressive  work  for  the  evangelization  of  Switzerland 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I47 

as  a  whole  was  now  out  of  the  question.  All  that  the 
Zwinglians  could  hope  for,  so  far  as  Switzerland  was 
concerned,  was  to  hold  what  they  had  acquired,  and  had 
been  guaranteed  to  them  in  the  peace.  ZiJrich,  Bern, 
Basel,  and  Schaffhausen  have  persisted  in  their  Zwing- 
lian  faith.  Glarus,  St.  Gall,  Appenzell,  Thurgau,  and 
Aargau,  have  remained  almost  equally  divided  between 
the  old  and  the  new  faiths.  Of  twenty-three  dependent 
towns  and  provinces  only  two  became  exclusively  Zwing- 
lian,  Morat  and  Granson,  sixteen  remained  Catholic, 
and  five  supported  the  two  systems  side  by  side.  About 
two-thirds  of  the  people  of  Graubunden  became  Zwing- 
lian  ;  but  Roman  Catholicism  has  regained  most  of  the 
inliabitants  of  the  Italian  districts.  The  French  cantons, 
Geneva,  Vaud,  and  Neuch^tel,  became  Protestant  later 
on,  through  the  labors  of  Farel,  Calvin,  and  others. 

The  peace  of  Cappel  thus  left  Zwinglianism  in  an  ex- 
ceedingly depressed  condition.  Henry  Bullinger  (b.  1504, 
d.  1575),  son  of  Dean  Bullinger,  a  priest,  who  accepted 
the  Reformation  in  1529,  after  completing  his  education 
as  a  Catholic  in  the  University  of  Cologne  (1523)  and 
laboring  as  teacher  in  a  Cistercian  convent  at  Cappel 
(1523-1529),  accepted  Zwingli's  doctrine,  married  a  nun, 
and  after  Zwingli's  death  became  a  leader  of  the  party. 
He  carried  forward  the  work  at  ZiJrich  in  Zwingli's  own 
spirit,  gave  much  attention  to  the  organization  and  con- 
solidation of  the  Zwinglian  churches,  took  an  active  and 
influential  part  in  general  ecclesiastical  politics,  and  was 
a  zealous  persecutor  of  the  Anabaptists,  against  whom  he 
wrote  several  works.  He  co-operated  to  a  considerable 
extent  with  Calvin  and  Beza  and  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  English  Reformation,  especially  in  the  time  of  Ed- 
ward VI.  Beza  spoke  of  him  as  "the  common  shepherd 
of  all  Christian  churches."  He  harbored  persecuted 
evangelicals  from  Italy,  France,  Germany,  and  England, 
and  carried  on  an  extensive  correspondence  with  leading 
theologians  and  statesmen  throughout  Europe.  Many  of 
his  practical  writings  were  translated  into  English  and 
widely  circulated.  He  is  the  author  of  the  Second  Hel- 
vetic Confession  (1566),  which  represents  an  approach 
to  the  views  of  Calvin. 

In   Basel,  Oswald  Myconius  (b.   1488,  d.   1552)  sue- 


148  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

ceeded  CEcoIampadius  as  chief  pastor.  He  had  been 
educated  under  influences  similar  to  those  that  molded 
the  character  of  Zwingli  and  CEcoIampadius,  and  had 
enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Erasmus  at  Basel.  He  had 
devoted  himself  almost  exclusively  to  classical  teaching 
at  Basel,  Ziirich,  Einsiedeln,  and  Lucerne.  He  refused 
ordination  and  would  bear  no  academic  degree.  His  type 
of  doctrine  was  essentially  like  that  of  Bucer  and  Bul- 
linger,  being  intermediate  between  Zwingli's  and  Lu- 
ther's and  free  from  the  harsher  aspects  of  Calvinism. 
He  was  Zwingli's  first  biographer  (1532). 

it  remained  for  Calvin  to  bring  the  Reformed  theology 
to  a  rigorous  consistency  and  to  impart  to  it  a  burning 
enthusiasm  that  was  to  constitute  it  by  far  the  most  ag- 
gressive and  successful  type  of  Protestantism. 

V.  THE  ANTI-PEDOBAPTIST  REFORMATION. 

LITERATURE:  Writings  of  Anabaptist  leaders,  especially  those 
of  Hubmaier,  Denck,  Hetzer,  Grebel,  Hofmann,  Riedemann,  Phil- 
ips, Menno,  Buiiderlin,  and  Czeciiowitz  ( most  of  this  literature  is  ex- 
cessively rare.  The  best  American  collection  of  /liiabaptistica  is 
probably  that  collected  by  Dr.  How  ard  Osgood  and  deposited  in  the 
library  of  the  Rochester  Theological  Seminary);  writings  of  such 
Protestant  leaders  as  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Zwingli,  CEcoIampa- 
dius, Vadianus,  Bucer,  and  Amsdorf ;  Fussli,  "  'Bejtmge'^ ;  Bullinger, 
"  Der  IVidertoiifferoi  Urspruiig,  Fiirgjiig,  Sect^ii,^'  etc.,  1561,  and  "  Kom 
detu  uiiverschaDipteii  Frafel,  .  ■  di'r St'lbstgesaiidi,>i  M^id^rtouff'ern,'^l^'ll  ; 
Cornelius,  "  Gescli.  d.  Mihistc-risclien  Aufruhrs,''^  1855-1860;  Rohrich, 
'''' Zur  Gesch.  d.  Strasshiirgisclien  Wiedertatifer  ind.J.  / ^27-1 S4J  "  in 
''  Zettschrift  f.  d.  hist.  Tluol.,'"  i860,  and  Gesch.  d.  Ref.  in  Elsass,''  3 
vols.  ;  Erbkam,  "  Trotestaiiteu  Sc-ktc-n"  ;  Beck,  ""  Geschichtsbiichcr  d. 
IVied^rtaufer  iti  Oesterreicli-U)igarii  von  1^26  bis  178^,^''  1883  ;  Benrath, 
"  IViedertaiifer  im  yeuetijiiischen  urn  Mitte  d.  XVI.  Jii/ir/i."  (''  Stiidicti 
It.  Kritiken,'"  1885);  Bouterwek,  ''  Zur  Literatiir  11.  Geschichte  d.  Wie- 
dert'Ju/^r, "  1S64;  Brons,  "  L'rspruiig,  Eutuickhaig,  u.  Schicksale  d. 
Taufgesiiinten  oder  Mennonilen,^''  1884  ;  Calgary,  "  MitihcUiiugeii  aus 
dem  Aiitiqiuriate''''  (contains  portrait,  sketch,  and  bibliography  of 
Hubmaier  and  his  treatise  on  the  Supper,  and  Riedemann's  "  T^eclun- 
schaft  unsc'rer  Religion,'^  a  full  exposition  of  the  doctrines  and  prac- 
ticesof  the  Moravian  Anabaptists);  Cornelius,  "  T^c-nW//^  d.  i/lti- 
gc-tiieugeti  iiber  d.  Miiiisterischen  IViedcrtaiifer,^'  1853,  "  D.  U^iedcrlaiid- 
ischen  (Vi,'d^rtJiifer,"  l86g,  "  Studieu  {iir  Gesch.  d.  Bjiit-nikriegs,^'  and 
"  D.  Gc'schichtsquellen  d.  Bisthiims  Minister,''^  1851-1856  ;  Czechowitz, 
"  DtT  Pcvdobaptistartim  Errortnu  Origim,"  1 575;  De  Hoop-Schefter, 
"  Geschiedeuis  d.  Kerkhervorniiug  in  Nc-derlaud,"  1873  (also  in  German, 
1886);  Egli,  "Die  Z'urcher  IVtedertaufer,''''  1878,  ''''  /Icteusjnimlung  {ur 
Gesch.  d.  Ziiricher  Reformat  ion,'"  1879,  and  "  D.  St.  Galler  Tju/er," 
1887  ;  Gerbert,  '*  Gesch.  d.  Stmssburger  Sectenbewegiing  ^iir  Zeit  d.  Re- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I49 

formation"  i88q  ;  Gobel,  "  Gesch.  d.  Chr.  Lehen  in  d.  rhenisch-west- 
phdlischen  Kirche,'^  1849-1860;  Hagen,  "  Deiitsclilands  rel.  u.  lit.  Ver- 
Kaltnisse  in  Reformation-Zeitalter,"  i86g  ;  Heath,  "  Anabaptism  from 
its  Rise  at  Zwickau  to  its  Fall  at  MUnster,"  1895 ;  Heberle,  "  D.  An- 
f anger  d.  tAnahaptismiis  in  d.  Schweii"  {''''  Jahrh.  f.  deiitsche  Theol.,'^ 
1858),  "7-  'Denck  u.  d.  ^usbreitung  seiner  Lehre"  {"Stud.  u.  Krit.," 
1858),  "  /.  Denck  u.  seiii  Bi'ichlein  voin  Geset^  Gottes  "  ("  Stud.  u.  Krit.," 
185 1),  "  IV.  Capitos  l^erhaltniss  ^um  Anabaptismiis"  ("  Zeitschr.  f.  d. 
hist.  Theol.,''  1857)  ;  Hochhut,  "  D.  Landgr.  Phil.  u.  d.  Wiedertdufer'' 
\"-  Z.f.d.  hist.  T/i.,"  1858-1859),  "  T>.  IViedertdufer  unter  d.  Sohnen 
Landgr.  Tlul."  ("  Z.f.  d.  hist.  Th.,"  1859-1861) ;  Hosek,  "  Bal.  Hub- 
maier  "  (Eng.  Tr.  in  "  Texas  Hist,  and  Biog.  Mag.,"  Vol.  1.,  11. ) ; 
Keim,  "  Z..  Metier  ]]  {''Jahrh./.  d.  deutsch.  Th.,''  1856)  ;  Keller,  "  £/« 
Apostel  d.  IViedertaufer,"  1882,  "  Gesch.  d.  l-Viedert.  u.  ihr.  Reichs  ^u 
£Afiinster,"  1880,  ''  Zur  Gesch.  d.  IViedertaufer  nach  d.  Untergang  d. 
Miinsterischen  Konigreichs,"  "  D.  Anfange  d.  Ref.  u.  d.  Ket{erschuien," 
1897,  and  "  Grund/ragen  d.  Re/ormationsgesch.,"  1897  ;  Kolde,  "  Hans 
Denck'^  {\n  ''  Kirchengesch.  Studien,"  1886);  Leendertz,  "' Mekhior 
Hofinann,"  1883  ;  Zur  Linden,  "  Melchior  Hofmann,"  1883  ;  Loserth, 
"  D.  tAnahaptismus  in  Tirol,"  1892,  "  Communismus  d.  mahrischen  IVied- 
ertaufer"  1894,  "D.  Stadt  tValdshut  u.  d.  Vorderosterreich.  Regierung  in 
d.Jahren  162^-1626"  ''Dr.  Balth.  Hubmaier  u.  d.  Anfange  d.  IVieder- 
tdufer  in  Mahren,"  1893  ;  Meyer,  "  VViedertdufer  in  Schwaben  "  ("  Zeit- 
schr. f.  Kirchengesch."  Bd.  Xy\\.,Seit.  248,  seq.)  ;  MUller,  "  Gesch.  d. 
"Bernischen  Tdufer,  1895  ;  Ottii,  "  Annates  ^Anabaptistici,"  1672  ;  Rem- 
bert,  "  £>.  IVeidertdufer  im  Heriogthum  Jiilich,"  1899  ;  Roth,  "  D. 
Einfiihrung  d.  T^ef.  in  tJi'ilrnberg"  1885,  "  Ref. -Gesch.  Augsburgs," 
1881  ;  Schreiber,  "  "Bj/;.  Hubmaier"  1839;  Usteri,  "  TDarstellung  d. 
Tauflehre  Zwinglis  "  ("  Stud.  u.  Krit."  1882),  "  Zwinglis  Correspondent 
mit  d.  Berner  Reformatoren  iiber  d.  Tauffrage'^  {ibid.,  1882),  "  Z« 
Zwinglis  Elenchus"  {''  Zeitsch.  f.  Kirchengesch."  Bd.  W.,  Seit.  161, 
seq.) ;  Kautsky,  "  Communism  in  Central  Europe  in  the  Time  of  the 
Reformation,"  1897  (Eng.tr.);  Strasser,  "  D.  Schwei^.  Anabaptis- 
nuts  "  (in  Nippold's  "  Berner  Beitrdgen"  1884)  ;  Nitsche,  "  Gesch.  d. 
IViedertdufer  in  d.  Schweii"  1885.  For  fuller  bibliography  see  the 
author's  "  A  History  of  Anti-pedobaptism,"  1897. 

I.  Preliminary  Observations. 

(i)  Difficulties  of  Classification.  A  scientific  classifica- 
tion of  the  radical  evangelicals  of  the  sixteenth  century 
that  were  popularly  known  as  "  Anabaptists,"  "  Cata- 
baptists,  or  "Baptists"  ("  Wiedertaufer,"  **  Wider- 
taufer,"  "  Taufer  " — "  rebaptizers,"  "  perverters  of 
baptism,"  and  "  baptizers,"  the  latter  with  the  implica- 
tion of  laying  undue  stress  on  believers'  baptism),  is 
hedged  about  with  difficulties.  These  terms  of  reproach 
were  applied  by  Lutherans,  Zwinglians,  and  Catholics 
to  all  radicals  indiscriminately  who  would  own  allegiance 
to  none  of   these   communions,  repudiated  any  sort  of 


150  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

connection  of  Church  and  State,  and  rejected  infant  bap- 
tism as  unscriptural,  inconsistent  with  their  ideas  of  the 
purpose  and  significance  of  the  ordinance,  and  radically 
opposed  to  their  conceptions  of  the  church  as  made  up 
exclusively  of  baptized  believers  voluntarily  associated 
for  mutual  edification  and  the  propagation  of  the  gospel. 

(2)  'Relation  of  Anabaptists  to  tMediceval  Parties.  The 
remarkable  diversity  of  views  that  appeared  at  an  early 
date  among  the  Anti-pedobaptist  opponents  of  the  domi- 
nant forms  of  religion  was  due  in  part  to  the  survival  of 
mediaeval  modes  of  thought  with  which  individual  lead- 
ers were  imbued,  and  in  part  to  the  mental  and  moral 
idiosyncrasies  of  individuals  influenced  by  the  revolu- 
tionary spirit  of  the  time.  Such  Anabaptist  leaders  as 
had  been  under  the  influence  of  mediaeval  chiliastic  en- 
thusiasm, whether  of  the  Taboritic  or  the  Franciscan  type, 
when  encouraged  by  the  Protestant  Revolution  to  come 
forward  boldly  with  their  reformatory  schemes,  were 
sure,  along  with  their  insistence  on  believers'  baptism  as 
the  divinely  appointed  initiatory  rite  into  churches  of  the 
regenerate,  to  emphasize  the  eschatological  views  that 
had  long  been  normative  in  their  religious  thinking. 
Such  Anabaptist  leaders  as  had  been  brought  up  in  the 
atmosphere  of  the  soundly  biblical  teaching  of  the  Wal- 
denses  and  the  Bohemian  Brethren  could  not  fail,  when 
they  had  been  led  by  the  revolutionary  spirit  of  the  age, 
to  seek  to  form  churches  according  to  their  own  ideals, 
to  perpetuate  in  their  doctrines  and  practices  the  leading 
features  of  their  earlier  beliefs.  Such  Anabaptist  lead- 
ers as  had  been  brought  under  the  influence  of  evan- 
gelical mysticism  might  have  been  expected,  when  they 
had  reached  the  conviction  that  infant  baptism  is  in- 
compatible with  regenerate  church-membership,  to  re- 
main mystical  in  their  conceptions  of  truth.  Men  who 
had  become  imbued  with  the  pantheistic  modes  of 
thought  of  the  Beghards  and  the  Brethren  of  the  Free 
Spirit,  if  they  adopted  Anti-pedobaptist  views,  could  not 
easily  escape  from  the  pantheistic  conceptions  that  viti- 
ated these  mediaeval  parties. 

(3)  Confusion  of  Types.  Again,  it  is  not  claimed  that 
the  different  types  of  Anabaptist  teaching  were  kept 
rigorously  distinct.     Several  different  types  are  known 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  151 

to  have  coexisted  in  the  same  community  and  to  have 
been  in  close  fellowship  with  each  other,  and  bodies  of 
Anti-pedobaptists  fundamentally  sound,  were  sometimes 
led  into  fanaticism  by  unsound  teachers  who  came  among 
them.  ^ 

it  is  not  denied  that  most  of  the  phenomena  of  the  Anabaptist 
movement  could  be  accounted  for  without  the  supposition  of  the  per- 
sistence in  It  of  mediaeval  types  of  evangelical  life  and  thought  -but 
It  seems  more  reasonable  to  postulate  the  perpetuity  of  the  older 
types  than  to  suppose  that  so  manv  varieties  of  teaching  had  inde- 
pendent origm  in  the  two  periods  and  that  the  older  types  that  can 
be  traced  to  the  Reformation  time  should  have  suddenly  become 
extinct  to  give  place  to  similar  parties  newly  originated. 

(4)  Relation  of  the  Anti-pedohaptists  to  the  Lutheran  and 
Zwiiiglian  Movements.  In  an  important  sense  the  Anti- 
pedobaptist  movement  was  little  more  than  a  consistent 
carrying-out  of  the  principles  that  lay  at  the  basis  of 
Lutheranism  and  Zwinglianism,  both  of  which,  repudiat- 
mg  tradition  and  all  human  authority,  made  the  Bible 
the  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice  and  aimed  at  the 
restoration  of  evangelical  Christianity  in  its  primitive 
and  unadulterated  form.  Men  of  deep  religious  earnest- 
ness, mastered  by  this  idea,  came  to  see  the  inconsist- 
ency of  the  State-Church  movements  of  Luther  and 
Zwmgli,  in  which  the  godly  and  the  ungodly  mingled  in 
church-fellowship  and  participated  in  all  Christian  ordi- 
nances, with  the  church  purity  and  the  separation  of  be- 
lievers from  the  ungodly  exemplified  by  apostolic  prac- 
tice and  required  by  apostolic  precept.  They  longed  for 
a  church  of  the  regenerate,  where  brethren  and  sisters 
m  Christ  could  associate  together  in  true  Christian  love. 

Many  who,  under  the  influence  of  the  older  evangelical  life  and 
thought  had  longed  for  a  general  revival  of  evangelical  religion 
hailed  with  delight  the  appearing  of  Luther  and  Zwingli  as  evan- 
gelical reformers ;  and  trusting  that  in  these  their  highest  expecta- 
tions would  be  realized,  heartily  joined  with  them  in  their  conflict 
with  papal  corruption  and  oppression.  It  was  only  after  thev  had 
become  convinced  that  no  adequate  reformation  could  be  hoped  "for  in 
connection  with  these  politico-ecclesiastical  strivings,  that  they  felt 
an  irresistible  impulse  to  organize  churches  of  the  regenerate  and  to 
enter  upon  an  enthusiastic  propaganda  of  the  pure  gospel  without 
human  additions.  It  soon  became  clear  to  them  that  churches  of  the 
regenerate  could  onlv  be  secured  by  restricting  their  membership  to 
such  as  made  a  credible  profession  of  saving  faith  in  the  Lord  Jesus 


152  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

Christ  and  by  voluntarily  submitting  themselves  to  baptism  pro- 
claimed their  death  to  sin  and  their  resurrection  to  newness  of  life, 
and  who  thus  assumed  the  obligation  to  live,  suffer,  and  die,  if  need 
be,  in  their  Master's  cause. 

(5)  yiews  of  Leading  Reformers  on  Infant  Baptism.  Lu- 
ther was  as  uncompromising  as  the  Anabaptists  in  mak- 
ing personal  faith  a  prerequisite  to  valid  baptism. 

He  reproached  the  Waldenses  for  baptizing  infants,  and 
yet  denying  that  such  infants  have  faith,  thus  taking  the 
name  of  the  Lord  in  vain.  Not  baptism,  Luther  held,  but 
personal  faith,  justifies.  If  the  infant  has  not  personal 
faith,  parents  lie  when  they  say  for  it  '*  1  believe."  But 
Luther  maintained  that  through  the  prayers  of  the  church 
the  infant  does  have  faith,  and  he  defied  his  adversaries 
to  prove  the  contrary.  This  was  more  than  the  average 
man  could  believe.  Hence,  he  would  be  likely  to  accept 
the  former  part  of  the  doctrine  and  to  reject  the  latter. 

Luther  attached  great  importance  to  baptism  ;  Zwingli 
very  little.  Hubmaier  and  Grebel  both  asserted  that 
in  private  conversation  with  them  Zwingli  had  expressed 
himself  against  infant  baptism.  In  the  interpretation  of 
the  eighteenth  article  of  the  sixty-seven,^  Zwingli  asserts 
that  in  the  earlier  church  the  baptism  of  infants  was  not 
so  common  as  at  present,  but  those  to  be  baptized  were 
instructed  as  catechumens  for  a  considerable  time  previ- 
ously, and  were  only  baptized  after  they  had  firm  faith  in 
the  heart,  and  had  confessed  with  the  mouth.  He  shows, 
without  expressly  saying  so,  that  he  prefers  this  method. 
Elsewhere  he  writes:  "The  error  also  misled  me  some 
years  ago,  so  that  I  thought  it  would  be  much  more  suit- 
able to  baptize  children  after  they  had  arrived  at  a  good 
age."  Yet  in  1530  Zwingli  denied  that  any  one  had  ever 
heard  him  say  anything  against  infant  baptism. 

CEcolampadius,  Capito,  and  Bucer  agreed  with  Zwingli 
in  making  baptism  like  the  Supper,  a  mere  sign,  and 
were  disposed,  for  a  time,  to  think  it  needless  in  the  case 
of  infants.  CEcolampadius  was  almost  convinced  by 
Carlstadt  (Nov.,  1524)  that  infant  baptism  ought  to  be 
abolished,  but  was  at  last  led  by  the  influence  of  Zwingli 
and  the  confusion  that  was  arising  from  the  Anti-pedo- 

'  Zwingli's  "Works,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  239,  240. 


CHAP.  1.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 53 

baptist  separation,  to  defend  this  practice.  Capito,  under 
the  influence  of  Carlstadt,  Reublin,  and  Cellarius,  was 
for  years  (i 525-1 527)  disinclined  to  insist  upon  infant 
baptism  and  was  on  the  friendliest  terms  with  Anabaptist 
leaders.  Bucer  early  recognized  with  Zwingli  the  neces- 
sity of  infant  baptism  to  the  maintenance  of  a  State- 
'  Church  system,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  counsel  rigorous 
persecuting  measures.  In  fact,  nearly  all  of  the  leading 
reformers  were  for  a  time  brought  face  to  face  with  the 
fact  that  infant  baptism  is  without  clear  scriptural  au- 
thorization, but  were  ultimately  led  to  defend  it  as  a 
practical  necessity. 

(6)  Characteristics  of  tlie  Anabaptists.  As  already  sug- 
gested, there  were  many  varieties  of  Anabaptists,  each 
leader  in  general  having  marked  idiosyncrasies.  The 
following  principles  were  common  to  nearly  all  of  the 
Anabaptists  and,  with  slight  exceptions,  to  the  evangel- 
ical teachers  of  the  medieval  time  : 

a.  Resting  on  the  New  Testament  principle  of  self-de- 
nial and  brotherhood,  and  following  as  they  supposed 
the  example  of  the  apostolic  churches,  they  tended 
strongly  toward  commmiispi.  some  insisting  upon  abso- 
lute community  of  goods,  while  others  were  content  with 
regarding  their  possessions  as  at  all  times  subject  to  the 
demands  of  Christian  charity,  it  was  undoubtedly  the 
strong  emphasis  placed  upon  this  principle  that  made  the 
Anabaptist  teaching  so  popular. 

b.  They  insisted  upon  churches  composed  exclusively 
of  proiess£d_believers  and  so  of  the  txLily  regenerate. 
That  the  ungodly  should  participate  in  Christian  oVdi- 
nances  and  in  church  privileges  in  general  was  to  them 
an  abomination. 

c.  They  were  profoundly  convinced  that  the  practice 
of  inlaat  baptism  was  not  only  unscriptural  and  anti- 
scriptural,  but  was  also  absolutely  incompatible  with  the 
maintenance  of  churches  of  the  regenerate.  Accordingly, 
they  were  never  weary  of  denouncing  this  practice  as 
"the  pope's  first  and  highest  abomination,"  and  as  a 
device  of  Satan  for  the  corruption  of  Christianity.  The 
earnestness  and  vigor  of  their  protest  against  infant  bap- 
tism constitutes  one  of  the  most  marked  features  of  the 
Anabaptist  movement. 


154  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

d.  They  repudiated  absolutely  any  sort  of  connection 
between  Church  and  State,  regarding  the  State  as  an 
institution  outside  of  and  apart  from  the  gospel  of  Christ, 
whose  authority  was  to  be  obeyed  in  all  things  lawful, 
but  which  had  no  right  to  interfere  in  matters  of  con- 
science. Hence  also  the  doctrine  of  absolute  liberty  of 
conscience  was  a  fundamental  tenet  of  the  Anabaptists 
as  it  had  been  of  the  mediaeval  evangelicals. 

e.  In  consistency  with  their  views  on  Church  and 
State,  they  denied  the  right  of  a  Christian  to  exercise 
magistracy,  which  seemed  to  them  to  involve  a  violation 
of  Christ's  precept  and  example.  Christ  refused  to  sit 
in  judgment  in  the  dispute  of  the  two  brothers  regarding 
an  inheritance,  and  he  contrasted  the  kings  of  the  earth 
who  exercised  lordship  with  the  humility  of  his  disciples 
whose  Master  had  not  where  to  lay  his  head. 

/.  They  regarded  oaths  as  expressly  prohibited  by 
Christ  and  so  inadmissible  for  his  disciples.  Yet  they 
distinguished  between  testimony  regarding  known  facts 
and  promises  regarding  future  conduct. 

g.  Carnal  warfare,  even  in  self-defense  or  in  defense 
of  country,  they  regarded  as  completely  contrary  to  the 
spirit  of  the  gospel,  and  would  passively  suffer  even  unto 
death  rather  than  bear  arms. 

h.  Capital  punishment  they  regarded  as  antichristian, 
and  its  infliction  by  civil  governments  was  one  of  the 
reasons  why  a  Christian  could  not  exercise  magistracy. 

/.  The  fact  that  some  Anabaptist  parties,  led  away  by 
chiliastic  enthusiasm,  supposed  that  they  had  been 
divinely  commissioned  to  set  up  a  theocratic  kingdom, 
in  which  the  saints  should  gloriously  reign  and  should  be 
the  instruments  of  God  in  the  destruction  of  the  un- 
godly, is  not  strictly  inconsistent  with  the  above  princi- 
ples, which  were  fully  approved  even  by  the  enthusiasts 
who  led  in  the  efforts  to  establish  a  millennial  kingdom. 

k.  They  were  almost  without  exception  opposed  to  the 
Augustinian  system  of  doctrine,  especially  in  its  Lutheran 
and  Calvinistic  forms,  insisting  upon  the  freedom  of  the 
will  and  the  necessity  of  good  works  as  the  fruit  of  faith, 
and  regarding  faith  as  a  great  transforming  process 
whereby  we  are  brought  not  simply  to  participate  in 
Christ's  merits,  but  to  enter  into  the  completest  union 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 55 

with  him  in  a  life  of  utter  self-abnegation.  They  were 
unanimous  in  regarding  Luther's  teachings  regarding  the 
will  and  good  works  as  in  the  highest  degree  immoral 
and  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  gospel. 

/.  From  what  has  preceded  it  is  evident  that  the  type 
of  Christian  life  fostered  by  the  teachings  of  the  Ana- 
baptists, like  that  of  the  medieval  evangelicals,  bordered 
on  the  ascetical. 

Great  stress  was  laid  on  the  Imitation  of  Christ  in  his  life  of  self- 
denying  toil  and  suffering  and  the  Anabaptists  gloried  in  being 
counted  worthy  to  suffer  for  and  with  Christ.  The  idea  of  earthly 
comfort  and  enjoyment  most  of  them  utterly  renounced.  Luxurious 
living,  personal  adornment,  social  amusements,  the  accumulation  of 
wealth,  nearly  all  of  them  regarded  as  inconsistent  with  the  Chris- 
tian profession  ;  and  it  was  only  under  the  influence  of  chiliastic 
hopes  that  some  of  them  ventured  to  expect,  in  a  miraculously  es- 
tablished theocratic  kingdom,  the  carnal  enjoyments  that,  under  the 
existing  dispensation,  they  realized  were  not  for  them. 

m.  They  were  unanimous  in  regarding  the  Lord's  Sup- 
per as  the  most  solemn  act  in  which  a  Christian  can  par- 
ticipate, involving  the  renewal  of  the  believer's  covenant 
to  devote  his  life  unreservedly  to  Christ's  service  re- 
nouncing all  selfish  and  secular  interests. 

Such  being  their  conception  of  the  ordinance,  they  sought  to  guard 
it  most  sacredly  against  all  desecration  by  unworthy  participants. 
Only  baptized  believers  were  admitted  to  communion,  and  discipline 
was  rigorously  exercised  upon  the  brethren  before  the  celebration  of 
the  Supper  in  order  that  none  by  partaking  unworthily  might  eat 
and  drink  damnation  unto  themselves. 

n.  Owing  to  their  extremely  rigorous  principles  and 
the  harsh  treatment  to  which  they  were  everywhere 
subjected  by  the  dominant  Christian  parties,  they  car- 
ried their  separatism  to  an  extreme,  not  only  refusing  to 
join  with  others  in  religious  acts,  but  utterly  repudiating 
their  right  to  be  regarded  as  Christian. 

The  narrowness  and  bigotry  of  many  of  the  Anabaptists  was  at 
once  the  product  and  the  cause  of  the  fierce  hatred  with  which  they 
were  everywhere  regarded.  Their  pronounced  hostility  to  the  sys- 
tems of  civil  government  under  which  they  lived  and  to  the  means 
employed  by  these  governments  for  the  enforcement  of  their  au- 
thority, caused  them  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  incendiaries  of  com- 
monwealths. When  we  consider  the  bitterness  of  their  antagonism 


156  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

to  all  that  was  deemed  most  valuable  in  Church  and  State,  and  their 
uncompromising  hostility  to  the  existing  social  order,  including  the 
private  ownership  of  the  means  of  production,  the  persecution  that 
they  suffered  at  the  hands  of  Church  and  State,  Catholic  and  Prot- 
estant, can  be  readily  accounted  for.  And  yet  in  most  things  the 
Anabaptists  were  right  and  tiieir  opponents  wrong. 

0.  Wherever  the  Anabaptists  enjoyed  sufficient  free- 
dom from  persecution  to  enable  them  to  carry  out  with 
any  completeness  their  ecciesiologicai  ideas,  they  never 
failed  to  institute,  after  the  example  of  the  Waldenses 
and  the  Bohemian  Brethren,  a  system  of  connectional 
church  government,  with  a  general  superintendency,  an 
itinerant  ministry,  and  a  clearly  defined  interdependency 
of  the  local  congregations.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  this  form  of  organization  was  due  not  wholly  to  the 
existing  needs,  but  quite  as  much  to  the  example  of  the 
earlier  evangelical  parties. 

2.  zAnahaptist  Parties. 

In  an  earlier  work  the  writer  has  attempted  a  geograph- 
ical treatment  of  the  Anabaptist  movement,  with  due 
regard  to  genetic  relationships.  It  seems  more  in  accord 
with  the  purpose  of  the  present  work  to  form  a  classifi- 
cation based  upon  the  types  of  life  and  thought  exempli- 
fied. It  must  be  borne  in  mind,  as  pointed  out  above,  that 
the  parties  here  indicated  were  not  rigorously  separated 
from  each  other  in  organization  or  in  fellowship,  and  that 
the  transition  from  one  type  to  another  was  easy  and 
frequent.  The  following  classification  will,  it  is  thought, 
prove  a  convenient  one  :  (i)  The  Chiliastic  Anabaptists  ; 
(2)  The  Soundly  Biblical  Anabaptists  ;  (3)  The  Mysti- 
cal Anabaptists  ;  (4)  The  Pantheistic  Anabaptists  ;  (5) 
The  Anti-trinitarian  Anabaptists. 

(i)  The  Chiliastic  Anabaptists.  The  earlier  of  these 
appeared  in  close  connection  with  the  Lutheran  Refor- 
mation, but  were,  no  doubt,  in  an  important  sense  a  re- 
sult of  mediaeval  modes  of  thought.  The  Franciscan 
enthusiasm,  with  its  fondness  for  biblical  types  and  sym- 
bols, its  despair  of  the  essential  betterment  of  the  world 
through  the  agencies  available  under  the  present  dispen- 
sation, and  its  persistent  efforts  by  the  interpretation  of 
prophetical  Scriptures  to  fix  the  date  of  the  ushering  in 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 57 

of  millennial  glories,  was  widespread  at  the  beginning  of 
this  period  and  was  highly  attractive  to  many  of  the 
most  zealous  opponents  of  the  standing  order.  It  had 
assumed  among  the  Taborites  of  Bohemia  a  radically 
anti-Catholic  and  a  violently  fanatical  form,  which  had 
persisted  in  considerable  strength  in  a  section  of  the  Bo- 
hemian Brethren. 

a.  Thomas  Miinier  ami  the  Zwickau  Prophets.^  Thomas 
Miinzer  was  never  really  an  Anabaptist.  Though  he 
rejected  infant  baptism  in  theory,  he  held  to  it  in  prac- 
tice, and  seems  never  to  have  submitted  to  believers' 
baptism  himself  nor  to  have  re-baptized  others.  Yet  he 
is  usually  regarded  as  the  forerunner  of  the  movement 
and  his  influence  upon  it  was  highly  important.  Born 
about  1490  and  educated  at  Halle  and  Leipzig,  he  early 
came  into  close  relationship  with  Luther,  whom  for  a 
time  he  regarded  as  "the  example  and  light  of  the 
friends  of  God  "  (July,  1520).  With  Luther's  approval, 
he  was  called  to  Zwickau  (1520),  where  he  soon  be- 
came involved  in  controversy  with  priests  and  monks, 
in  which  he  had  Luther's  cordial  support. 

The  working  people,  especially  the  weavers,  who 
constituted  a  considerable  part  of  the  population,  took 
sides  with  Miinzer.  Chief  among  these  was  Nicholas 
Storch,  a  master  weaver,  who  had  lived  in  Bohemia, 
where  he  probably  came  into  close  relations  with  the 
Taborite  Bohemian  Brethren. 

Miinzer  was  naturally  inclined  to  undue  enthusiasm,  and  the  zeal- 
ous support  which  he  received  from  the  common  people  in  his  cru- 
sade against  the  corrupt  lives  and  teachings  of  monks  and  clergy 
greatly  stimulated  his  unsound  tendencies.  He  soon  became  dissat- 
isfied with  Luther's  politic  and  half-way  measures  of  reform  and 
demanded  the  establishment  of  pure  churches  regardless  of  conse- 
quences. He  denounced  Luther  as  a  temporizer,  who  allowed  the 
people  to  continue  in  their  old  sins,  taught  them  the  uselessness  of 
works,  and  preached  a  dead  faith  more  contradictory  to  the  gospel 
than  the  teachings  of  the  papists.  While  he  held  to  the  divine  au- 
thority of  the  Scriptures,  he  maintained  that  the  letter  is  useless 
without  the  enlightenment  of  the  Spirit,  and  that  to  true  believers 
God  communicates  truth  directly  alike  in  connection  with  and  apart 
from  the  Scriptures, 

^  See  Cornelius,  "  Miinst.  Aiif."  ;  Merx,  "  Th.  Miinzer  u.  H.  Pfeiffer" ;  Seide- 
mann.  "  T.  Miinzer"  ;  Fcirstemann,  "  Neties  Urltundenbuch"  ;  Strobel,  "  T.  Mun^er"  ; 
Arnold,  "  Kirchen-xind-Kct^erhtstorie" ;  Bachmann,  "  N.  Stoxcb" ;  and  Kautsky, 
"  Communism  in  Cen.  Eur.  in  the  Time  of  the  Ref." 


158  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

The  excitement  among  the  common  people  soon  be- 
came intense.  Under  Munzer's  encouragement,  Storch 
organized  a  congregation  of  professed  believers  and  is 
said  to  have  considered  himself  appointed  by  God  to  lead 
in  the  setting  up  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  on  earth. 

Storch's  influence  on  Mijnzer  was  greater  than  that  of  Munzer  on 
him.  Even  before  the  appearance  of  Mijnzer  it  is  probable  that  he 
had  been  secretly  propagating  the  Taborite  enthusiasm  among  his 
fellow-workmen.  He  seems  at  this  time  to  have  rejected  infant 
baptism,  oaths,  magistracy,  and  warfare,  and  to  have  insisted  on 
the  separation  of  a  believing  husband  or  wife  from  an  unbelieving 
partner  and  on  community  of  goods  among  Christians. 

Partly  because  of  local  disturbances  resulting  from  the 
new  enthusiasm  and  partly  in  response  to  what  he  re- 
garded as  a  divine  call  to  proclaim  to  the  Bohemians  the 
setting  up  of  the  kingdom  of  Christ  on  earth  and  to  se- 
cure their  co-operation,  Miinzer  left  Zwickau  (April,  1521) 
and  journeyed  to  Prague,  where  he  proclaimed  as  a 
prophet  of  God  the  ushering  in  of  a  new  dispensation  in 
which  all  social  inequalities  should  be  abolished  and  in 
which  righteousness  should  universally  prevail,  and  he 
threatened  the  vengeance  of  God,  through  a  Turkish  in- 
vasion, in  case  they  refused  to  hearken. 

Meeting  with  little  encouragement,  he  returned  to  Ger- 
many early  in  1522.  About  Easter,  1523,  he  became 
pastor  at  Alstedt,  in  Thuringia,  where  he  married  a  nun 
and  attempted  to  carry  out  a  radical  reformation.  Here 
he  prepared  an  elaborate  church  service  in  German,  and 
his  eloquent  preaching  attracted  vast  congregations.  Al- 
though he  had  expressed  himself  against  infant  baptism 
he  made  provision  for  it  in  his  liturgy. 

Returning  to  Zwickau  we  find  Storch  and  his  followers 
arraigned  before  the  authorities  (December,  1521)  charged 
with  repudiating  infant  baptism.  He  persisted  in  his  op- 
position to  this  practice  and  was  required  to  submit  to  an 
examination  at  a  later  date  on  "some  erroneous  Bo- 
hemian articles." 

Accompanied  by  Marcus  Stiibner,  who  had  studied  at 
Wittenberg,  and  another  weaver,  he  visited  Wittenberg 
in  order  to  win  the  professors  to  the  support  of  his  cause, 
Carlstadt,  rector  of  the  university,  accepted  their  views 
and  attempted  to  abolish  at  once  all  unscriptural  objects 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 59 

and  practices  in  the  university  and  its  church.  He  aban- 
doned his  scholastic  dress,  renounced  his  doctor's  degree, 
and  sought  to  conform  his  private  life  to  apostolic  sim- 
plicity. The  learned  Cellarius  attempted  to  oppose 
Storch  and  Stiibner,  but  was  readily  won  over  by  their 
enthusiasm.  Melanchthon  was  greatly  impressed  by 
their  prophetic  claims  and  was  unable  to  answer  their 
arguments  against  infant  baptism  ;  but  he  appealed  to 
Luther,  who  was  absent  at  the  Wartburg,  and  rested  on 
his  authority. 

Learning  of  the  disturbances  at  Wittenberg  and 
Zwickau,  Luther  insisted  on  leaving  the  Wartburg,  and 
for  some  weeks  devoted  himself  with  the  utmost  enthu- 
siasm and  determination  to  the  suppression  of  this  radi- 
cal movement.  He  sought  to  bring  the  prophets  into 
contempt  by  requiring  of  them  the  working  of  miracles 
in  attestation  of  their  mission.  He  demanded  of  them 
proof  that  unconscious  infants  do  not  exercise  saving 
faith,  restored  the  ceremonies  in  the  university  and 
churches,  and  drove  Storch  and  his  followers  from 
Zwickau.  Later  Carlstadt  and  Cellarius  felt  obliged  to 
retire  from  the  university. 

Carlstadt  became  pastor  at  OrlamiJnde  (1523),  where 
he  attempted  to  carry  out  a  radical  reformation,  but  re- 
fused to  join  with  Miinzer  in  his  violent  measures.  Driven 
from  his  position  by  Luther's  influence,  he  suffered  great 
hardship  until  1534,  when  he  secured  a  professorship  in 
the  University  of  Basel,  which  he  held  until  his  death,  in 
1541.  During  his  later  years,  while  he  did  not  abandon 
his  Anti-pedobaptist  views,  he  seems  to  have  kept  them 
in  the  background.  Cellarius  became  well  known  in 
Strasburg  as  an  Anti-pedobaptist  and  an  ardent  millen- 
nialist,  but  he  refused  to  ally  himself  with  the  Anabap- 
tists, and  in  1546  became  professor  in  the  University  of 
Basel. 

Storch  traveled  widely  in  Germany  and  Silesia.  At 
Hof  he  labored  for  some  months,  gaining  the  support  of 
the  burgomaster,  Simon  Klinger,  and  was  regarded  by 
his  followers  as  a  prophet  of  God,  while  his  enemies, 
recognizing  his  marvelous  power,  attributed  it  to  satanic 
agency.  At  Glogau,  in  Silesia,  his  teachings  met  with 
marked  acceptance,  but  when  the  enthusiasm  had  reached 


l6o  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

a  certain  height  he  was  compelled  to  retire.  He  seems 
to  have  propagated  his  millenarian  views  in  a  quiet  way 
in  many  localities.  His  movements  during  the  early 
months  of  1525  in  connection  with  MUnzer's  agitation  is 
obscure,  but  it  seems  probable  that  he  sympathized  with 
MiJnzer  and  aided  in  his  propaganda.  He  died  at  Municli 
in  1525. 

We  left  Miinzer  at  Alstedt  about  the  middle  of  1523. 
From  this  time  onward  he  became  more  and  more  violent 
in  his  denunciation  of  priestly  and  monastic  corruption 
and  advised  workingmen  to  withold  the  payment  of 
tithes  and  rents  for  the  support  of  these  idle  and  vicious 
classes.  Monastic  institutions  were  plundered  and  their 
inmates  maltreated.  Luther  and  the  Lutheran  preachers 
came  in  for  their  share  of  condemnation.  Lutheran  and 
Catholic  princes  were  declared  to  be  the  enemies  of  God 
and  as  worthy  of  being  strangled  like  dogs  if  they  op- 
posed the  doctrine.  He  insisted  that  Christians  should 
all  be  equal,  and  that  private  property  should  be  utterly 
abolished,  and  he  represented  himself  as  divinely  com- 
missioned to  proclaim  the  setting-up  of  the  kingdom  of 
Christ  on  a  socialistic  basis.  Under  his  inspiration  secret 
societies  were  formed  among  the  peasants  in  many  com- 
munities. 

Banished  from  Alstedt  (August,  1524)  by  the  Saxon 
princes,  through  Luther's  instigation,  Miinzer  betook 
himself  to  Miihlhausen,  where  Heinrich  Pfeiffer,  an  ex- 
monk,  had  for  some  months  been  leading  the  social 
democracy  in  the  spirit  of  Miinzer.  Under  the  joint 
leadership  of  Miinzer  and  Pfeiffer  the  old  council  was 
abolished  and  a  new  government  was  established  on  a 
theocratic  basis.  A  reaction  led  to  the  banishment  of 
Miinzer  and  Pfeiffer  (Sep.,  1524).  During  his  absence 
Miinzer  published  at  Nuremberg  a  violent  polemic  against 
Luther  and  the  Saxon  princes  in  which  he  set  forth  with- 
out reserve  his  radical  revolutionary  ideas.  He  says  in 
conclusion,  "  The  people  shall  become  free  and  God  will 
be  the  only  Lord  over  them."  He  afterward  visited  Switz- 
erland, where  he  was  kindly  received  by  CEcolampa- 
dius  and  where  he  seems  to  have  met  a  number  of  those 
who  afterward  became  Anabaptist  leaders,  and  Walds- 
hut,    where    he    no    doubt    conferred    with    Hubmaier. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  l6l 

Pfeiffer  was  able  to  return  to  Muhlhausen  in  December, 
having  secured  the  support  of  the  neighboring  villages. 
Mijnzer  returned  about  January,  1525,  where  with  Pfeif- 
fer he  was  able  to  control  the  government  and  to  reform 
the  city  according  to  his  own  ideas.  The  Peasants'  War, 
which  MiJnzer  and  Pfeiffer  had  encouraged  but  not 
caused,  was  already  in  progress  and  reached  Mtihlhausen 
in  May,  1525. 

The  Peasants'  War  and  the  harmful  effect  of  Miinzer's  fanaticism 
on  the  just  cause  of  the  peasantry  has  been  fully  treated  in  an  earlier 
section. 

b.  Hans  Hut}  Born  some  time  before  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  Hut  was  for  some  years  sacris- 
tan to  the  knight  Hans  von  Bibra.  He  early  came  under 
the  influence  of  MUnzer,  and,  refusing  to  have  his  child 
baptized,  was  driven  from  the  community  (1524).  He 
sought  in  Wittenberg  to  secure  the  removal  of  his  doubts 
regarding  infant  baptism,  supporting  himself  as  an  itiner- 
ant bookseller.  He  spent  som2  time  in  Nuremburg,  where 
he  learned  book-binding  and  probably  came  into  contact 
with  Hans  Denck,  by  whom  he  was  baptized  in  Augs- 
burg (1526).  He  was  in  Miinzer's  army  at  the  battle  of 
Frankenhausen  and  was  taken  prisoner,  but  was  released 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  only  a.  bookseller.  it  is 
probable,  however,  that  he  was  already  in  thorough 
sympathy  with  Miinzer's  socialistic  and  millenarian  views. 
We  find  him  soon  afterward  at  Bibra  recommending  the 
slaughter  of  magistrates  by  their  subjects.  He  claimed 
to  understand  the  meaning  of  the  prophetical  Scriptures 
beyond  any  other  man,  and  being  filled  with  enthusiasm 
and  possessed  of  remarkable  personal  magnetism,  he 
was  able  to  sway  the  masses  according  to  his  will.  Mak-' 
ing  Augsburg  his  home,  where  after  Denck's  departure 
his  influence  was  paramount,  he  labored  with  consuming 
zeal  in  Bavaria,  Moravia,  Bohemia,  Upper  and  Lower 
Austria,  etc. 

So  irresistible  was  his  influence,  that  a  few  hours'  stay  in  a  place 
often  sufficed  for  the  gathering  of  a  church  devoted  to  his  principles. 

'  See  Cornelius,  "  G.  d.  Munst  Aufr.,"  Bd.  II.,  Seit.  3q,  seq.,  251.  seq.,  and  279,  seq. ; 
Jorg,  "  DeutschLiitd  in  d.  Revolutionspenode,"  Scit.  677,  seq.;  Roth,  "Augsburg's 
Reformalionsgesch.,"  Seit.  iqq,  seq.  ;  Nicoladoni,  "J.Bunderlm  '' ;  Hegler,  in  "Her^^og- 
Hauck,"  jrd'eti..  Bd.  VII.,  Seit.  489,  seq. 

L 


l62  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  v. 

While  he  seems  not  to  have  urged  the  people  to  take  up  the  sword 
and  proceed  immediately  to  slay  the  ungodly  he  led  thein  to  expect  a 
divine  summons  to  arms  at  an  early  date.  Like  other  enthusiasts 
of  the  time,  he  expected  that  the  Turks,  who  were  invading  Europe, 
would  be  used  of  God  as  a  scourge  for  the  destruction  of  corrupted 
Christendom.  He  conceived  of  the  reign  of  the  saints  as  a  social- 
istic theocracy. 

In  Moravia  he  sought  to  win  to  his  views  the  Nikols- 
burg  church  which  Hubmaier  had  founded,  and  gained 
many  adherents  ;  but  he  was  driven  away  as  a  disturber 
of  the  peace  by  the  Lichtenstein  lords.  In  October,  1527, 
he  was  seized  by  the  Augsburg  authorities,  made  a  full 
confession  under  torture,  was  thrown  into  prison,  and 
burned  to  death  by  a  fire  in  his  cell  supposed  to  have 
been  kindled  by  himself  (December,  1527).  The  cor- 
rupting influence  of  Hut  on  the  Anabaptist  movement 
can  hardly  be  overestimated. 

In  a  great  assembly  of  Anabaptist  leaders  in  Augsburg  (August, 
1527),  Hut's  chiliastic  propaganda,  with  its  revolutionary  tenden- 
cies, was  probably  the  chief  matter  discussed,  and  Denck  is  supposed 
to  have  made  a  final  effort  to  save  the  Anabaptist  movement  from 
the  disaster  that  awaited  it. 

c.  tMelc/iior  'T^inck.^  Born  near  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  highly  educated  (he  was  sometimes  called  "  the 
Greek  "  because  of  his  Greek  learning),  we  find  him  in 
1523  engaged  as  schoolmaster  and  chaplain  in  Hersfeld, 
where  he  successfully  combated  the  disreputable  pastor 
of  the  church.  At  this  time  he  came  under  the  influence  of 
MUnzer,  with  whom  he  co-operated  heartily  in  the  social- 
istic agitations  of  1 524-1 525.  Escaping  with  his  life  from 
the  battle  of  Frankenhausen,  he  was  for  some  time  a 
fugitive.  About  1527  he  settled  down  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Hersfeld  as  pastor  of  an  Anabaptist  church.  For 
six  years  he  exerted  a  strong  influence  throughout  Hesse 
and  the  neighboring  regions.  The  Landgrave  Philip  per- 
sistently refused  to  destroy  him  as  he  was  urged  by 
Luther  and  others  to  do,  Rinck  seems  to  have  been 
particularly  severe  in  his  denunciation  of  Luther's  teach- 
ings, maintaining  that  all  who  receive  the  sacrament  ac- 


'  See  Hochhut.  "  D  Landgr.  Philip  u.  d    Wiedertaufer  "  ("  Zcitscb.f.  d.  bist.  7beol.," 
1858,  seq.)  ;  and  Zur  Linden,  "  Melch.  Hofmann,"  Sett.  171.  seq. 


CHAP  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  163 

cording  to  Luther's  view,  receive  a  devil,  denying  pre- 
destination, denouncing  infant  baptism  as  a  sacrifice  to 
the  devil,  etc. 

No  mention  is  made  of  his  millenarian  views  in  the  contemporary 
accounts  ot  his  teaching.  As  he  is  said  to  have  been  in  MiJnster  "a 
short  time  before  the  outbreak  of  fanaticism  there,  it  is  probable  that 
he  never  escaped  from  this  feature  of  Munzer'  teaching. 

d.  Melchior  Hofmann}  Born  in  Schwabisch-Hall  about 
1490,  a  leather  dresser  by  trade,  we  find  him  in  1523  in 
Livonia,  an  enthusiastic  Lutheran  agitator.  However 
much  he  may  have  been  influenced  by  the  millenarian- 
ism  of  Munzer  and  Storch,  he  seems  to  have  kept  clear 
of  the  revolutionary  movements  in  which  the  former 
figured  so  prominently.  He  seems  at  this  early  date  to 
have  been  fully  equipped  with  a  knowledge  of  the  letter 
of  Scripture  and  with  a  system  of  allegorical  interpreta- 
tion, whereby  he  was  able  to  astonish  the  unlearned  and 
to  gain  for  himself  great  credit  as  possessing  a  key  to  the 
divine  mysteries.  Banished  by  the  liead  of  the  Teutonic 
Knights,  he  labored  for  a  while  in  Dorpat,  where  his 
teachings  gave  rise  to  disturbances  that  resulted  in  his 
expulsion.  In  June,  1525,  he  visited  Wittenberg,  where 
he  published  an  address  to  the  church  at  Dorpat  and 
secured  Luther's  endorsement.  Returning  to  Dorpat  he 
came  into  controversy  with  the  other  Lutheran  preachers. 

Banished  from  Dorpat,  he  labored  in  Sweden  (1526), 
where  he  published  a  number  of  wildly  allegorical  writ- 
ings and  attacked  Luther's  view  of  the  Supper.  By  this 
time  he  had  adopted  many  of  the  peculiar  views  of  the 
Anabaptists,  and  by  a  computation  from  prophetic  data 
had  fixed  upon  1533  as  the  date  for  the  establishment  of 
the  kingdom  of  Christ.  Here  also  his  preaching  was 
attended  with  disorderly  and  iconoclastic  procedures  and 
he  was  driven  from  Stockholm  early  in  1527.  Like 
riotous  demonstrations  attended  his  brief  ministry  in 
Liibeck. 

Invited  to  Denmark  by  King  Frederick  L,  he  labored 
for  about  two  years  as  a  general  evangelist.     Here  he 

1  See  monographs  on  Hofmann  by  Krohn,  Zur  Linden,  and  Leendertz  :  Rembert, 
"  D.  IViedcrtaufer  in  Her;^ogtumJuliLh,"  paisnn  ;  Gerbert,  "  Gcsch.  d.  Strassburger  Sck- 
teitbewegung  ^ur  Zeit  d.  "T^ef." ;  and  Hegler,  in  Hauck-Herzog,  third  ed.,  Bd.  Vlll., 
Seit.  222,  seq. 


164  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per  V. 

purchased  a  printing  plant  with  his  earnings  as  a 
mechanic  and  scattered  broadcast  his  allegorical  inter- 
pretations and  his  anti-Lutheran  views.  At  this  time 
he  came  in  contact  with  Carlstadt,  who  no  doubt  in- 
fluenced his  views  on  the  Supper  and  on  infant  baptism. 
Here  also  his  preaching  aroused  antagonism.  Plundered 
of  his  goods  he  left  Holstein  for  Hast  Friesland  accom- 
panied by  Carlstadt.  Here  they  found  Lutherans  and 
Zwinglians  in  conflict  and  aided  in  giving  a  deathblow 
to  Lutheranism  in  this  region. 

Hofmann  soon  proceeded  to  Strasburg,  where  he  was 
heartily  received  because  of  his  sufferings  in  defense  of 
the  Zwinglian  view  of  the  Supper. 

By  this  time  he  had  reached  the  conviction  that  the  human  nature 
of  Christ  was  not  derived  from  Mary,  but  was  a  direct  divine  creation. 
Tills  view  he  continued  to  tlie  end  to  empliasize  and  it  was  to  become 
a  leading  feature  of  Menno's  teaching.  Strasburg  was  at  tills  time 
a  great  Anabaptist  center.  Hofmann  soon  entered  into  relations 
witli  the  more  fanatical  Anabaptists,  especially  with  some  who 
claimed  to  possess  prophetic  powers. 

Returning  to  the  Netherlands  as  an  Anabaptist  and 
claiming  to  be  fully  assured  that  the  end  of  the  age 
would  occur  three  years  later,  he  was  able  to  influence 
great  multitudes  throughout  the  Netherlands  and  the 
lower  Rhenish  provinces.  Through  his  writings,  which 
were  widely  dispersed,  and  through  the  many  mission- 
aries that  he  sent  forth,  communities  of  enthusiasts  who 
eagerly  awaited  the  speedy  establishment  of  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  were  organized. 

Bv  this  time  the  cause  of  the  Anabaptists  had  become  most  des- 
perate. The  edict  of  Speyer  (1529)  had  outlawed  them  everywhere, 
making  it  not  only  lawful  but  obligatory  upon  Protestants  and 
Catholics  alike  to  seize  them  wherever  found  and  put  tiiem  to  death 
without  elaborate  forms  of  trial.  Most  of  their  ablest  leaders  had 
already  been  destroyed.  Free  cities,  where  tiiey  iiad  found  a  meas- 
ure of  toleration,  were  being  forced  to  adopt  rigorous  measures  for 
their  exclusion.  Earthlv  hope  for  an  amelioration  of  their  condition 
there  was  none.  If  ever  conditions  were  favorable  for  the  propaga- 
tion of  a  mlUenarian  type  of  Christianity,  with  its  catastrophic  solu- 
tion of  the  dltticultles  that  humanly  speaking  seemed  insuperable,  it 
was  now. 

Hofmann  returned  to  Strasburg  early  in  1 53'?,  an  aged  brother  hav- 
ing prophesied  that  he  must  suffer  six  nuMiths'  Imprisonment  there 
and  then  lead  the  children  of  God  to  universal  victory.     He  was 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  165 

thrown  into  prison  (May,  1533)  where  he  languished  for  ten  years, 
never  abandoning  his  expectation  of  the  speedy  end  of  the  age,  but 
by  fresh  calculations  moving  the  date  forward  from  stage  to  stage 
as  the  necessity  of  the  case  demanded. 

About  the  end  of  1531  Hofmann  had  ordered  the  suspension  of 
believers'  baptism  for  two  years  and  from  this  time  on  had  placed 
all  stress  on  the  propagation  of  his  millennial  views.  He  had  wrought 
great  multitudes  into  a  state  of  unwholesome  excitement  that  made 
them  an  easy  prey  to  the  fierce  fanaticism  of  Jan  Matthys. 

e.  Jan  Matthys.'^  With  the  departure  of  Hofmann,  Jan 
Matthys,  a  Haarlem  baker,  came  to  the  front  as  the  in- 
spired leader  of  the  party,  \n  him  we  see  the  spirit  of 
the  Taborites  and  of  MiJnzer  revived,  and  that  in  an  in- 
tensified form.  His  hatred  of  the  upper  classes  was  as 
bitter  as  we  can  conceive.  As  the  oppressors  and  the 
persecutors  of  the  poor  people  of  God  nothing  but  divine 
vengeance  would  meet  their  case.  The  dealings  of 
Jehovah  with  the  Canaanites  was  the  basis  of  his  idea 
of  the  way  in  which  the  new  dispensation  was  to  be 
established.  True  believers  were  to  be  the  instruments 
in  God's  hand  for  the  blotting  out  of  his  enemies  from 
the  face  of  the  earth.  It  was  soon  revealed  to  him  that 
baptism  should  be  resumed.  Hofmann  had  promised 
that  the  prophet  Enoch  would  appear  just  before  the 
inauguration  of  the  new  dispensation.  Matthys  pro- 
claimed himself  the  promised  Enoch.  The  fanatical 
propaganda  now  went  forward  with  wonderful  rapidity. 
The  oppressed  masses  were  everywhere  ready  to  re- 
ceive the  new  gospel.  Within  a  few  weeks  many  thou- 
sands were  introduced  by  baptism  into  the  covenant  and 
were  ready  at  a  moment's  notice  to  begin  their  terrible 
work. 

Matthys'  part  in  the  Miinster  kingdom  and  his  tragical  death  will 
be  narrated  in  the  following  section. 

/.  The  Miinster  Kingdom.'^  The  city  of  Miinster  had  re- 
mained until   1532  a  stronghold  of  Roman  Catholicism. 

^  See  works  on  the  Miinster  kingdom,  below. 

-  See  Cornelius,  "  Mimst.  Aufr.,"  "  D.  Ncderl.  IViedcrt.  wahrcnd  d.  Belagerung  Muii- 
sters,"  and  "  D.  Geschuhtsquellcn  d.  'Bistums  Ministers" ;  Bouterwek,  "  Zur  Lit.  u. 
Gash.  d.  W'iedertaufcr"  ;  Keller,  "  Ccscb.  d.  IViedcrt.  u.  thres  Reichs  :^ii  Miinster"; 
Remhert,  "  D.  IViedert.  tm  Heriogtum  Jutich  " ;  Gobel,  "  Ccsch.  d.  Chr.  Lebens  in  d. 
rkonch-westpbalischen  Kirche  ";  and  Pearson,  "  The  Kingdom  of  God  in  Miinster" 
("Mod.  Rev.,"  Jan.  and  Apr.,  1884). 


l66  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

A  dissolute  prince-bishop  had  succeeded  in  rigorously  ex- 
cluding evangelical  teaching.  In  1529  Bernard  Roth- 
mann,  who  had  been  educated  in  a  school  of  the  Brethren  of 
the  Common  Life  and  had  been  somewhat  influenced  by 
Protestant  teaching,  began  to  preach  evangelical  ser- 
mons in  a  suburban  church.  His  ministry  was  thronged 
by  Munster  people.  Suspended  from  his  office  for  a  year 
for  the  correction  of  his  errors  by  further  study,  he  be- 
came thereby  still  more  thoroughly  evangelical.  Return- 
ing in  1 531,  the  social  democracy  supported  him  as  a 
reformer  despite  the  inhibition  of  the  bishops.  Early  in 
1532  he  secured  the  use  of  St.  Lambert's  Church  and  was 
supported  by  the  guilds  of  the  city.  The  incoming  of  a 
new  bishop  (Erich)  checked  the  progress  of  reform  (March, 
1532)  and  Rothmann  was  ordered  by  the  authorities  to 
suspend  his  preaching.  Supported  by  the  masses  he  re- 
fused to  obey.  Erich  died  in  May  and  the  notoriously 
immoral  and  irreligious  Franz  von  Waldeck  succeeding 
him,  put  an  end  to  all  hopes  of  legal  reform.  The  new 
bishop,  attempting  to  carry  out  an  imperial  mandate  for 
the  removal  of  anti-Catholic  preachers,  provoked  a 
rebellion  that  resulted  in  his  expulsion  from  the  city 
(December,  1532).  The  evangelicals,  supported  by 
Philip  of  Hesse  and  Ernst  of  LUneburg,  triumphed  (Feb- 
ruary, 1533).  The  wildest  enthusiasm  prexailed  not 
only  in  the  city  and  the  diocese,  but  throughout  the  lower 
Rhenish  provinces.  Rothmann  was  the  recognized  leader 
in  religious  matters  and  each  congregation  was  allowed 
to  choose  its  own  pastor.  The  monasteries  were  closed 
and  Catholic  clergy  and  monks  were  obliged  to  leave  the 
city. 

An  important  evangelical  movement  had  for  some  years 
been  in  progress  in  the  Cleve-JUlich-Berg  Duchy,  where 
a  number  of  highly  educated  leaders  who  had  been 
brought  under  Erasmic  influence  and  led  by  Johannes 
Campanus,  had  passed  from  Catholicism  to  modified 
Lutheranism  and  were  tending  toward  still  more  radical 
views.  They  were  banished  by  the  authorities  in  1532. 
Among  those  who  made  their  way  to  MiJnster  were 
Heinrich  Roll,  Dionysius  Vinne,  Johann  Klopriss,  Her- 
mann Staprade,  and  Heinrich  Schlactscaef.  From  their 
Erasmic  antecedents   these  men  might  have  been  ex- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  167 

pected  to  be  proof  against  the  seductions  of  millenarian 
entliusiasm  ;  yet  even  in  the  teachings  of  Campanus 
there  are  certain  chiHastic  tendencies. 

Roll  became  a  pronounced  Anabaptist  soon  after  his 
arrival  in  MiJnster.  Rothmann  soon  followed  his  exam- 
ple. Staprade  publicly  denounced  infant  baptism  as  an 
abomination,  in  August,  1533,  Rothmann  triumphantly 
defended  Anti-pedobaptism  against  Van  dem  Busche. 
The  Council  sought  to  compel  Rothmann,  Roll,  Vinne, 
Stralen,  and  Staprade  to  resume  the  administration  of 
infant  baptism.  They  persistently  refused.  An  effort 
to  depose  them  led  to  a  great  popular  demonstration. 

In  a  "  Confession  on  the  Two  Sacraments,"  published  by  these 
ministers  (November,  1533),  baptism  is  defnied  as  "  an  immersion 
in  water,  which  the  candidate  desires  and  receives  for  a  true  sign  that 
he  has  died  to  sins,  and  being  buried  with  Christ  has  been  thereby 
raised  into  a  new  life,  henceforth  to  walk  not  in  the  lusts  of  the  flesh 
but  in  obedience  to  the  will  of  God."  Yet  in  an  earlier  paragraph 
water-sprinkling  is  given  a  place  in  the  definition  of  baptism  along 
with  immersion.  Infant  baptism  is  regarded  as  an  abominable  per- 
version and  as  "  the  source  of  the  desolation  and  of  the  complete 
apostasy  of  the  holy  church."  Thus  far  there  is  no  evidence  of  any- 
thing fanatical  in  the  teachings  of  the  Miinster  Anabaptists. 

We  left  Jan  Matthys,  after  Hofmann's  imprisonment, 
in  full  command  of  the  great  enthusiastic  host  that  had 
accepted  Hofmann's  millenarian  teachings.  The  news 
of  the  triumph  of  the  Anabaptist  cause  in  Miinster  greatly 
interested  Hofmannite  Anabaptists. 

Early  in  1534  two  emissaries  from  Matthys  reached 
Miinster  and  made  known  to  Rothmann  and  the  other 
leaders  that  Enoch  had  appeared  in  the  person  of  Matthys, 
that  the  millennial  kingdom  was  at  hand,  and  that  the 
baptized  saints  should  henceforth  under  the  dominion  of 
Christ  lead  a  blessed  life,  with  community  of  goods, 
without  law  and  without  magistracy.  Within  eight  days 
fourteen  hundred  were  baptized,  including  the  ministers 
who  had  not  yet  submitted  to  the  ordinance. 

A  few  days  later  (January  13)  John  of  Leyden  and 
Gert  tom  Kloster  took  charge  of  the  Miinster  movement 
as  the  representatives  of  Matthys. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  establishment  of  the  theocratic 
kingdom  was  to  be  attended  by  the  merciless  slaughter  of  the  un- 


l68  A  AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

godly.  Rothmann  and  his  associates  hesitated  for  a  time  to  accept 
the  leadership  of  the  fanatics,  but  all  were  at  last  mastered  by  the  wild 
enthusiasm.  Lutherans  and  Catholics  tied.  Monasteries  and  re- 
ligious houses  were  seized  and  their  inmates  obliged  to  be  baptized 
or  to  leave  the  city.  The  entire  wealth  of  the  city  was  soon  in  the 
hands  of  the  fanatics.  Matthys  now  proclaimed  that  Munster  and 
not  Strasburg,  as  Hofmann  had  predicted,  was  the  New  Jerusalem. 
Strasburg  had  failed  of  the  honor  because  of  its  sins.  He  sent  mes- 
sengers in  all  directions  to  summon  his  followers  to  gather  in  given 
localities  for  further  instructions.  Many  tiiousands  from  all  parts 
of  the  Netherlands  and  adjoining  regions  were  soon  moving  toward 
Munster.  Many  were  seized  by  the  authorities  and  cruelly  executed, 
but  a  great  multitude  found  their  way  to  the  New  Jerusalem. 
Matthvs  himself  was  soon  in  the  city  as  the  head  of  the  theocracy. 
The  city  was  soon  beseiged  by  the  bishop  and  his  allies.  The 
fanatics  most  valorously  defended  it.  A  reign  of  terror  ensued,  all 
suspected  of  lack  of  sympathy  with  the  new  regime  being  remorse- 
lessly slain.  Matthys  was  slain  in  battle  (April,  1534).  John  of 
Leyden  proceeded  to  organize  the  New  Israel  after  the  model  of  the 
Olci.  Twelve  elders  were  appointed  with  power  of  life  and  death. 
They  were  to  sit  in  judgment  twice  each  day.  As  the  number  of 
women  in  the  city  greatly  e.xceeded  that  of  men  and  as  the  theocratic 
rules  regarding  the  relations  of  the  sexes  were  exceedingly  rigorous, 
polygamy  was  introduced  under  supposed  divine  guidance  as  a 
means  of  alleviating  the  diftkulties  involved,  it  was  revealed  to  John 
that  the  new  Jerusalem  should  have  a  king  who  should  have  do- 
minion over  the  whole  earth  and  that  he  was  that  king.  For  more 
than  a  year  the  wretched  fanatics  stood  the  siege.  Their  sufferings 
toward  the  end  were  indescribable.  Tiie  scene  ended  in  a  horrible 
massacre  and  in  the  most  revolting  torturing  of  the  leaders. 

The  massacre  extended  throughout  the  whole  territory  that  had 
been  affected  by  the  movement.  Philip  of  Hesse  was  almost  alone 
in  discriminating  between  the  wild  fanatics  and  quiet  Anti-pedobap- 
tists.  The  opinion  was  almost  universal  that  the  Miinster  fanati- 
cism was  the  logical  outcome  of  the  Anabaptist  position.  In  Eng- 
land and  America  the  opponents  of  the  Baptist  movement  long  per- 
sisted in  holding  up  the  Munster  kingdom  as  a  sample  of  what 
might  be  exf^ected  when  it  should  have  an  opportunity  to  show  its 
Lolors.  In  Cjermany  and  other  continental  countries  the  odium  of 
Miinster  still  attaches  to  the  Baptist  name. 

2.  T/ie  Soundly  Biblical  zAnabaptists.  In  using  this  des- 
ignation it  is  not  to  be  understood  tliat  all  or  any  of  the 
Anti-pedobaptists  liere  to  be  discussed  were  in  the  writer's 
opinion  wholly  free  from  error  in  doctrine  and  in  prac- 
tice. In  general,  their  teaching  was  conformable  to  the 
best  type  of  medi:i?val  evangelical  thought.  Their  ad- 
herence to  the  Scriptures,  especially  the  New  Testament, 
as  the  only  and  sufficient  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  their 
use  of  reasonably  sound  methods  of  Scripture  interpre- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  169 

tation,  their  freedom  from  chiliastic  enthusiasm,  their  in- 
tense zeal  for  the  spread  of  the  gospel,  and  their  readi- 
ness to  suffer  even  unto  death  for  their  faith,  commend 
them  to  us  as  worthy  of  admiration.  Most  evangelical 
Christians  have  refused  to  accept  their  interpretation  of 
Scriptures  relating  to  oaths,  magistracy,  warfare,  and 
capital  punishment,  which  they  perpetuated  from  me- 
diiEval  times.  Some  of  their  mistakes  resulted  from 
their  antagonism  to  the  corrupt  and  oppressive  political 
and  ecclesiastical  conditions  of  the  time.  Their  ex- 
treme separatism  was  due  in  large  measure  to  the 
severity  of  the  persecution  to  which  they  were  subjected. 
The  tendency  toward  communism  everywhere  manifest 
was  a  natural  outcome  of  the  intense  Christian  love  by 
which  they  were  characterized  and  the  hard  conditions 
under  which  they  lived.  Anabaptists  of  this  type  super- 
added to  what  was  best  in  mediaeval  evangelical  life  and 
thought  a  higher  degree  of  aggressiveness,  a  more  con- 
sistent and  determined  opposition  to  infant  baptism,  and 
a  refusal  to  compromise  themselves  in  any  way  by  con- 
forming to  the  ceremonies  of  the  dominant  churches. 

a.  The  Early  Swiss  ^^uabaptists.^  Zwingli's  early  re- 
formatory preaching  awakened  great  interest  among  the 
radicals  of  Switzerland  and  the  neighboring  provinces. 
All  classes  of  social  and  religious  reformers  rallied  to  his 
support.  By  1523  a  large  proportion  of  the  people  were 
prepared  to  cast  off  the  papal  yoke  and  to  abolish  all 
anti-scriptural  and  nonscriptural  practices.  Zwingli's 
"Sixty-seven  Articles"  that  formed  the  programme  of 
the  first  disputation  (1523)  were  thorough-going  in  their 
evangelical  character,  making  the  Scriptures  the  only 
rule  of  faith  and  practice  (positively  and  negatively). 

in  his  elaboration  of  these  articles  he  stated  that  in 
the  early  church  baptism  was  administered  only  after 
catechumens  had  firm  faith  in  the  heart  and  had  con- 
fessed with  the  mouth.  It  soon  became  evident  that 
Zwingli  and  the  council  were  lagging  behind  public  sen- 
timent. To  avoid  disorder  and  to  determine  how  far  it 
was  safe  to  go  in  the  direction  of  practical  reform,  a 
second  disputation  was  held  (Oct.,  1523)  in  which,  along 

^  See  works  of  Egfli,  Strasser,  Nitsche,  Burrage,  Baur,  Usteri,  Stahelin.  E.  Miiller, 
Bullinger,  Fiisslin,  Loserth,  Cornelius,  and  Schreiber,  as  in  "  Literature"  above. 


170  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  V. 

with  Zvvingli,  such  radicals  as  Hetzer,  Grebel,  and  Hub- 
maier  (soon  to  become  eminent  as  Anabaptist  leaders) 
took  part. 

In  May,  1523,  Dr.  Balthasar  Hubmaier,  a  learned  and 
eloquent  priest  who  was  carry ing  on  a  successful  reforming 
movement  in  the  city  of  Waldshut,  conferred  with  Zwingli 
on  infant  baptism,  and  secured  from  him  the  concession 
"  that  children  should  not  be  baptized  before  they  are 
instructed  in  the  faith."  Though  among  the  earliest  of 
those  connected  with  the  Swiss  reformation  to  agitate  in 
favor  of  believers'  baptism,  Hubmaier  was  far  from  being 
the  first  to  put  it  in  practice.  During  the  latter  half  of 
1 523,  Grebel,  Manz,  Stumpf,  and  other  radical  leaders,  had 
repeated  conferences  with  Zwingli,  in  which  they  urged 
him  to  take  measures  for  the  setting  up  of  a  pure  church, 
whose  members  should  be  true  children  of  God,  having 
the  spirit  of  God  and  ruled  and  led  by  him.  They 
pointed  out  the  unseemliness  of  making  church  reforma- 
tion dependent  upon  the  will  of  an  ungodly  magistracy, 
and  of  allowing  the  ungodly  to  enjoy  the  privileges  of 
church-fellowship.  Zwingli  was  conciliatory  and  prom- 
ised to  proceed  as  rapidly  as  he  prudently  could,  but 
urged  them  to  be  patient  and  pointed  out  the  disastrous 
consequences  of  schism.  A  large  group  of  radicals  in 
the  canton  of  Ziirich  kept  up  a  persistent  agitation  from 
this  time  forward  and  their  distrust  of  Zwingli  soon  be- 
came complete. 

In  the  spring  of  1524  Wilhelm  Reublin,  an  eloquent 
priest  who  had  been  driven  from  Basel  in  1522  because 
of  his  zeal  against  papal  ceremonies,  and  who  was  pastor 
at  Wytikon,  publicly  declared  himself  opposed  to  the 
baptism  of  infants.  Many  withheld  their  children  from 
baptism,  and  along  with  Reublin  were  imprisoned  and 
fined.  The  Anti-pedobaptist  agitation  rapidly  extended 
throughout  ZUrich  and  the  neighboring  cantons  and 
provinces. 

Hans  Brotli,  pastor  at  ZoUikon,  Andreas  Castelberg, 
an  enthusiastic  social  and  religious  reformer,  Georg 
Blaurock,  an  eloquent  ex-monk,  Conrad  Grebel,  son  of 
a  patrician  and  educated  in  the  universities  of  Vienna 
and  Paris,  and  Felix  Manz,  an  accomplished  classical 
and   Hebrew  scholar,  with  many  others,  now  declared 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT   REVOLUTION  171 

themselves  against  infant  baptism.  Late  in  December, 
1524,  or  early  in  January,  they  took  the  decisive  step  of 
introducing  believers'  baptism  and  organizing  churches 
of  the  regenerate.  In  this  act  Grebe!  took  the  initiative, 
baptizing  first  of  all  Blaurock,  who  in  turn  baptized  large 
numbers.  The  movement  spread  with  wonderful  rapidity 
and  within  a  few  weeks  multitudes  in  various  parts  of 
Switzerland  had  received  the  new  baptism  at  the  hands 
of  Grebel,  Reublin,  Blaurock,  Manz,  Brotli,  and  others. 

It  should  be  said  that  these  "  baptisms  "  were  not  immersions. 

On  January  17,  1525,  a  disputation  was  held  between 
Zwingli  and  the  Anabaptist  leaders,  in  which  Zwingli 
vigorously  defended  infant  baptism.  The  council  de- 
clared Zwingli  victorious,  required  the  baptism  of  all  un- 
baptized  children  within  eight  days  on  pain  of  the  ban- 
ishment of  the  responsible  parties,  prohibited  Anabaptist 
meetings,  and  banished  such  foreigners  as  were  known 
to  be  Anabaptists  (Reublin,  Brotli,  Hetzer,  and  Castel- 
berg). 

Zwingli  and  the  council  had  reached  the  conviction 
that  the  remorseless  crushing  of  the  movement  was  nec- 
essary to  the  maintenance  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
order.  Rigorous  imprisonment  on  a  bread  and  water 
diet  led  some  to  promise  conformity  with  the  laws. 
Those  who  remained  in  prison  (including  Grebel,  Manz, 
and  Blaurock)  effected  what  was  regarded  as  a  marvel- 
ous escape  (April  5). 

Reublin  and  Brotli,  when  banished  from  Zurich,  la- 
bored in  Schaffhausen,  where  Doctor  Hofmeister,  the 
chief  evangelical  minister,  accepted  their  views  of  bap- 
tism, and  so  far  compromised  himself  with  the  authorities 
that  he  was  afterward  banished,  and  only  after  deeply 
humiliating  himself  was  able  to  regain  his  position.  Gre- 
bel soon  followed,  and  large  numbers  were  brought  to 
Anti-pedobaptist  views.  Here  he  immersed  the  ex-monk 
Uolimann,  who  was  to  take  a  leading  part  in  the  great 
Anabaptist  movement  at  St.  Gall. 

At  St.  Gall,  Uolimann,  Hochrutiner,  Roggenacher,  and 
Eberle  won  multitudes  to  the  Anabaptist  position  (in  the 
spring  of  1525),  and  crowd  after  crowd  went  out  of  the 


172  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

city  to  the  river  Sitter  for  baptism.  Within  a  few  weeks 
twelve  hundred  were  baptized.  Three  Anabaptist 
churches  were  formed  in  Appenzell.  Urged  and  aided 
by  Zwingli,  Doctor  Vadian,  the  chief  leader  of  the  evan- 
gelicals, was  able  at  last  to  check  the  movement  and  to 
carry  out  exterminating  measures  like  those  of  the  Zurich 
Council. 

Blaurock  labored  in  the  canton  of  Basel,  where  he  held 
a  disputation  with  CEcolampadius,  an  account  of  which 
published  by  the  latter  was  effectively  answered  by 
Hubmaier. 

In  Bern  the  Anabaptist  movement  soon  gained  great 
headway  under  the  leadership  of  Jacob  Gross,  a  disciple  of 
Hubmaier,  Johann  Seckler,  and  Hochrutiner.  Exter- 
minating measures  were  early  introduced  and  frequently 
repeated,  until  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  ; 
yet  they  have  survived  in  considerable  numbers  to  tlie 
present  day,  and  have  enriched  the  religious  life  of  many 
lands  (including  America)  through  their  forced  disper- 
sion. 

Griiningen,  a  dependency  of  ZUrich,  became  a  chief 
stronghold  of  the  movement  during  the  summer  of  1525. 
Grebel,  Manz,  and  Blaurock  all  labored  successfully 
here.  The  ZiJrich  authorities  were  obliged  to  seek  the 
aid  of  Bern,  Basel,  Schaffhausen,  Chur,  Appenzell, 
and  St.  Gall  (1527)  before  they  could  get  the  move- 
ment under  control.  Many  influential  families  were 
among  its  adherents. 

in  Waldshut,  in  the  Austrian  Breisgau,  Hubmaier  had 
secured  complete  mastery  by  the  beginning  of  1524. 
Driven  out  of  the  city  by  the  Austrian  authorities  (Sept. 
1524),  he  took  refuge  in  Schaffhausen,  where  he  wrote  a 
tract  (on  "Heretics  and  their  Burners"),  which  con- 
stitutes one  of  the  most  thorough-going  pleas  for  liberty 
of  conscience  that  the  age  produced.  At  the  beginning 
of  1525  he  discontinued  the  practice  of  infant  baptism, 
except  in  cases  where  the  parents  insisted  upon  it,  and 
expressed  his  views  on  believers'  baptism  in  a  convincing 
way  in  a  letter  to  OEcoIampadius.  In  February  he  set 
forth  a  "Public  Challenge"  to  all  Christian  men  to 
prove  from  Scripture  that  baptism  should  be  administered 
to  infants.     Reublin  visited  Waldshut  earl>'  in  the  spring. 


CHAP.  I. ]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  173 

About  Easter,  Hubmaier  and  sixty  others  were  baptized 
by  him.  Shortly  afterward  Hubmaier  publicly  baptized 
("out  of  a  milk  pail")  over  three  hundred  more.  His 
elaborate  refutation  of  the  arguments  of  OEcohimpadius 
and  Zwingli  in  favor  of  infant  baptism  was  published  in 
July.  The  Anti-pedobaptist  argument  has  rarely  been 
set  forth  with  greater  fullness,  clearness,  and  logical 
acumen.  Modern  Zwinglian  writers  (like  Usteri)  con- 
trast Hubmaier's  sound  exegesis  and  fairmindedness  with 
Zwingli's  sophistry  and  special  pleading.  Waldshut  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Austrian  authorities  after  heroic  re- 
sistance (Dec,  1525).  Hubmaier  barely  escaped  with 
his  wife  and  made  his  way,  broken  in  health,  ragged, 
and  wretched,  to  ZUrich.  He  was  thrown  into  a  wretched 
prison  with  more  than  twenty  starving  Anabaptist  men 
and  women  who  were  given  to  understand  that  there 
was  no  escape  from  this  slow  starvation  except  by  a 
denial  of  their  faith.  Hubmaier  seems  to  have  been  ac- 
tually tortured  into  signing  a  form  of  recantation.  He 
was  at  last  released  and  made  his  way  (June,  1526)  to 
Moravia,  where  he  was  to  do  his  greatest  work. 

in  1527  Manz  was  put  to  death  by  drowning  because 
of  his  persistent  disobedience  to  the  mandates  of  the 
council  and  Blaurock  was  beaten  through  the  streets 
and  assured  that  he  would  be  drowned  in  case  he  re- 
turned to  ZUrich.  A  few  other  executions  occurred  in 
Switzerland,  but  there  was  throughout  this  controversy 
a  commendable  reluctance  to  inflict  the  death  penalty 
for  heresy. 

The  difficulty  of  suppressing  the  Anabaptist  movement 
in  Switzerland  was  greatly  increased  by  the  inefficiency 
and  immorality  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  evangelical 
clergy,  hi  response  to  repeated  complaints  on  the  part 
of  Anabaptists  and  others,  the  authorities  undertook  to 
remedy  the  evils  complained  of  and  a  number  of  un- 
worthy ministers  were  disciplined  and  some  were  de- 
posed. 

By  reason  of  the  persistent  persecution  of  Anabap- 
tists and  the  attractiveness  of  Moravia  as  a  place  of 
refuge  abounding  in  opportunities,  the  movement  showed 
a  marked  decline  in  Switzerland  before  1529,  and  by 
1535  only  a  few  feeble  congregations  remained. 


174  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Grebel,  one  of  the  ablest  and  soundest  of  the  early 
leaders,  died  of  the  pestilence  in  1526.  Blaurock,  who 
by  reason  of  his  great  enthusiasm  and  popular  power 
was  designated  "  Strong  George  "  and  a  "  Second  Paul," 
labored  incessantly  in  Switzerland  and  the  Tyrol  till 
August,  1 529,  It  is  probable  that  he  baptized  more  than 
a  thousand.  Reublin,  after  years  of  highly  successful 
evangelism  in  Switzerland  and  Southern  Germany,  went 
to  Moravia  (1530),  where  he  was  disfellowshiped  by 
the  communistic  Anabaptists,  but  lived  to  old  age  at 
Znaim  as  a  member  of  a  Swiss  congregation. 

b.  The  Moravian  Anabaptists.^  Moravia  had  shared 
with  Bohemia  in  the  Hussite  revolt  against  Rome  and  in 
the  Taborite  and  Bohemian  Brethren  movements.  From 
1 5 16  to  1526  the  royal  authority  had  been  exceedingly 
feeble  and  the  nobles  had  done  each  what  was  right  in 
his  own  eyes.  A  considerable  number  of  nobles  and 
priests  who  had  been  under  the  influence  of  the  older 
evangelical  teaching  had  declared  themselves  supporters 
of  Luther.  Among  the  most  evangelical  of  the  nobles 
were  Leonard  and  Hans  von  Lichtenstein.  Whether  by 
prearrangement  or  not,  Hubmaier  was  received  by  them 
with  open  arms  on  his  arrival  at  Nickolsburg  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1526.  Within  a  few  months  the  chief  evangeli- 
cal ministers  of  this  part  of  Moravia  :  Hans  Spitalmaier, 
Oswald  Glaidt,  Martin  Goschel,  formerly  suffragan  bishop, 
at  this  time  provost  of  a  nunnery,  had  accepted  Hub- 
maier's  leadership.  A  number  of  other  noblemen  were 
sympathetic.  In  less  than  a  year  from  six  to  twelve 
thousand  had,  under  Hubmaier's  influence,  submitted  to 
believers'  baptism.  He  was  provided  with  a  printing 
plant  which  put  in  circulation  one  after  another  Hub- 
maier's doctrinal,  practical,  and  polemical  works. 

Hubmaier  was  almost  alone  among  contemporarv  Anti-pedobap- 
tists  in  agreeing  with  modern  Baptists  regarding  oaths,  magistracy, 
warfare,  and  the  right  of  Christians  to  hold  pri\'ate  property.  Except 
in  his  practice  of  afifusion  as  the  act  of  baptism  his  position  ishardlv 
distinguishable  from  that  of  modern  Baptists,  and  few  writers  of  any 
age  have  (with  this  exception)  more  ably  expounded  the  distinctive 
principles  of  the  Baptists. 

A  few  months  after  Hubmaier's  arrival  a  considerable 

*  Works  of  Beck,  Loserth,  and  Kautsky,  as  in  "  Literature"  above. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  175 

party  appeared  in  the  church  led  by  Jacob  Wiedemann, 
who  not  only  denied  that  Christians  could  personally 
engage  in  warfare,  but  regarded  it  as  equally  un-Chris- 
tian  to  pay  taxes  for  the  support  of  warfare.  They  also 
insisted  on  community  of  goods  among  Christians.  Hans 
Hut  appeared  upon  the  scene  late  in  1526,  gave  his  en- 
thusiastic support  to  Wiedemann  and  his  associates  in 
opposition  to  Hubmaier,  and  sought  to  win  the  commu- 
nity to  his  chiliastic  views.  Among  those  who  were 
borne  away  by  his  influence  were  Glaidt  and  Goschel. 
His  chiliastic  views  seem  not  to  have  taken  strong  hold 
on  the  community,  but  the  communistic  party  was  greatly 
strengthened  by  his  visit. 

The  situation  was  one  of  peculiar  delicacy  and  difficulty.  The  com- 
munism insisted  upon  by  Hut  and  Wiedemann  would  have  necessi- 
tated the  exclusion  from  this  great  church  of  the  Lichtensteins,  upon 
whose  support  it  had  so  largely  depended,  or  the  voluntary  abandon- 
ment by  them  of  their  rank  and  property  and  of  their  means  of  pro- 
tecting and  supporting  the  Anabaptist  cause. 

in  July,  1527,  the  Austrian  authorities  seized  Hub- 
maier, and  on  March  10,  1528,  he  was  burned  at  the 
stake.  Soon  after  Hubmaier's  removal  controversy 
became  acute  between  Spitalmaier,  who  had  the  sup- 
port of  the  Lichtensteins,  and  Wiedemann  with  his 
communistic  following.  As  the  latter  could  not  toler- 
ate private  property,  magistracy,  and  warfare,  or  even 
the  paying  of  war  taxes,  they  were  obliged  to  seek  a 
new  home  where  they  could,  without  interference, 
practise  their  principles. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Jacob  Huter,  a  Tyrolese 
hatter,  who  divided  his  labors  during  many  years  be- 
tween the  Tyrol  and  Moravia,  the  organization  of  the 
communistic  party  became  complete  (1529-1542).  Aus- 
terlitz  was  their  chief  center,  but  large  numbers  of  house- 
holds were  formed  throughout  southern  Moravia. 

The  membership  of  these  communities  is  said  to  have 
reached  during  the  period  of  their  greatest  prosperity 
seventy  thousand.  Persecuted  Anabaptists  from  all 
parts  of  Europe  were  welcomed  among  them  and  for  the 
most  part  readily  accepted  their  communistic  mode  of 
life  and  their  doctrinal  teachings. 


1/6  A   .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [fer.  v. 

As  the  Anabaptist  leaders  in  various  parts  of  Europe 
were  for  the  most  part  skilled  workmen,  like  those  of 
the  mediaeval  evangelical  bodies,  the  Moravian  communi- 
ties soon  came  to  possess  in  great  abundance  the  best 
mechanical  skill  of  the  time.  The  households  became 
hives  of  industry.  They  gained  almost  a  monopoly  in 
several  branches  of  manufacture.  Their  cutlery,  linens, 
and  woolen  cloths  were  the  best  to  be  found.  Their 
public  baths,  attended  by  skilled  manipulators,  were 
patronized  by  the  nobility.  They  excelled  in  agriculture 
and  in  stock-raising.  The  finest  horses  came  forth  from 
their  stables.  Because  of  their  industry,  skill,  and  hon- 
esty, even  Catholic  noblemen  were  glad  to  place  them  in 
responsible  positions.  Their  physicians  and  surgeons 
were  so  skillful  as  to  be  patronized  even  by  royalty, 
and  they  were  among  the  most  effective  of  missionaries. 
Every  member  of  the  communities  was  abundantly 
provided  for.  Children  were  carefully  brought  up  and 
educated  in  their  communal  nurseries  and  schools,  and 
were  taught  trades  or  trained  in  agriculture,  as  the  inter- 
est of  the  community  seemed  to  the  officials  to  require. 
The  communities  were  heavily  taxed  by  the  landlords  ; 
but  they  amassed  considerable  wealth  so  as  to  possess 
abundant  capital  for  their  manufacturing  enterprises  and 
to  support  a  large  force  of  missionaries  in  various  parts 
of  Europe.  The  Moravian  nobles  came  to  regard  them 
as  essential  to  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  and  re- 
sisted as  long  as  they  were  able  the  demands  of  the  Aus- 
trian government  for  their  extermination. 

Severe  persecutions  occurred,  1535,  1547-15 54,  and  al- 
most continuously  from  1592  onward.  They  suffered 
greatly  during  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  but  survived  with 
considerable  strength.  From  1651  onward  they  were 
ruined  by  German,  Turkish,  and  Tartar  invasions  and 
by  Jesuit  persecution.  Many  of  them  were  taken  by 
the  Turks  to  the  far  East.  Some  fled  to  Hungary  and 
Siebenbiirgen,  where  they  maintained  an  organized  ex- 
istence tiM  1762.  Some  removed  to  southern  Russia, 
where  they  remained  till  1874,  when  the  small  remnant 
settled  in  South  Dakota,  where  in  five  small  communities 
they  still  abide. 

The  church  government  of  the  Moravian  Anabaptists 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  177 

was  similar  to  that  of  the  mediaeval  Waldenses.  A  head 
pastor  or  bishop,  appointed  by  representatives  of  the  en- 
tire brotherhood,  but  frequently  nominated  by  his  prede- 
cessor, was  at  the  head  of  the  connection.  Each  house- 
hold had  its  "  ministers  of  the  word"  and  its  "ministers 
of  need."  The  authority  of  officials  once  appointed  was 
practically  unlimited,  and  the  only  freedom  possible  to 
the  individual  member  was  that  of  cordial  acquiescence 
in  the  communal  administration. 

The  teachings  of  the  Moravian  Anabaptists  are  em- 
bodied in  an  able  and  elaborate  "  Account  of  Our  Faith," 
by  Peter  Riedemann  (d.  1556).  This  writing  embodies 
in  admirable  form  all  that  is  best  in  old  evangelical  and 
Anabaptist  teaching.  Like  Hubmaier,  the  Huterites  were 
content  with  pouring  as  the  act  of  baptism. 

Closely  related  to  the  great  Moravian  Anabaptist  work 
was  that  in  the  Tyrol  and  in  Upper  and  Inner  Austria. 
It  is  probable  that  the  first  churches  were  organized 
(i  525-1 526)  under  the  influence  of  the  Swiss  movement. 
From  1527  onward  Anabaptist  views  spread  with  won- 
derful rapidity.  Notwithstanding  the  fiercest  and  most 
unrelenting  persecution  in  response  to  the  mandates  of 
King  Ferdinand,  for  forty  years  a  vigorous  and  aggres- 
sive work  was  carried  on,  supported  largely  by  the  Mo- 
ravians. Several  families  of  the  gentry  and  the  smaller 
nobility  became  attached  to  the  movement.  Among  the 
most  eminent  workers  were  Leonard  Schiemer  (mar- 
tyred January,  1528),  George  Zaunring  (martyred  1529), 
Jacob  Huter,  for  years  the  influential  leader  of  the  Mo- 
ravian Anabaptists  (martyred  November,  1535),  and 
Hans  Mandl,  who  labored  for  twenty-four  years.  By 
1 531  a  thousand  Anabaptists  are  said  to  have  suffered 
martyrdom  in  the  Tyrol  and  in  Gortz,  and  six  hundred 
at  Ennisheim.  Multitudes  suffered  after  this  date.  Per- 
secution was  too  severe  and  continuous  to  allow  the  or- 
ganization of  strong  communities  in  the  Austrian  prov- 
inces like  those  in  Moravia. 

c.  The  Mennonites.^    Next  to  the  Moravian  Anabaptists 

'  See  works  of  Menno  (Dutch,  German,  and  English)  ;  works  of  Dirk  Philips; 
lives  of  Menno  by  Cramer,  Roosen,  and  Brown  ;  Schyn,  "Hist.  OWennonitarum" ; 
Blaupot  Ten  Cate,  "  Gachiedeins  der  Doopsge^tuuten" ;  Brons,  "  (Jrsprung,  Entwicke- 
lung,  und  Schichsale  d.  Jaufgcsiniiten  oder  i%Ic>iiionUeit" ;  and  De  Hoop  Scheffer,  in 
Hauck-Herzog,  second  ed.,  Bd.  IX.,  Sett.  560-577. 

M 


178  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

in  importance  and  in  influence,  if  indeed  they  did  not 
surpass  them,  was  the  great  Mennonite  brotherhood  that 
flourished  in  the  Netlierlands  and  adjacent  regions  from 
1536  onward.  After  the  fall  of  the  MUnster  kingdom, 
Menno  Simons,  who  had  been  a  Roman  Catholic  priest, 
but  had  gradually  become  imbued  with  evangelical  prin- 
ciples, accepted  the  leadership  of  such  Dutch  Anti-pedo- 
baptists  as  had  not  been  carried  away  by  the  chiliastic 
enthusiasm  of  the  MUnster  fanatics  or  had  been  cured 
of  the  delusion  by  the  course  of  events.  Closely  asso- 
ciated with  him  in  the  leadership  of  the  movement  were 
Dirk  Philips,  Gillis  of  Aachen,  Henry  of  Vreden,  Antony 
of  Cologne,  and  Leonard  Bouwens. 

Menno  and  his  associates  were  so  horrified  by  the 
atrocities  of  MUnster  that  they  earnestly  disclaimed  not 
only  any  sympathy  with  the  Anabaptists  who  had  taken 
part  in  the  fanaticism,  but  any  historical  connection  of 
their  Anti-pedobaptist  party  with  that  of  Hofmann  and 
Matthys.  They  laid  more  and  more  stress,  as  time  went 
on,  upon  their  relation  to  the  Waldenses,  whose  princi- 
ples of  non-resistance,  rejection  of  oaths,  magistracy, 
warfare,  capital  punishment,  etc.,  they  certainly  per- 
petuated, it  was  natural  that  they  should  use  every 
legitimate  means  for  warding  off  from  themselves  the 
odium  of  the  MUnster  fanaticism  ;  but  they  probably 
went  to  an  unwarrantable  length  in  claiming  for  them- 
selves an  unbroken  succession  of  organized  church  life 
through  the  Waldenses  to  the  apostolic  age. 

East  Friesland,  under  the  regency  of  the  tolerant  and 
evangelical  Countess  Anna,  was  one  of  the  few  place  in 
Europe  where,  after  the  MUnster  kingdom.  Anabaptists 
of  any  type  could  find  refuge.  Emden  was  the  chief 
center  of  the  Mennonite  movement.  Dirk  and  Obbe 
Philips  and  Bouwens  were  Anabaptists  of  the  older  type, 
who  had  refused  to  follow  Hofmann  and  Matthys.  Dirk 
Philips  was  to  become,  after  Menno,  the  chief  literary 
expounder  of  this  type  of  Anti-pedobaptism.  Obbe 
Philips  afterward  deserted  and  denounced  his  brethren, 
returning  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  Bouwens  was 
the  most  successful  propagator  of  the  principles  of  the 
body  and  is  said  to  have  baptized  as  many  as  ten  thou- 
sand converts.     Menno  evangelized  widely  and  success- 


CHAP.  l]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I7Q 

fully,  but  spent  much  of  his  time  in  literary  contro- 
versy. 

Along  with  sounder  doctrinal  elements  common  to 
medieval  evangelicals  and  the  Swiss  type  of  Anti-pedo- 
baptism,  Menno  early  adopted  Hofmann's  view  of  the 
incarnation,  involving  denial  of  the  true  humanity  of 
Christ.  The  persistent  defense  of  this  dogma  involved 
him  in  endless  trouble  inside  and  outside  of  his  own 
communion. 

During  the  years  1 543-1 545  Menno  made  his  head- 
quarters at  Cologne,  where  the  Archbishop-elector,  Her- 
mann von  Wied,  had  introduced  a  moderate  form  of 
Protestantism.  During  these  years  Menno  did  much  to 
encourage  the  remnants  of  the  earlier  quiet  Anabaptist 
movement  throughout  the  Rhine  Valley  from  Switzerland 
to  the  Netherlands.  The  overthrow  of  Hermann  von 
Wied  made  Menno's  removal  a  necessity. 

For  nine  years  he  resided  at  Wismar  and  labored  ex- 
tensively in  the  East  Sea  regions.  By  1547  serious  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  had  arisen  among  his  followers  re- 
garding doctrine  and  discipline.  At  a  conference  in  Em- 
den  Dirk  Philips,  Gillis,  and  Bouwens  agreed  with 
Menno  in  insisting  on  the  most  rigorous  application  of 
discipline,  involving  the  requirement  of  marital  avoid- 
ance in  case  the  husband  or  wife  of  a  church-member 
were  excluded  from  fellowship.  The  other  leaders  dis- 
sented. From  this  time  onward  Menno  was  much  con- 
cerned about  the  enforcement  of  his  rigorous  disciplin- 
ary views.  Driven  from  Wismar  (1555)  he  resided  at 
Wlistenfelde,  under  the  protection  of  a  benevolent  noble- 
man, till  his  death,  in  1559. 

In  1555  a  great  conference  of  German  Anabaptists 
was  held  at  Strasburg  for  discussing  questions  of  doc- 
trine and  discipline  that  were  in  dispute  between  Menno 
and  his  followers.  The  conference  expressed  strong  dis- 
approval of  Menno's  dogmatizing  about  the  incarnation. 
We  should  be  content  with  the  statement,  "The  Word 
became  flesh  and  tabernacled  among  us."  It  was 
further  declared  that  "to  take  from  or  add  to  these 
words  is  not  only  disturbing,  but  it  is  criminal."  The 
opinion  is  further  expressed  that  no  good  end  is  served 
by  literary  controversy.     Disapproval  of   Menno's   dis- 


l80  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

ciplinary  rules  was  also  frankly  expressed.  The  vener- 
able leader  was  deeply  grieved,  but  could  not  be  turned 
aside  from  his  well-matured  convictions. 

In  1557  another  Anabaptist  conference  was  held  with 
representatives  from  Wurttemberg,  Swabia,  Moravia,  Al- 
sace, the  Palatinate,  and  Switzerland,  to  discuss  the  rules 
of  discipline  that  had  recently  been  drawn  up  by  Menno 
and  Philips.  Reference  is  made  in  the  report  of  the 
meeting  to  a  great  conference  at  Worms  in  which  four- 
teen or  fifteen  hundred  Anabaptists  had  gathered. 
While  the  conference  expressed  general  approval  of 
Menno's  rules,  it  insisted  on  the  liberty  of  the  churches 
to  deal  with  individual  cases  on  their  merits  and  with  due 
regard  to  the  usages  of  the  country.  There  was  general 
disapproval  of  the  rule  requiring  marital  avoidance. 

By  1559,  the  date  of  Menno's  death,  there  were  many 
thousands  of  quiet  Anabaptists  more  or  less  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  movement  organized  by  Menno  in  the 
Netherlands  and  throughout  western  Europe  from  the 
Baltic  to  the  Alps.  Lutheranism  had  long  been  prac- 
tically extinct  in  the  Netherlands  and  Calvinism  had  not 
yet  attained  to  great  strength.  The  establishment  of 
the  inquisition  by  Philip  11.  (1567)  was  followed  by  the 
slaughter  of  tens  of  thousands  of  evangelicals,  including 
many  Mennonites.  The  absolute  refusal  of  the  Men- 
nonites  to  bear  arms  even  in  self-defense  disqualified 
them  for  leadership  in  a  time  like  this.  Calvinists,  who 
represented  the  most  militant  type  of  Protestantism, 
now  came  to  the  front  and,  under  the  leadership  of  Wil- 
liam of  Orange,  entered  upon  the  heroic  struggle  that 
was  to  result  after  forty  years  in  breaking  the  power  of 
Spain  and  in  making  of  the  United  Netherlands  one  of 
the  most  prosperous  and  enlightened  countries  in  the 
world. 

The  Mennonites  were  on  friendly  terms  with  William 
and  his  successor  and  contributed  liberally  to  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war.  Being  honest,  industrious,  and 
thrifty,  they  became  exceedingly  prosperous  and  were 
foremost  in  all  sorts  of  benevolent  work.  From  1574 
onward  the  Calvinists  were  persistent  in  their  efforts  to 
deprive  them  of  the  toleration  that  had  been  accorded 
to  them. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  l8l 

Long  before  the  death  of  Menno  serious  divisions  had 
arisen  among  the  Mennonite  churches  regarding  doctrine 
and  discipline.  After  his  death  the  party  spirit  had  free 
play  and  several  non-fellowshiping  divisions  were  soon 
in  the  field.  The  "  Waterlanders  "  were  the  most  lib- 
eral. The  "Flemings"  were  the  most  rigorous.  In- 
termediate between  these  were  the  "  Upper  German  " 
and  "Frisian"  churches  and  the  "Young"  or  "  Loose 
Frisians."  Local  controversies  were  appealed  to  all  the 
churches  in  the  connection  and  were  thus  the  occasion 
of  widespread  dissension  and  schism.  Before  the  close 
of  the  century  Socinianism  had  invaded  the  Mennonite 
ranks  and  won  large  numbers  to  its  support. 

(3)  CMystical  Anabaptists.  A  number  of  able  and 
earnest  men  deeply  imbued  with  the  evangelical  mysti- 
cism of  Tauler  and  the  "  German  Theology  "  early  be- 
came convinced  that  while  external  ordinances  are  of 
small  importance  as  compared  with  the  inner  spiritual 
life,  infant  baptism  was  one  of  the  great  obstacles  to  a 
true  reformation,  and  that  believers'  baptism  was  worth 
contending  for  as  the  initiatory  rite  into  churches  of 
the  regenerate. 

a.  Hans  Denck^  Born  in  Bavaria  about  1495,  we  find 
him  in  1523  an  accomplished  classical  and  Hebrew 
scholar  in  close  association  with  OEcolampadius  in  Basel 
and  occupied  as  a  reader  for  the  press.  On  OEcolampa- 
dius' recommendation,  he  was  at  this  time  appointed 
rector  of  a  school  in  Nuremberg,  where  he  elaborated  his 
highly  spiritual  views  of  the  Godhead,  Scripture,  faith, 
righteousness,  sin,  and  the  ordinances,  in  such  a  way  as 
to  alarm  Osiander,  the  chief  Protestant  minister  of  the 
city.  Driven  from  Nuremberg  (January,  1525),  he  spent 
some  months  traveling  in  southern  Germany  and  Switzer- 
land and  still  further  maturing  his  views.  At  St,  Gall 
he  greatly  impressed  Vadian  as  a  most  gifted  youth,  in 
whom  "all  excellencies  were  truly  so  present  that  he 
even  surpassed  his  age  and  seemed  greater  than  him- 
self ;  but  he  has  so  abused  his  genius  as  to  defend  with 
great  zeal  Origen's  opinion  concerning  the  liberation  and 

1  See  Keller,  "  Ein  Apostel  d.  Wiedertaufer  " ;  Heberle.  "Job.  Denck  u.  sein  Biich- 
leinvom  Geset^Gottes"  ("  Theol.  St.  u.  Kr.,"  1851)  and  'Job.  Denck  u.  d.  Ausbreitung 
s.  Lehre"  {"  Th.  St.  u.  Kr.,"  1858)  ;  and  Kolde,  "Hans  Denck,"  (in  "  Kircbengeschtl. 
Studien,"  1886). 


l82  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

salvation  of  the  damned."  He  seems  at  this  time  to  have 
been  so  carried  away  by  the  thought  of  God's  infinite 
love  and  mercy  that  he  could  not  conceive  of  the  eter- 
nal punishment  of  the  wicked  as  a  part  of  the  divine 
plan.  In  September  we  find  him  in  Augsburg,  where  he 
was  soon  surrounded  by  a  number  of  kindred  spirits,  en- 
joyed the  friendship  of  the  young  nobleman  Sebastian 
von  Freiburg,  and  supported  himself  by  private  teach- 
ing. His  most  important  work,  on  "  The  Law  of  God," 
was  probably  written  at  this  time.  Seemingly  as  a  result 
of  Hubmaier's  visit  (June,  1526),  Denck  proceeded  to 
organize  an  Anti-pedobaptist  church,  which  soon  had  a 
membersliip  of  several  hundreds. 

The  efforts  of  Urbanus  Rhegius  and  Gynora?us,  evan- 
gelical pastors,  to  convince  him  of  his  errors  proved  un- 
successful ;  but  to  avoid  trouble  he  quietly  departed 
(October,  1526).  By  this  time  he  had  attained  to  great 
eminence  as  an  Anabaptist  leader.  Rhegius  called  him 
"  the  Anabaptist  abbott,"  Haller  "  the  Anabaptist 
Apollo,"  and  Bucer  "the  Anabaptist  pope."  Among 
his  most  influential  followers  in  Augsburg  was  the  young 
patrician,  Hitelhans  Langenmantel,who  wrote  extensively 
in  defense  of  his  principles  and  at  last  died  as  a  martyr 
(May,  1528). 

Denck  seems  to  have  gone  directly  to  Strasburg, 
which  by  reason  of  its  tolerance  had  become  a  place  of 
refuge  for  persecuted  radicals.  Here  he  was  able  almost 
immediately  to  gain  a  large  following.  During  his  short 
residence  here  he  began,  with  Hetzer,  a  translation  of 
the  Old  Testament  from  the  Hebrew,  which  he  was  to 
continue  at  Worms.  The  portion  published  (1527)  was 
liighly  meritorious  and  was  freely  used  by  Luther  in  his 
translation  of  the  Prophets.  As  a  result  of  a  colloquy 
with  Bucer,  Capito,  and  others,  who  were  shocked  by 
some  of  his  speculative  opinions  and  convinced  of  his 
radical  unsoundness,  he  departed  (December  25),  and 
after  a  disputation  at  Landau  with  Johann  Bader,  who 
published  a  full  report  of  the  discussion  and  afterward 
became  an  Anti-pedobaptist,  he  settled  at  Worms,  where, 
supported  by  Hetzer  and  Jacob  Kautz,  a  brilliant  young 
minister  who  adopted  his  mystical  views,  he  quietly  ex- 
erted a   widespread   influence.     They  were  obliged  to 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  183 

leave  Worms  (August,  1527).  Denck  visited  Augsburg 
(about  September),  where  he  participated  in  a  great  con- 
vention of  Anabaptist  leaders,  and  afterward  Nuremberg 
and  Ulm.  Arriving  ill  at  Basel,  he  died  in  the  house  of 
his  friend  OEcolampadius  (November,  1527). 

During  the  last  two  years  of  his  life,  Denck  pub- 
lished a  large  number  of  deeply  spiritual  and  highly 
eloquent  writings,  which  represent  the  purest  type  of 
evangelical  mysticism.  He  was  accused  by  his  oppo- 
nents of  denying  the  deity  of  Christ,  and  it  is  probable 
that  he  would  not  have  subscribed  to  the  orthodox 
formulas  regarding  the  Trinity  and  Person  of  Christ  ;  but 
nothing  appears  in  his  published  writings  that  compels 
one  to  regard  him  as  an  anti-trinitarian. 

b.  Ltidwig  Hetier.  Born  about  1500,  in  Thurgau,  he 
received  a  liberal  education  and  we  find  him  (1523) 
among  Zwingli's  enthusiastic  supporters.  As  early  as 
1525  he  became  an  Anti-pedobaptist,  but  he  lacked  the 
courage  of  his  convictions  and  we  find  him  (September, 
1525)  seeking  to  re-establish  himself  in  the  confidence 
and  favor  of  Zwingli  and  OEcolampadius.  He  was  closely 
associated  with  Denck  in  Strasburg,  Augsburg,  and 
Worms.  Like  him  he  was  an  accomplished  classical  and 
Hebrew  scholar  and  it  is  probable  that  he  sympathized 
with  Denck's  speculative  theology  without  being  able 
fully  to  enter  into  its  spirit.  Zwingli  claimed  to  have 
had  in  his  possession,  and  to  have  destroyed  in  the  in- 
terest of  orthodoxy,  a  writing  of  his  in  which  anti-trinita- 
rianism  was  taught.  He  was  beheaded  at  Constance 
(February,  1529),  ostensibly  for  adultery  (unproved), 
but  really  on  account  of  his  Anti-pedobaptist  views. 

c.  Otlier  Mystical  Anti-pedobaptists.  Jacob  Kautz,  who 
came  under  Denck's  influence  at  Worms,  was  for  some 
time  an  enthusiastic  propagator  of  mystical  Anti-pedo- 
baptism.  In  July,  1528,  at  Strasburg,  he  set  forth  his 
position  in  seven  articles  in  which  the  most  objectionable 
features  of  Denck's  teaching  are  expressed  far  more 
harshly  and  offensively  than  he  himself  would  have  ex- 
pressed them.  The  external  word  is  declared  to  be 
"not  the  true  living,  eternally  abiding  word  of  God,  but 
only  the  witness  or  indication  of  the  inner  word."  Uni- 
versalism  is  distinctly  taught.     The  propitiatory  nature 


l84  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  Christ's  death  is  expressly  denied.     As  late  as  1536 
we  hear  of  Kautz  as  a  teacher  in  Moravia. 

Still  more  radical  was  Johann  Biinderlin,'  born  at  Linz, 
in  Austria  (about  1495),  and  educated  in  the  University 
of  Vienna.  While  carrying  on  evangelical  work  in  the 
service  of  an  Austrian  nobleman  he  became  converted 
to  Anti-pedobaptist  views.  After  spending  some  time  at 
Nikolsburg,  Moravia,  he  betook  himself  to  Strasburg 
(1529).  By  1530  he  had  reached  the  conviction  that 
apostolic  ordinances  should  not  be  practised  by  Chris- 
tians of  the  present  time.  "  Christians  need  neither 
baptism  nor  the  Supper.  .  .  Christ  baptizes  in  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  in  fire,  as  from  the  beginning  of  the  world 
this  has  taken  place  in  every  believing  heart." 

His  idea  was  that  the  ordinances  had  been  lost  in  the  apostasy 
and  that  no  one  had  a  right  to  restore  them  without  special  divine 
authorization. 

d.  Casper  Schwenckfeldt .'^  A  pronounced  Anti-pedo- 
baptist (not  Anabaptist)  was  Casper  Schwenckfeldt,  a 
Silesian  nobleman.  Born  in  1490,  educated  at  several 
universities,  finishing  at  Cologne,  he  became  an  ardent 
student  of  evangelical  mysticism  and  a  Hussite.  He  was 
among  Luther's  early  supporters  and  greatly  furthered 
the  spread  of  Lutheranism  in  Silesia.  By  1525  he  be- 
came convinced  that  Luther  was  astray  on  baptism,  the 
Supper,  justification,  and  a  number  of  other  points.  Per- 
sonal conference  with  Luther  failed  to  restore  harmony. 
He  objected  also  to  the  political  methods  employed  by 
Luther  for  church  reformation,  insisting  that  spiritual 
methods  alone  were  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of 
Christianity. 

It  seemed  to  him  that  the  tendency  of  Luther's  teachings  was  to 
produce  a  state  ot  carnal  security,  that  the  faith  Luther  preached 
was  a  dead  faith,  that  his  doctrine  of  Scripture  was  a  doctrine  of  the 
letter  and  not  of  tlie  spirit.  It  was  his  opinion  that  Luther  had  de- 
parted widely  from  the  old  evangelical  position  he  had  occupied  in 
1517.    Only  the  spiritually  enlightened  man  can  properly  under- 

'  See  Nicoladoni,  "J.  Bunderlin" ;  Gerbert.  "  Ge^ch.  d.  Straaburg.  Sectenbt-wt- 
gting  " ;  and  Jakel,  "  Ziir  Frage  iiber  d.  Entstekung  d.  Taufergenutnden  in  Obcr'osttr- 
rcuh,"  i8q5. 

-  See  Schwenckfeldt 's  Works  ;  Arnold.  "  Kirchen-  tind  Kel^erbistorie"  ;  Erbkam  in 
•'  Hauck-Hcr^og."  a  Ed.,  RJ.  XIII..  Sal.  776.  f-cq.  ;  Kadelback.  '•  Cesch.  S.hzitiick/eldli 
u.  d.  Schwenckfctdtiaiier  " ;  and  Gerbert,  "  Gach.  •/.  Slrjuh.  Scclenbc-ucg." 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  185 

stand  the  Scriptures,  which  contain  but  are  not  identical  with  the 
word  of  God.  Faith  is  a  personal  appropriation  of  Christ  and  in- 
volves a  complete  transformation  of  character,  baptism  is  a  symbol 
of  the  inner  transformation  that  has  occurred  in  regeneration  and  is 
wholly  inapplicable  to  infants,  the  Supper  is  a  symbol  of  the  spiritual 
partaking  of  Christ  and  of  communion  with  his  sufferings  and 
death. 

Driven  from  Silesia  (1529),  he  took  up  his  abode  in 
Strasburg,  where  he  was  entertained  by  Capito  and  Zell 
and  was  for  years  in  close  association  with  several  of 
the  Anabaptist  leaders.  He  persistently  refused  to  be- 
come a  member  of  any  evangelical  party.  He  prays  the 
Lord  to  keep  him  in  this  position  and  not  to  allow  him 
to  despise  what  is  good,  right,  and  well-pleasing  in  any. 
"Yet  I  see  in  one  party  much  more  of  God  than  in  the 
rest,  more  divinely  given  blessedness  and  imitation  of 
the  crucified  Christ ;  this  1  cannot  deny."  it  can  hardly 
be  doubted  that  he  refers  to  the  Anabaptists.  By  1542 
his  attitude  toward  the  Anabaptists  had  become  dis- 
tinctly less  favorable  and  he  wrote  somewhat  bitterly 
against  them  for  laying  undue  stress  on  external  forms. 
His  most  distinctive  teaching  was  that  regarding  the 
deification  of  the  flesh  of  Christ,  which  he  expounded 
(1539)  in  a  work  entitled  "  Summary  of  some  Arguments, 
that  Christ  according  to  his  humanity  is  to-day  no  crea- 
ture, but  absolutely  our  God  and  Lord." 

It  was  far  from  Schwenckfeldt's  purpose  to  found  a  sect,  but  at 
his  death  (1561)  he  left  many  faithful  followers  who  thought  it  their 
duty  to  circulate  widely  his  voluminous  writings  and  to  propagate 
his  principles  by  organized  effort.  His  influence  was  considerable 
in  the  formation  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  England  in  the  follow- 
ing century.  In  1734,  a  number  of  Schwenckfeldtian  families  set- 
tled in  Pennsylvania,  where  they  have  maintained  an  organized  ex- 
istence until  the  present  time. 

(4)  77?^  Pantheistic  Anabaptists,  a.  'David  Joris} 
Born  in  1501  or  1502  in  the  Netherlands,  educated  at 
Delft,  where  he  also  learned  the  trade  of  glass-painting, 
he  became  an  enthusiastic  Protestant  and  was  imprisoned 
(1528)  for  his  violently  denunciatory  and  iconoclastic 
proceedings  against  the   Catholic   priesthood  and  cere- 

'  See  Nippold  in  "  Zettschr.  f.  hist  Th.,"  i86;,  1864.  and  1868;  Jundt.  "Hist,  du 
Tantheisme,"  p.  164,  seq. ;  and  Hegler,  in  "  Hauck-Her^og,"  idi  Ed.,  Bd.  \X.,  Seit. 
349-352. 


1 86  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

monies.  About  1533  he  became  an  Anabaptist  and  was 
actively  engaged  in  the  agitation  that  led  to  the  MUnster 
kingdom,  although  he  seems  to  have  had  no  part  in  the 
later  fanaticism.  After  the  fall  of  MUnster  he  attempted 
to  unite  the  various  Anabaptist  parties  (the  quiet  Anabap- 
tists led  by  Dirk  and  Obbe  Philips,  the  Hofmannites,  and 
the  MUnster  fanatics  led  by  Battenburg).  in  this  he 
failed,  but  his  enthusiastic  followers  declared  him  the 
anointed  of  the  Lord,  and  he  himself  claimed  to  be  the 
recipient  of  special  divine  revelations.  He  soon  won  the 
adherence  of  a  large  number  of  the  extreme  MUnsterites 
and  gained  the  reputation  of  possessing  miraculous  as 
well  as  prophetic  powers.  In  1539  permission  was  given 
him  to  labor  in  the  territory  of  Philip  of  Hesse.  He 
sought  in  vain  the  endorsement  of  Luther  and  Bucer. 
Conferences  with  John  a  Lasco,  the  Polish  reformer, 
and  Menno  Simons  yielded  him  no  advantage.  Menno 
wisely  refused  to  have  any  fellowship  with  him  and 
thereby  saved  his  party  from  contamination. 

Among  his  numerous  literary  products  the  most  important  was 
his  "Wonder  Book"  (1542),  a  strange  medley  of  enthusiastic 
fantasies,  mysterious  intimations,  complaints,  and  threats,  allegori- 
cal interpretations  of  Scripture  passages,  and  strong  assertions  of 
his  divine  mission,  in  the  first  part  he  gives  an  explanation  of 
figures  and  mysteries,  in  the  second  his  views  of  God,  in  the  third 
he  treats  of  Christ,  and  in  the  fourth  of  the  restitution  of  the  king- 
dom of  Christ.  His  speculations  have  mucii  in  common  with  those 
of  the  mediaeval  Franciscan  enthusiast,  Joachim  of  Floris.  He  was 
fundamentally  a  pantheist  of  the  enthusiastic  type  and  his  teachings 
closely  resemble  those  of  the  Beghards  and  of  the  Brethren  of  the 
Free  Spirit,  and,  like  these,  are  supposed  to  have  led  to  immoral 

living. 

1 

In  1544  he  left  the  Netherlands  and  settled  under  an 
assumed  name  in  Basel,  where  he  lived  quietly  as  a  re- 
spectable citizen,  associated  with  leading  freetliinkers, 
and  published  secretly  many  writings  setting  forth  his 
heterodox  and  immoral  views.  His  identity  was  not  dis- 
covered until  after  his  death  in  1556,  when  he  was  tried 
for  heresy  and  his  body  and  his  books  condemned  to  the 
flames  (1559). 

b.  Heiurich  Niclaes.^    Born  in  MUnster  (1501  or  1502), 

»  See  Nippold.  "  Heinrich  Niclaes"  in  "  Zeitschr.  f.  d.  bist.  Theol.,"  'Bd.  XXXII. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  187 

he  spent  his  early  years  as  a  merchant.  Some  time  be- 
fore 1528  he  seems  to  have  abandoned  the  Catholic  faith, 
though  he  could  find  no  satisfaction  in  Lutheranism. 
About  1531  he  settled  in  Amsterdam,  where  he  devoted 
his  leisure  to  mystical  reading  and  meditation.  To  what 
extent  he  was  influenced  by  the  Anabaptists  in  general 
and  by  David  Joris  in  particular  is  uncertain.  About 
1540  he  supposed  that  God  had  poured  out  upon  him 
"  the  Spirit  of  the  true  love  of  Jesus  Christ,"  and  had 
made  him  "at  one  with  the  will  and  word  of  God  "  and 
the  organ  of  a  completer  revelation  than  had  yet  been 
made.  From  1540  to  1560,  Emden  was  the  center  of  his 
mercantile  business  and  of  his  religious  propaganda.  In 
both  interests  he  spent  considerable  time  in  England, 
where  he  gained  many  disciples.  His  mystical  sect  was 
called  "  The  House  of  Love  "  and  his  followers  were 
commonly  called"  Familists." 

The  party  seems  to  have  been  elaborately  organized  with  a  hier- 
archv  consisting  of  elders,  archbishops,  and  four  classes  of  priests. 
Niclaes  seems  to  have  identified  the  coming  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ 
with  his  own  appearing  and  the  promised  kingdom  of  Christ  with 
the  House  of  Love.  He  believed  that  in  himself  God  and  Christ  had 
become  incarnate  and  that  his  followers  were  also  partakers  of  the 
divine  nature.  This  extreme  pantheism  could  hardly  have  failed  to 
lead  to  immoral  consequences  among  his  followers.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  Niclaes  laid  any  stress  on  the  rejection  of  infant  bap- 
tism. The  party  is  of  interest  chiefly  as  showing  the  tendency  of 
mediaeval  types  of  religious  thought  and  life  to  perpetuate  themselves. 

(5)  AnU-irinitarian  Anabapiists.  A  considerable  num- 
ber of  the  sounder  Anabaptists  of  the  various  types 
made  use  of  language  which  indicated  that  their  view  of 
the  person  of  Christ  fell  considerably  short  of  the  ortho- 
dox formula  (such  as  the  Nicene  and  Athanasian). 
Anabaptists  in  general  were  strongly  averse  to  the 
rigorous  doctrinal  definitions  of  the  Greek  and  Roman 
churches  and  preferred  the  simple  New  Testament  state- 
ments. Hetzer,  Denck,  Kautz,  and  BiJnderlin  closely 
approached  anti-trinitarianism.  Ambrose  Spitalmaier,  an 
Austrian  Anabaptist  leader,  taught  that  "  Christ  here  on 
earth  became  a  real,  essential  man,  such  as  we  are,  of 
flesh  and  blood,  a  son  of  Mary,  who  conceived  him,  how- 
ever, without   human    seed,  .  .  but   according    to    his 


1 88  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

deity  he  was  a  natural  son  of  God  from  eternity  to  eter- 
nity, born  in  the  paternal  heart  through  the  word." 
Yet  elsewliere  he  teaches  :  "  As  often  as  Christ  is  men- 
tioned in  Scripture  by  this  name  he  is  to  be  understood 
as  a  mere  man  with  flesh  and  blood,  corporeal  and  mor- 
tal as  ourselves  ;  therefore,  not  as  God  hut  as  a  man,  an 
'instrument  through  whom  God  hath  made  known  to  us 
his  word."  It  is  probable  that  the  Christology  of  most 
of  the  Anabaptist  teachers  was  Adoptionist,  like  that  of 
many  of  the  mediaeval  evangelicals. 

a.  Johannes  Campanus.^  Born  about  1495,  educated 
in  the  University  of  Cologne,  whence  he  was  expelled 
(1520)  because  of  his  opposition  to  the  scholastic 
teachers,  he  preached  for  some  time  as  a  Lutheran  in 
the  duchy  of  Julich,  where  he  enjoyed  the  favor  of  some 
of  the  nobility.  During  these  years  he  seems  to  have 
been  profoundly  influenced  by  a  party  of  semi-pantheis- 
tic freethinkers  that  was  strongly  represented  in  Ant- 
werp (1520  onward).  They  were  known  as  Libertines, 
or  Loists,  and  sometimes  as  Lutherans.  A  statement  of 
their  views  has  been  preserved.' 

They  were  strongly  Antinomian  in  their  tendency,  denying  the 
eternal  punishment  of  the  ungodly  and  insisting  tiiat  through 
Christ  all  men  will  finally  attain  to  salvation.  They  taught  that 
while  the  outer  man  is  disobedient  to  God  and  follows  the  lusts  of 
the  flesh  the  inner  man  cannot  sin  because  it  proceeds  from  God. 
As  therefore  the  flesh  must  sin,  so  the  spirit  cannot  sin.  The  right- 
eousness of  God  appears  in  punishing  eternally  with  death  the  outer 
man,  but  his  mercy  is  fulfilled  in  the  inner,  spiritual  man  which  is 
liberated  from  its  carnal  prison-house  and  returns  to  God  who  gave 
it. 

Among  the  other  tenets  of  these  Dutch  free  religionists  are  the 
following:  "We  live  in  the  age  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  After  the 
supremacy  of  the  Father  and  the  Son  comes  that  of  the  Tiiird  Per- 
son, the  Holy  Spirit,  .  .  the  Holy  Spirit  is  our  understanding; 
every  one  possesses  it,  therefore,  and  nobody  sins.  .  .  God  cannot 
sin,  and  sin  cannot  be  imputed  to  man,  since  his  understanding  does 
not  belong  to  him.  .  .  Since  God  cannot  condemn  himself,  so  also 
no  man  can  sin.  .  .  Every  one  must  be  justified,  even  Lucifer  (since 
Christ  made  satisfaction  for  all).  .  .  There  are  no  such  things  as 
purgatory  and  hell.  .  .  The  outer  man,  that  which  is  bestial  in  him. 


'  See  Rembert,  "  T>.  IVtedertaufer  tm  Hcrjogtum  Julich,"  Sett.  160-505  ;  Trechsel. 
"  O.  lAntitrttiitarier  vor  F.  Socinu!.."  Bd.  I.,  S«i/.  26-34  ;  and  Hegler  in  "  Hauck 
Herzog."  ?rd  Ed.,  BJ.  III.,  Sett.  6<)b-6q6. 

*  DOIlinger,  "  Beitr'age  {ur  Sectengeschicbte  d.  MitteUlters,"  Bd.  II.,  Seit  664-668. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  1 89 

is  damned;  the  manner  of  its  death,  .  .  is  the  real  hell.  This  part 
of  man  cannot  rise  again.  .  .  The  resurrection  is  the  return  of  all 
souls  to  God,  whence  they  proceeded.  .  .  Christ  moreover  rose  for 
all."i 

This  tvpe  of  teaching  was  probably  a  survival  from  mediaeval 
times  brought  into  aggressiveness  by  the  Lutheran  agitation  and  is 
said  to  have  been  widespread  in  Flanders  and  Brabant. 

The  influence  of  the  Erasmic  humanism  on  Campanus'  thinking 
must  have  been  considerable.  In  1527  he  accompanied  some  noble- 
men to  Wittenberg,  where  in  1528  he  was  registered  as  a  member  of 
the  university.  Here  he  gained  a  high  reputation  for  genius  and 
learning.  While  at  Wittenberg  became  in  close  contact  with  George 
Witzel,  wlio  had  been  a  zealous  Lutheran  but  had  returned  to  the 
Catholic  faith.  He  was  present  at  the  Marburg  Conference  (1529), 
where  he  opposed  Luther's  doctrine  of  the  Supper,  and  yet  was  not 
in  agreement  with  Zwingli. 

Campanus  interpreted  the  passage  "  This  is  my  body  " 
to  mean,  this  is  a  corporeal  substance  which  belongs  to 
me  as  its  creator.  Returning  to  Wittenberg  he  soon  fell 
into  suspicion  of  denying  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity. 
He  spent  much  time  with  Witzel  in  studying  the  church 
Fathers.  Both  Campanus  and  Witzel  had  been  strongly 
influenced  by  Erasmus  and  each  influenced  the  other  to 
a  considerable  extent.  It  would  be  interesting  to  show 
in  some  detail  the  direct  indebtedness  of  the  type  of 
Anabaptist  teaching  that  prevailed  so  largely  in  JiJlich 
and  the  surrounding  regions  to  Erasmus.^ 

Witzel  and  Campanus  agreed  (following  Erasmus)  that  the  Jeru- 
salem church  had  a  normative  importance  and  in  regarding  the  social 
life  of  their  time  as  out  of  harmony  with  the  spirit  of  Christianity  ; 
and  in  this  both  were  at  this  time  on  the  platform  of  the  Anabaptists. 
In  1531,  Witzel,  who  had  left  the  Lutherans  the  year  before,  ex- 
pressed his  strong  disapproval  of  a  new  church  and  his  earnest  de-, 
sire  to  return  to  a  true  apostolic  church.  "  The  apostolic  church 
flourished  to  the  times  of  Constantine  ;  from  that  time  onward  it  de- 
generated because  the  bishops  devoted  themselves  to  the  world." 
His  horror  of  schism  prevented  him  from  casting  in  his  lot  with  the 
Anabaptists  and  finally  led  to  his  return  to  the  Roman  Church  with 
the  hope  that  he  might  aid  in  reforming  it. 

Campanus  returned  to  Jiilich  (1531)  and  was  soon 
involved  in  bitter  controversy  with  the  Lutherans. 
Before  leaving  Wittenberg  he  had  broached  his   anti- 

1  See  extracts  from  documents  and  references  to  sources  in  Rembert,  "  D.  Wieder- 
taufer  injulich,"  Sett.  165-167. 

"This  has  been  admirably  done  by  Rembert  in  the  work  before  referred  to.  See 
his  index  under  "  Erasmus." 


igo  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

trinitarian  theory.  A  copy  of  an  anti-trinitarian  writing 
of  Ills  that  came  into  the  hands  of  Sebastian  Frank,  the 
freethinUing  mystic,  drew  forth  from  iiim  a  long  letter 
which  has  been  preserved. 

Frank  earnestly  sought  to  win  Campanus  to  still  more  radical 
views.  He  insisted  that  the  church  should  be  purely  spiritual,  all  ex- 
ternal forms  being  worse  than  useless.  The  churcii  became  apostate 
with  the  reign  of  Constantine,  all  the  church  Fathers  trom  Ambrose 
onward  being  apostles  of  antichrist.  No  one  has  a  right  v\  ithout  a 
special  call  to  restore  the  sacraments  or  to  gather  visible  churches. 
He  condemns  Protestants  and  Catholics  alike  for  placing  the  Old 
Testament  upon  a  level  with  the  New,  thereby  justifying  war,  oaths, 
magistracy,  tithes,  etc.,  which  are  against  the  will  uf  Christ.  He 
declares  that  no  one  in  all  Germany  is  truly  sent  and  called. 
He  sends  Campanus  a  copy  of  Bunderlin's  book  in  w  liich  he  seeks 
to  prove  that  water  baptism,  together  with  other  external  forms  used 
in  the  apostolic  churciies,  is  practised  in  the  present  time  without 
command  and  the  witness  of  Scripture,  inasmuch  as  the  church  is 
in  apostasy  and  will  remain  in  desolation  to  the  end.  He  approv- 
ingly calls  Campanus'  attention  to  Servetus'  anti-trinitarian  views. 
He  warns  him  against  binding  himself  down  so  much  to  the  letter 
of  Scripture.  "  Receive  nothing,  believe  nothing,  against  the  heart, 
constrained  thereunto  by  the  letter."  He  insists  that  everything 
learned  from  pope,  Luther,  or  Zwingli,  must  be  unlearned  or  freely 
changed. 

In  the  same  year  Campanus  published  his  writing 
"  Against  the  Whole  World  after  the  Apostles."  \n 
1532  appeared  his  "Restitution,"  which  constituted  an 
abbreviated  German  edition  of  the  former  work  pub- 
lished in  Latin. 

The  first  part  treats  of  the  Trinity.  The  personality  of  the  Holy 
Spirit  is  denied.  "  In  God  and  God's  form  are  two  persons  and  yet 
only  one  God  ;  .  .  if  Christ  calls  himself  one  with  the  Father  this 
unity  is  to  be  understood  of  a  divine  knitting  together  and  uniting  of 
two  persons  in  one  godiiead  as  man  and  wife  are  knit  together  in 
marriage  ;  .  .  that  the  Holy  Spirit  proceeds  from  God  is  thus  to  be 
understood.  As  a  flame  consists  in  itself  even  after  it  gives  its  heat 
from  itself  so  God  remains  in  his  essence  and  yet  works  where  and 
what  he  will.  God's  power  and  Spirit  are  one  thing."  He  sharply 
combats  Luther's  view  of  the  Son  as  having  his  being  in  and  of 
himself.  Derivation  from  another  is  of  the  very  essence  of  sonship. 
He  also  rejects  Luther's  and  Melanchthon's  theory  of  the  perpetual 
generation  of  the  Son.  "  God  begat  his  Son  for  his  own  glory.  He 
made  iiim  his  administrator  and  his  under-lord  in  order  to  show 
forth  his  effectuality,  power,  and  potentiality."  When  Christ  said, 
*'  The  Father  is  greater  than  I,"  he  meant  greater  not  according  to 
essence,  but  according  to  authority. 


CHAP.  1.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I9I 

He  expounds  anew  his  view  of  the  Supper,  controverting  those  of 
the  pope,  Luther,  and  Zwingli.  "  All  have  gone  astray  who  as 
great  men  have  written  on  this  question, — the  transubstantiation  of 
the  pope,  the  Synecdocha  of  Luther,  the  '  signify  '  with  Zwingli,— 
the  correct  interpretation  is  my  own."  He  attached  great  impor- 
tance to  his  chapter  on  baptism,  regarding  it  as  absolutely  funda- 
mental. He  lays  open  his  heart  and  mind  to  his  readers  and  applies 
all  his  powers  in  the  highest  degree  to  an  effort  to  put  it  in  a  proper 
light.  He  expresses  the  conviction  that  baptism,  as  he  expounds  it, 
is  more  important  than  Noah's  ark,  the  former  saving  the  soul,  the 
latter  only  the  body.  He  defines  baptism  as  dipping  in  the  water 
and  insists  that  it'is  applicable  only  to  believers.  A  right  under- 
standing of  the  significance  of  baptism  is  essential  to  saving  faith. 
"  No  one  can  believe  what  he  does  not  understand,  but  no  one 
knows  what  he  does  not  understand,  therefore,  one  must  first  know 
before  one  understands,  and  understand  before  one  can  believe." 
He  lays  the  utmost  stress  upon  the  necessity  of  baptism  as  an  act 
of  obedience  which  conditions  our  being  recognized  as  God's  chil- 
dren. 

For  a  time  Campanus'  polemics  against  Luther  and 
his  followers  won  for  him  the  support  of  the  Catholics  of 
Jialich  and  the  adjoining  provinces.  Under  his  influence 
a  number  of  well-educated  and  earnest  ministers,  such 
as  Roll,  Vinne,  Klopriss,  Staprade,  etc.,  who  ended  their 
career  as  MiJnster  fanatics,  passed  from  Erasmic  Cathol- 
icism to  an  eclectic  Protestantism,  and  from  this  to  mod- 
erate Anti-pedobaptism. 

From  Campanus'  general  mode  of  thinking  it  might  have  been 
expected  that  he  would  be  free  from  vain  theorizing  regarding  times 
and  seasons.  But  he  was  as  much  given  as  Hofmann  to  figuring  out 
the  dates  of  the  fulfillment  of  prophecy,  and  he  believed  the  time  of 
the  restitution  of  all  things  was  at  hand  :  hence  the  title  of  the  book. 
His  influence  was  diminished  after  the  Miinster  kingdom,  in  which, 
however,  he  took  no  part.  He  was  thrown  into  prison  about  1555, 
where  he  died  about  twenty  years  later. 

b.  Michael  Servetiis}  Born  in  Spain,  probably  at 
Tudela  (about  1509),  of  well-to-do  parents  (his  mother 
is  said  to  have  been  French)  ;  educated  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Saragossa,  where  he  became  skilled  in  the  classi- 
cal  languages,  scholastic   philosophy,   mathematics,   as- 

*  See  Mosheim,  "  Gesch.  d.  bcruhmten  Span.  Ar:(tes  M.  Serveto,"  1748,  and  "  Neue 
Nachrtchten  von  Ser-veto,"  1750  ;  Trechsel,  "  Mtch.  Servetusu.  s.  Vorganger  " ;  Saisset, 
"  Mtch.  Servet  "  {"  Rev.  d.  Deux  A/ow./ss,"  1848) ;  Tollin,  "  Characterbild  M.  Servets," 
and  "  D.  Lchnystem  M.  Servets  " ;  Willis,  "  Servetus  and  Calvin."  Only  two  copies 
of  the  original  edition  of  the  "  Chrislianismi  Restitutio  "  are  known  to  exist  ;  but  an 
exact  reprint  was  published  in  i7qo. 


192  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

tronomy,  and  geography  ;  trained  in  law  at  the  Univer- 
sity of  Toulouse,  where  also  he  devoted  considerable 
attention  to  theology  and  especially  to  biblical  studies, 
he  seems  to  have  turned  against  the  Catholic  faith  before 
he  entered  the  court  of  Charles  V.,  as  secretary  of  Quin- 
tana,  the  emperor's  confessor  (1529).  In  this  latter 
capacity  he  traveled  widely  in  Italy  and  Germany,  get- 
ting an  inside  view  of  ecclesiastical  corruption  and  com- 
ing into  close  contact  with  several  of  the  leading  Re- 
formers. He  was  present  at  the  Diet  of  Augsburg  (1530). 
Leaving  the  imperial  court  shortly  afterward  he  visited 
Basel,  where  he  was  much  with  CEcoIampadius,  with 
whom  he  discussed  the  Trinity,  the  person  of  Christ, 
etc.  Early  in  1531  he  published  at  Basel  and  Strasburg 
his  "  Errors  of  the  Trinity."  While  in  Strasburg  he 
became  acquainted  with  Bucer,  Capito,  and  others. 

From  a  vouth  of  twenty  his  first  work  is  remarkable  for  learning 
and  argumentative  power.  It  was  sharply  criticised  by  the  leading 
theologians  (Luther,  Bucer,  Melanchthon,'etc.),  and  its  author  was 
generally  regarded  as  a  dangerous  heretic.  Yet  Melanchthon  and 
Capito  were  free  to  confess  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  involved 
very  grave  difficulties  and  tlie  former  thought  it  unprofitable  to  in- 
quii-e  too  curiously  into  the  ideas  and  differences  of  tlie  divine  persons. 

In  1532  he  entered  the  University  of  Paris  under  a 
new  name  (Villeneuve).  Here  he  studied  with  great 
zeal  mathematics,  physics,  and  medicine.  In  1534  he 
came  in  contact  with  John  Calvin,  who  had  recently 
embraced  the  Protestant  faith.  The  two  compared 
views  and  were  on  the  point  of  holding  a  public  disputa- 
tion ;  but  Servetus  thought  it  more  prudent  to  break  the 
engagement.  The  next  two  years  (i 534-1 536)  he  spent 
at  Lyons,  where  he  edited  Ptolemy's  geographical  works 
(1535)  and  published  a  number  of  medical  and  astrologi- 
cal tracts.  Returning  to  Paris  in  1536  he  soon  secured 
the  degrees  of  M.  A.  and  M.  D.,  and  was  able  to  offer 
courses  of  lectures  on  Ptolemy's  geography  and  on 
astrology. 

He  is  said  to  have  derived  considerable  income  from  the  casting  of 
horoscopes.  In  1538,  he  was  charged  bv  the  medical  faculty  with 
violating  the  statutes  by  lecturing  on  and  practising  divination.  He 
was  ordered  to  w  ithdraw  from  circulation  his  astrological  works  and 
to  avoid  in  his  lectures  all  illegal  phases  of  astrological  lore. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I93 

He  left  Paris  soon  afterward  and  after  a  short  residence 
at  Chariieu,  he  settled  at  Vienne,  where  he  enjoyed  the 
protection  of  the  archbishop,  a  former  fellow-student. 
Here  he  was  engaged  chiefly  in  literary  work,  bringing 
out  a  new  edition  of  Ptolemy  (1541)  and  an  annotated 
edition  of  Pagnini's  Latin  Bible,  in  which  he  made  con- 
stant use  of  the  Hebrew  language  and  showed  himself  a 
biblical  critic  of  no  m.ean  order  (1542). 

By  1 541  he  seems  to  have  reached  the  conviction  that 
baptism,  which  he  called  the  laver  of  regeneration,  should 
not  be  received  until  the  thirtieth  year,  after  the  ex- 
ample of  Christ.  Before  this  age  "  no  one  is  a  fit  recipi- 
ent of  that  which  gives  the  kingdom  of  heaven  to  man." 

In  his  "  Restitution  of  Christianity"  (1553)  he  says:  "  Pedobap- 
tism  is  a  detestable  abomination,  an  extinction  of  the  Holy  Spirit  in 
the  soul  of  man,  a  dissolution  of  the  Church  of  Christ,  a  confusion 
of  the  whole  Christian  faith,  an  innovation  whereby  Christ  is  set 
aside  and  his  kingdom  trodden  under  foot.  Woe  to  you,  ye  baptiz- 
ers  of  infancy,  for  ye  close  the  kingdom  of  heaven  against  mankind 
— the  kingdom  of  heaven  into  which  ye  neither  enter  yourselves,  nor 
suffer  others  to  enter — woe  !  woe  !  "  He  stigmatized  infant  baptism 
as  "  a  figment  of  Satan,"  "  a  figment  of  antichrist,"  etc. 

He  laid  so  much  stress  upon  believers'  baptism  as  to  insist  that  of 
two  catechumens,  the  one  receiving  baptism  and  the  other  dying 
without  it,  the  former  would  be  saved  and  the  latter  lost ;  yet  he 
regarded  personal  faith  as  an  indispensable  prerequisite  to  valid 
baptism.  His  idea  of  the  act  of  baptism  was  that  the  candidate 
should  kneel  in  the  water  and  the  administrator  should  pour  water 
upon  his  head. 

His  view  of  the  Supper  Involved  the  sharpest  con- 
demnation of  the  Papal,  Lutheran,  and  Calvinistic.  His 
theory  is  not  easy  to  define,  being  tinged  with  his  pan- 
theistic mode  of  thought,  and  some  of  his  expressions 
seeming  to  involve  a  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  re- 
sembling the  Lutheran. 

From  1546  to  1553  he  carried  on  a  correspondence 
with  Calvin  wherein  he  irritated  the  great  theologian 
beyond  measure  by  his  harsh  criticism  and  his  raising  of 
difficult  questions.  Despairing  of  removing  his  difficulties 
Calvin  at  last  sent  him  a  copy  of  his  "  Institutes  "  as  a  full 
statement  of  his  views.  Servetus  returned  it  annotated 
with  the  most  ill-natured  criticisms.  "  There  is  hardly 
a   page,"  wrote    Calvin,    "  that   is    not   defiled    by  his 

N 


194  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

vomit."     In   1533,   he  published   his  greatest  and    last 
work  "  Christianismi  Restitutio." 

The  introduction  begins:  "  The  task  we  have  set  ourselves  here 
is  truly  sublime;  for  it  is  no  less  than  to  make  God  known  in  his 
substantial  manifestation  by  tiie  word  and  his  divine  communication 
by  the  Spirit,  both  comprised  in  Christ,  tiimugh  whom  alone  do 
we  learn  how  the  divineness  of  the  word  and  the  Spirit  may  be 
apprehended  in  man.  .  .  It  is  high  time  that  tiie  door  leading  to 
knowledge  of  this  time  were  opened  ;  for  otherwise  no  one  can  either 
know  God  truly,  read  the  Scriptures  aright,  or  be  a  Christian." 
His  invocation  to  Christ  is  eloquent  and  devout :  "  O  Christ  Jesus, 
Son  of  God,  Thou  Who  wast  given  to  us  from  heaven.  Thou  Who 
in  Thyself  makest  Deity  visibly  manifest,  1,  Thy  servant,  now 
proclaim  Thee,  that  so  great  a  manifestation  may  be  made  known  to 
all.  Grant,  then,  to  thy  petitioner  Thy  good  Spirit  and  Thy  effectual 
Speech  ;  guide  Thou  his  mind  and  his  pen  that  he  may  worthily  de- 
clare the  glory  of  Thy  Divinity.  .  .  The  cause  indeed  is  Thine,  for 
by  a  certain  divine  impulse  it  is  that  1  am  led  to  speak  of  Thy  glory 
from  the  Father.  In  former  days  did  1  begin  to  treat  of  this,  and 
again  do  1  enter  upon  it ;  for  now  am  I  to  be  made  known  to  all  the 
pious ;  now  truly  are  the  days  complete,  as  appears  from  the  cer- 
tainty of  the  thing  itself  and  the  visible  signs  of  the  times.  The 
light.  Thou  hast  said,  is  not  to  be  hidden  ;  so  woe  to  me  if  I  do  not 
evangelize." 

As  it  was  Servetus'  teachings  regarding  the  Godhead 
and  his  Christology  that  furnished  the  chief  ground  for 
his  condemnation  as  a  heretic,  it  seems  important  that 
this  aspect  of  his  teaching  be  somewhat  carefully  set 
forth.  It  may  be  premised  that  his  reverence  for  the 
Scriptures  was  unbounded.  From  the  invocation  quoted 
above  (and  similar  utterances  abound)  it  is  evident  that 
it  was  far  from  his  intention  to  dishonor  or  degrade  Jesus, 
whom  he  recognized  as  in  the  fullest  sense  Lord  and 
Saviour.  That  the  divine  Logos  was  in  the  beginning, 
was  with  God,  and  was  God,  he  believed  with  all  his 
heart ;  and  that  the  Logos  became  flesh  in  the  Person 
of  Christ  and  wrought  atonement  for  sinful  man,  was 
the  ground  of  his  liope  and  trust.  He  differed  from  the 
orthodox  theologians  of  the  Nicene  and  following  ages  in 
denying  emphatically  that  the  preincarnate  Logos  was 
Son  of  God.  Sonship  began  when  Jesus  was  begotten 
of  Mary  by  the  Holy  Spirit. 

There  is  a  strong  pantheistic  strain  in  his  discussion  of  the  God- 
head, the  neo-Platonic  and  Arabic-Jewish  philosophy  being  at  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I95 

basis  of  his  conceptions.  Father,  Son,  and  Spirit  are  simply  mani- 
festations of  Godhead  under  various  conditions  and  for  various  pur- 
poses. As  already  suggested,  he  heartily  believed  in  the  supernatural 
birth,  resurrection,  ascension,  and  glorification  of  Jesus,  the  Messiah, 
to  whom  all  power  in  heaven  and  on  earth  have  been  given  and 
upon  whom  we  are  absolutely  dependent  for  eternal  life. 

It  was  the  fanatical  zeal  with  which  he  urged  his  own 
dogmas  as  exclusively  Christian  and  denounced  those  of 
his  opponents  as  utterly  absurd  and  destructive  of  Chris- 
tianity, that  caused  him  to  be  regarded  as  a  pestilential 
heretic  worthy  only  of  the  flames.  The  current  trinita- 
rian  doctrine  he  denounced  as  a  "three-headed  Cer- 
berus," and  its  advocates,  as  the  enemies  of  Christ. 

When  we  remember  that  Calvin,  in  consistency  with 
his  theocratic  ideas,  was  intolerant  on  principle,  and  take 
into  account  the  pertinacity  with  which  Servetus  had  for 
years  pressed  upon  him  his  erratic  views  and  denounced 
him  as  a  hypocrite,  a  disciple  of  antichrist,  and  a  propa- 
gator of  the  most  dangerous  errors,  it  is  not  much  to  be 
wondered  at  that  when  he  received  a  complimentary 
copy  of  the  "  C/rristiaiiismi  Restitutio"  he  should  have 
felt  prompted  to  put  even  the  Roman  Catholic  authorities 
in  the  way  of  seizing  the  abominated  author,  or  that 
when  Servetus,  with  an  infatuation  hard  to  be  explained, 
came  to  Geneva,  Calvin  should  have  used  his  influence 
to  secure  his  arrest,  condemnation,  and  execution. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  Servetus  had  hoped  by  secret  negotiations 
to  secure  such  support  from  Calvin's  opponents  as  would  lead  to  his 
overthrow  and  make  Geneva  a  suitable  field  for  the  propagation  of 
his  own  views.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  few  even  of  Calvin's  most 
bitter  opponents  felt  themselves  at  one  with  Servetus  or  cared  to  put 
forth  effort  to  save  him  from  his  fate. 

On  October  27,  1553,  having  with  rare  courage  refused 
to  withdraw  his  objectionable  teachings,  he  was  burned 
at  the  stake  along  with  his  books.  After  writhing  in  the 
flames  for  half  an  hour,  he  cried  aloud,  "  Jesus,  thou  Son 
of  the  eternal  God,  have  compassion  upon  me  !  "  and 
gave  up  the  ghost.  The  leading  Reformers  of  Germany 
and  Switzerland  heartily  commended  Calvin  and  the 
Genevan  Council  for  ridding  the  world  of  one  who  was 
regarded  as  an  arch-enemy  of  the  truth. 


196  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

c.  The  Italian  Anahaplisis.  Northern  Italy  had  been  a 
center  of  old  evangelical  life  and  thought  during  the 
media?val  time.  Humanism  had  blended  therewith  for 
the  production  of  a  type  of  religious  liberalism  out  of 
which  anti-trinitarian  anti-pedobaptism  might  readily 
arise.  In  1546,  or  earlier,  we  meet  with  a  college  or  club 
of  freethinkers  at  Vicenza,  in  the  republic  of  Venice. 
Luther's  writings  had  been  widely  circulated  among  edu- 
cated Italian  liberals,  but  so  far  as  we  know  had  produced 
no  Italian  Lutherans.  The  writings  of  the  Swiss  Reform- 
ers met  with  greater  acceptance,  but  few  Italians  were 
able  to  accept  fully  and  permanently  even  this  more 
humanistic  type  of  Protestantism.  Owing  to  their  men- 
tal idiosyncrasies  and  their  intellectual  and  spiritual  an- 
tecedents, there  seems  to  have  been  an  irresistible  ten- 
dency among  Italian  anti-Catholic  thinkers  toward  still 
more  radical  modes  of  thought. 

Among  the  earliest  and  ablest  of  the  Italian  radicals 
was  Camillo  Renato,  who  in  a  controversy  with  the 
Zwinglian  Meinardo  repudiated  baptism  received  "  under 
the  pope  and  antichrist  "  and  denied  that  infant  baptism 
was  in  accord  with  "  the  doctrine  of  the  gospel."  He 
laid  great  emphasis  on  regeneration,  which  transforms 
our  nature  and  constitutes  us  children  of  God  and  heirs 
of  eternal  life.  He  labored  with  zeal  over  a  wide  territory 
during  the  years  1542-1545.  Of  still  more  importance 
was  Tiziano,  whom  we  first  meet  as  a  zealous  propa- 
gandist of  radical  views  about  1547  or  1548.  He  is  said 
to  have  insisted  on  believers'  baptism,  rejected  magis- 
tracy, maintained  the  symbolical  and  memorial  nature 
of  the  sacraments,  exalted  the  Scriptures  as  supremely 
authoritative,  and  denounced  the  Roman  Church  as  anti- 
Christian  and  devilish. 

By  1550  forty  or  more  Anti-pedobaptist  churches  in 
northern  Italy  and  the  contiguous  parts  of  Switzerland 
and  Austria  were  in  fellowship  and  enjoyed  the  periodi- 
cal visitations  of  a  general  superintendent.  At  this  time 
a  convention  was  called  to  settle  the  question  "  whether 
Christ  is  God  or  man."  About  sixty  delegates,  two 
being  the  limit  for  each  church,  assembled  at  Venice. 
Among  them  were  Tiziano,  Iseppo  of  Asola,  Manelfi, 
Celio  Secundo  Curio,  Francesco  Negri,  Hieronimo  Buzano 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  I97 

(an  ex-abbot),  and  a  number  of  others  who  were  to  be- 
come famous  liberal  leaders.  Thrice  during  the  meeting 
the  Lord's  Supper  was  solemnly  celebrated.  The  Old 
and  New  Testament  Scriptures  were  accepted  as  the 
fundamental  authority.  The  members  seemed  deeply 
concerned  to  get  at  the  exact  truth.  Yet  their  conclusions 
,  were  as  remote  from  evangelical  orthodoxy  as  we  can  well 
conceive. 

According  to  Manelfi,  who  afterward  returned  to  the  Roman 
Church  and  betrayed  his  brethren  to  the  Inquisition,  the  conference 
reached  the  following  conclusions:  (i)  Christ  is  not  God  but  man, 
begotten  by  Joseph  of  Mary,  but  full  of  all  divine  powers.  (2)  Mary 
afterward  bore  other  sons  and  daughters.  (3)  There  are  no  angels 
as  a  special  class  of  beings ;  where  Scripture  speaks  of  angels,  it 
means  servants— that  is,  men  sent  by  God  for  definite  purposes. 
(4)  There  is  onlv  one  devil,  namely,  human  prudence.  By  the  ser- 
pent who,  according  to  Moses'  account,  seduced  Eve,  notliing  else 
than  this  is  to  be  understood.  (5)  1  he  godless  are  not  to  be 
awakened  at  the  last  day,  but  only  the  elect,  whose  Head  Christ  has 
been.  (6)  There  is  no  other  hell  than  the  grave.  (7)  If  the  elect 
die,  they  slumber  till  the  day  of  judgment,  when  they  shall  all  be 
awakened.  (8)  The  souls  of  the  godless  pass  into  dissolution  with 
their  bodies  just  as  in  the  case  of  the  beasts,  (g)  Human  seed  has 
from  God  the  capacity  to  propagate  flesh  and  spirit.  (10)  The  elect 
are  justified  through  God's  eternal  mercy  and  love,  without  any  sort 
of  external  work,  that  is,  without  the  merit,  blood,  and  death  of 
Christ. 

Manelfi,  who  as  a  zealous  itinerant  preacher  was 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  ministers  and  churches 
of  the  connection  and  with  their  manner  of  work  and 
devices  for  concealment,  put  all  of  his  information  at  the 
disposal  of  the  hiquisition  (1551).  The  Italian  congre- 
gations were  all  dispersed.  Many  were  seized  and  exe- 
cuted.    Others  fled  to  Moravia  and  Poland. 

Among  those  who  found  their  home  among  the  Moravian  Ana- 
baptists were  Giulio  Gherlandi,  who  had  been  educated  for  the 
Catholic  priesthood  and  had  been  converted  to  Anti-pedobaptist 
views,  and  Francesco  della  Saga,  who  had  been  educated  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Padua  and  had  been  converted  by  a  pious  artisan.  Both 
of  these  able  men  had  been  cured  of  their  a'nti-trinitarian  errors  by 
their  association  with  the  Moravians,  and  were  sent  by  their  brethren 
as  missionaries  to  warn  their  Italian  friends  against  "  that  pestilen- 
tial error,"  denial  of  the  deity  of  Christ,  and  to  invite  them  to  mi- 
grate to  Moravia.  On  Gherlandi's  second  visit  ( 1559),  he  was  seized 
by  the  officers  of  the  Inquisition,  bearing  on  his  person  lists  of  the 
Anti-pedobaptists  in  the  various  communities  where  they  survived. 


19S  A  AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

This  led  to  tlie  arrest  and  punishment  of  many  of  the  unhappy 
people.  Gherlandi  was  condeinned  to  death  by  drowning  (October, 
1562).  His  confession  of  faith  constitutes  o'ne  of  tiie  best  state- 
ments we  have  of  soundly  evangelical  Anabaptist  teaching.  Fran- 
cesco della  Saga  was  arrested  on  a  similar  mission  in  1 562.  His  con- 
fession and  his  letters  to  his  brethren  in  Moravia  and  to  members  of 
his  own  family  are  also  in  harmony  with  the  highest  and  purest 
tvpe  of  Anabaptist  teaching.  He  was  condemned  to  drowning  in 
1565. 

d.  Polish  Anabaptists.  Italy  and  Poland,  though  geo- 
graphically remote  from  each  other,  were  closely  asso- 
ciated in  religious  life  and  thought.  The  Hussite  move- 
ment had  exerted  a  strong  influence  in  Poland,  and  many 
of  the  nobles  were  tolerant  and  e\angelically  disposed. 
Many  highly  educated  Italian  freethinkers  found  protec- 
tion and  employment  there.  Lutherans,  Reformed,  Bo- 
hemian Brethren,  Anabaptists,  and  anti-trinitarians  ex- 
isted in  considerable  numbers,  and  each  party  had  its 
special  favorers  among  the  nobility.  L^elius  Socinus,  a 
highly-educated  Italian  noble,  who  had  been  closely  as- 
sociated with  Camillo  Renato  and  was  himself  suspected 
of  Anti-pedobaptist  views,  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the 
anti-trinitarian  movement  in  Poland  (c.  1555).  Peter 
Gonesius,  a  Pole,  who  had  studied  at  Wittenberg  and  in 
Switzerland,  returned  to  Poland  about  this  time  and 
zealously  propagated  his  views.  He  denounced  the  Ni- 
cene  and  Athanasian  creeds  as  human  fictions  and  de- 
nied the  consubstantiality  of  the  Son  with  the  Father. 
In  1558  he  sought  to  convince  the  Reformed  synod  that 
infant  baptism  is  neither  scriptural,  ancient,  Christian, 
nor  reasonable."  His  views  met  with  wide  acceptance 
among  nobles  and  ministers.  His  chief  supporter  in  the 
propagation  of  Anti-pedobaptist  views  was  Martin  Czecho- 
witz,  who  wrote  a  valuable  polemic  against  infant  bap- 
tism. The  most  influential  propagator  of  the  anti-trini- 
tarian side  of  Gonesius'  teaching  was  George  Biandrata. 
Among  the  most  zealous  of  the  anti-trinitarian  Anabap- 
tist leaders  was  Gregorius  Paulus,  of  Cracow. 

John  a  Lasco  charges  Gregorius  Paulus  not  only  with  thundering 
against  God's  essence  and  trinity,  but  as  madiv  denying  "  that  in- 
fants ought  to  be  admitted  to  baptism  as  the  fountain  of  life  and  the 

*  Foch,  "  Dcr  Socinianismiii,"  BJ.  I.,  Scil.  145.  stq. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  igg 

door  of  the  church,"  and  insisting  on  believers'  baptism.  After  in- 
structing them  in  his  principles,  "  he  leads  them  to  the  river  and  im- 
merses them."  The  same  writer  distinguishes  between  the  relig- 
ious condition  of  Greater  Poland,  where  the  "  Waldensian  Brethren  " 
are  resisting  heresy,  and  Lesser  Poland,  where  anti-trinitarianism 
and  Anti-pedobaptism  were  prevalent. 

By  1574  the  anti-trinitarian  party  had  become  strong 
and  well  organized  in  Poland  and  Siebenbiirgen,  and  a 
catechism  was  set  forth  in  which  baptism  is  restricted  to 
believers  and  is  defined  as 

The  immersion  in  water  and  the  emersion  of  a  person  who  be- 
lieves the  gospel  and  repents,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Spirit,  or  in  the  name  of  Christ  only,  whereby  he  publicly  pro- 
fesses that  by  the  grace  of  God  the  Father,  in  the  blood  of  Christ, 
through  the  operation  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  he  is  washed  of  all  his  sins, 
in  order  that  being  inserted  into  the  body  of  Christ  he  may  mortify 
the  old  Adam  and  be  transformed  into  that  heavenly  Adam,  with 
the  assurance  that  after  the  resurrection  he  will  attain  to  eternal  life.^ 

Faustus  Socinus  (b.  1539),  the  great  theological  leader 
of  the  anti-trinitarians  of  Poland,  denied  that  the  ordi- 
nance of  baptism  was  of  perpetual  obligation,  and  refus- 
ing to  submit  to  believers'  baptism,  lived  during  most 
of  his  career  outside  of  the  fellowship  of  the  churches 
that  in  other  respects  embodied  his  teachings.  Yet  in 
the  Racovian  Catechism  (composed  about  1590,  first  is- 
sued in  1605),  in  whose  preparation  he  had  a  large  share, 
baptism  is  defined  to  be 

A  rite  of  initiation  whereby  men,  after  admitting  his  doctrine  and 
embracing  faith  in  him,  are  bound  to  Christ  and  planted  among  his 
disciples,  or  in  his  church  ;  renouncing  the  world,  with  its  manners 
and  errors,  and  professing  that  they  have  for  their  sole  leader  and 
master  in  religion,  and  in  the  whole  of  their  lives  and  conversations, 
the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Spirit,  who  spoke  by  the  apostles; 
declaring,  and,  as  it  were,  representing  by  their  very  ablution,  im- 
mersion, and  emersion,  that  they  design  to  rid  themselves  of  the 
pollution  of  their  sins,  to  bury  themselves  with  Christ,  and  there- 
fore to  die  with  him,  and  rise  again  to  newness  of  life;  binding 
themselves  down  in  order  that  they  may  do  this  in  reality ;  and  at 
the  same  time,  after  making  this  profession  and  laying  themselves 
under  this  obligation,  receiving  the  symbol  and  the  sign  of  the  re- 
mission of  their  sins  and  so  far  receiving  the  remission  itself.  .  .  It 
does  not  pertain  to  infants,  since  we  have  in  the  Scriptures  no  com- 
mand for,  nor  any  example  of,  infant  baptism,  nor  are  they  as  yet 

Foch,  "  Der  Socinianismus,"  Sett.  152,  seq. 


2(X>  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

capable,  as  the  thing  itself  shows,  of  the  faith  in  Christ  which  ought 
to  precede  this  rite  and  which  men  profess  by  this  rite. 

In  answer  to  the  question:  "What,  then,  is  to  be 
thought  of  those  who  baptize  infants  ?  " 

You  cannot  correctly  say  that  they  baptize  infants.  For  they  do 
not  baptize  them — since  this  cannot  be  done  without  the  immersion 
and  ablution  of  the  whole  body  in  water ;  whereas  they  only  lightly 
sprinkle  their  heads — this  rite  being  not  only  erroneously  applied  to 
infants,  but  also  through  this  mistake  evidently  changed.    • 

Yet  the  authors  of  the  catechism  were  not  disposed 
to  make  the  rejection  of  infant  baptism  a  term  of  com- 
munion. 

Nevertheless,  Christian  charity  incites  us,  until  the  truth  shall 
more  and  more  appear,  to  tolerate  this  error  now  so  inveterate  and 
common,  especially  as  it  concerns  a  ritual  observance  in  persons 
who,  in  other  respects,  live  piously  and  do  not  persecute  those  who 
renounce  this  error. 

VI.  THE  CALVIMSTIC  REFORMATION, 

LITERATURE:  Calvin's  Works  (best  edition  that  of  Baum, 
Cunitz,  Reuss,  Lobstein,  and  Erickson,  Braunschweig,  1863  on- 
ward. About  sixty  volumes  have  appeared,  and  the  work  is  still  in 
progress);  vvorks'in  English  in  fitty-three  volumes,  Edinburgh; 
Bonnet,  '^  Ldtres  de  J.  Cj/r;'« "  ( also  Eng.  transl.);  Herminjard, 
"  Correspondance  des  Reformateurs  dans  les  Pays  de  Langue  franqaise" 
1866  onward  (nine  volumes  have  appeared,  embracing  corres- 
pondence to  1544);  '' Mhnoires  el  Documents  de  la  Soc.  d'Htst.  et 
d'/ircheol.  de  Geneve'' ;  Farel's  Works;  "■"Bulletin  de  I'Histotre  du 
Protest.  France''  ;  Beza,  "  Life  of  Calvin  "  ;  Henry,  "  Das  Leben  J. 
Cah'ins"  (English  trans,  with  Documents  omitted.'  This  is  a  very 
important  work,  but  possibly  too  appreciative);  Geffcken,  "  Ch. 
and  State";  Dyer,  "  Life  of  ,J.  Calvin";  Willis,  "Calvin  and 
Servetus";  Baum,  "  7//.  Be^a"  ;  D'Aubigne,  "Hist,  of  the  Re- 
formation in  the  Time  of  Calvin";  Guizot,  "St.  Louis  and  Cal- 
vin" ;  Baird,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Rise  of  the  Huguenots  of  France"  ; 
Cunningham,  "Reformers  and  Theology  of  the  Reformation"; 
Schaff,  "  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,'"  Vol.  VII.,  pp.  223-882 
(this  is  the  best  work  of  the  author,  and  constitutes  one  of  the  most 
complete  and  most  trustworthy  accounts  of  the  movement)  ;  Roget, 
^^  Hist,  du  Peuple  de  Geneve  depiiis  la  R'tforme  jusqua  I'Escadade," 
seven  volumes,  1S70-1883  ;  Doumergue,  '"Jean  Calvin,  les  Hommes  et 
les  C/ioses  de  son  Temps  "  (splendid  illustrated  work  in  five  volumes, 
still  appearing);  Buisson,  "' Seh.  Castellio,"  two  volumes,  1892; 
Xshn,"'  Studien  i'tber  J.  Calvin,"  1894;  Cornelius,  "  Historisclie  /fr- 
heiten,"  Seit.  105-557;  articles  on  Calvin,  Farel,  Viret,  Geneva, 
etc.,  in  Lichtenberger,  Hauck-Herzog,  and  Schaff-Herzog  ;  Hagen- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  201 

bach,  "  History  of  the  Reformation  "  ;  Galli,  "  THe  Luther,  u.  Cal- 
vin, Kirchenstrafen  "  ;  Kampschulte,  "_/•  Calvvi's  Kirche  u.  seine  Staat 
in  Genf^^ ;  Tissot,  "  Les  Relations  entre  l^Eglise  et  I'Etat  a  Geneve  au 
Temps  de  Calvin''''  ;  Stahelin,  "_/•  Calvin;  Leben  u.  Ausgew'dlte  Schrif- 
ten,''  1863. 

I.  Characteristics  of  the  Calvinistic  Reformation. 

The  Calvinistic  Reformation  may  be  regarded  (i)  as  a 
continuation  of  Zvvinglianism  ;  (2)  as  a  gathering  up  of 
the  vital  elements  of  Zwinglianism  and  Lutheranism 
with  a  tendency  and  design  to  mediate  between  the  two 
and  to  unite  the  Protestant  forces  ;  (3)  as  in  many  re- 
spects an  original  movement, 

Calvin,  beginning  his  work  at  Geneva  (1536),  had  the 
benefit  of  nearly  twenty  years  of  Protestant  experience 
and  prestige.  Had  his  ability  been  no  greater  than  that 
of  Zwingli  and  Luther,  he  might  yet  have  been  expected 
to  improve  upon  their  reformatory  efforts. 

(i)  Though  he  built  upon  Zwinglian  foundations,  Cal- 
vin was  far  from  being  a  Zwinglian.  He  had  little  esteem 
for  Zwingli — much  for  Luther.  Zwingli  was  liberalistic, 
humanistic,  Erasmic.  His  theology  was  not  Augustinian. 
On  election,  original  sin,  baptismal  regeneration,  the 
salvation  of  pious  heathen,  etc.,  Zwingli  fell  far  short  of 
the  Augustinian-Caivinistic  rigor.  Zwingli  had  not 
scrupled  to  carry  on  his  reformation  in  subserviency  to 
the  civil  authorities.  Calvin  rejected  such  subserviency 
unconditionally.  The  church  must  not  only  not  be  de- 
pendent on  the  State,  it  must  rule  the  State. 

(2)  Partly  consciously,  partly  unconsciously,  Calvin- 
ism was  a  mediation  between  Lutheranism  and  Zwingli- 
anism— as  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  chief  point  of  dis- 
pute between  the  two  parties.  Zwinglianism  had  never 
been  highly  popular,  and  had  lost  much  in  territory  and 
vigor  ;  Lutheranism  was  becoming  more  and  more  dog- 
matic and  intolerant.  Calvinism  soon  regained  what 
Zwinglianism  had  lost,  and  made  important  inroads  upon 
Lutheran  and  Roman  Catholic  territory,  winning  over 
Melanchthon,  the  great  scholar  of  Lutheranism,  and  ex- 
tending its  influence,  not  only  throughout  Protestant 
Germany,  the  Netherlands,  and  England,  but  into  Ro- 
man Catholic  France,  Scotland,  etc. 


202  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(3)  Calvinism  had  the  following  advantages  over 
Lutheranism  and  Zwinglianism  : 

a.  As  compared  with  Lutheranism,  (j)  It  was  more 
thoroughly  evangelical,  being  hampered  by  no  ecclesias- 
tical realism  ;  {b)  it  was  far  more  consistent  in  its  theol- 
ogy and  its  church  polity  ;  {c)  Christian  life  was  empha- 
sized more,  and  the  hundreds  of  young  men  that  went 
forth  from  Calvin's  training  were  filled  with  a  spirit  of 
self-sacrifice  and  evangelical  zeal  unknown  among  Wit- 
tenberg students  ;  {d)  Calvinism  was  less  national  and 
more  catholic  in  spirit  than  Lutheranism  ;  (e)  Calvinism 
respected  and  utilized,  while  Lutheranism  and  Zwingli- 
anism drove  forth,  in  the  form  of  Anabaptism,  etc.,  most 
of  the  intense  religious  zeal  developed  through  its  in- 
fluence. 

b.  As  compared  with  Zwinglianism,  {a)  It  had  an  in- 
comparably greater  leader  ;  {b)  whereas  Zwinglianism 
put  itself  into  a  polemical  attitude  toward  Lutheranism, 
Calvinism  was  irenical  in  its  tendency  ;  {c)  the  relig- 
ious earnestness  and  moral  rigor  of  Calvinism  shine 
forth  as  conspicuously  in  comparison  with  Zwinglianism 
as  in  comparison  with  Lutheranism  ;  {d)  Calvinism  car- 
ried out  thoroughly  what  was  only  feebly  attempted  by 
Zwinglianism  and  not  at  all  by  Lutheranism — church 
discipline. 

(4)  It  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  these  differences  are 
due  not  exclusively  to  Calvin's  mental  and  moral  supe- 
riority, but  almost  as  much  to  circumstances  of  time  and 
place.  The  political  condition  and  the  geographical  sit- 
uation of  Geneva  were  most  favorable  for  the  success 
of  Calvin's  experiment,  yet  only  Calvin  could  have  suc- 
ceeded there. 

2.  Characterisation  of  John  Calvin. 

A  Frenchman  by  birth  and  education,  yet  early 
brought  into  relations  to  Swiss  and  German  Protestant 
thought ;  educated  in  Roman  law  and  thereby  trained  for 
his  task  of  organizing  Protestant  doctrine  and  ecclesias- 
tical life  ;  not  deficient  in  philological  learning  ;  aristocrat- 
ical  by  nature  and  training;  fitted  to  be  a  leader  of  men, 
not  by  his  powers  of  worl<ing  upon  the  emotions,  but 
rather  by  his  ability  to  appeal  to  the  moral  and  intellec- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  203 

tual  faculties  ;  self-sacrificing  in  the  highest  degree,  yet 
believing  firmly  that  his  cause  was  identical  with  the 
cause  of  God,  and  therefore  absolutely  uncompromising 
and  almost  despotical  in  carrying  out  what  he  supposed 
loyalty  to  his  trust  required,  he  could  not  have  failed 
of  eminence  in  any  community  that  should  tolerate  his 
activity.  He  combined  moral  earnestness,  learning,  ana- 
lytical power,  and  practical  organizing  and  administra- 
tive ability  in  a  degree  unapproached  by  any  other 
Protestant  leader. 

3.  Sketch  of  Calvin  till  his  Settlement  in  Geneva  (7536). 

(i)  To  his  Conversion  (755^).  John  Calvin  was 
born  in  1509,  at  Noyon,  in  Picardy.  His  father  was  sec- 
retary to  a  bishop  and  was  thus  in  a  situation  to  secure 
the  education  and  the  promotion  of  his  son  ;  yet  he  was 
a  man  of  marked  independence  of  character,  and  be- 
cause of  his  opposition  to  the  ecclesiastical  corruptions 
of  the  time  incurred  censure  in  1528,  and  died  excom- 
municated in  1531. 

When  twelve  years  of  age  John  was  given  an  eccle- 
siastical benefice,  and  two  years  later  he  was  sent  to  Paris 
to  study  classics  and  philosophy.  His  admirable  success  in 
his  studies  led  to  his  appointment,  in  1527,  to  an  impor- 
tant curacy.  Up  to  this  time  he  was  ardently  attached 
to  papal  superstitions. 

Before  1529  Calvin  had  come  somewhat  under  the  in- 
fluence of  the  German  Reformation,  in  1529  he  went 
to  Orleans,  and  afterward  to  Bourges,  to  study  law. 
At  these  institutions  he  had  not  only  rare  facilities  for 
the  study  of  Roman  law,  but,  under  the  learned  Ger- 
man Wolmar,  an  opportunity  to  read  Homer,  Demos- 
thenes, and  the  Greek  New  Testament.  Whether  the 
division  of  his  time  and  interest  between  theology  and 
law  was  due  to  his  growing  dissatisfaction  with  the  cur- 
rent theology  and  ecclesiasticism,  or  to  his  desire  for  a 
distinguished  career  as  an  ecclesiastical  statesman,  for 
which  law  was  as  important  as  theology,  we  have  no 
means  of  determining.  Whether  the  humanist  Wolmar 
was  a  Lutheran  in  sympathy  and  exerted  a  direct  in- 
fluence upon  Calvin  in  favor  of  evangelical  religion,  is 
also  a  question  that  research  has  so  far  failed  to  solve. 


204  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  he  became  deeply  interested 
in  classical  literature.  He  progressed  so  rapidly  in  his 
studies  that  he  soon  came  to  be  regarded  by  his  teachers 
more  in  the  light  of  a  colleague  than  in  that  of  a  pupil,  and 
he  was  frequently  called  upon  to  supply  their  places. 
From  1530  onward  he  became  more  and  more  absorbed 
in  religious  matters,  so  that  he  gradually  laid  aside  his 
legal  studies  and  became  a  recognized  leader  in  the  uni- 
versity of  all  who  had  a  yearning  for  the  true  doctrine. 
In  1 531,  after  his  father's  death,  Calvin  went  to  Paris, 
where  he  devoted  himself  to  theological  and  philological 
pursuits,  in  1532  he  published  an  annotated  edition  of 
Seneca's  "  De  Clementia,"  orginally  addressed  to  Nero. 
There  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  Calvin's  aim  in 
editing  this  work  was,  in  part,  to  induce  Francis  I.  to 
greater  leniency  toward  Protestants. 

The  work  contains  no  distinctively  Protestant  teaching,  but  is 
characterized  by  a  profound  moral  quality  that  relates  it  to  evangel- 
ical thought  and  life. 

(2)  The  Cojtversion  and  Early  Evangelical  Labors  of 
Calvin.  In  1533,  on  All  Saints'  Day,  Nicolas  Cop,  rec- 
tor of  the  University  of  Paris,  delivered  before  the 
members  of  the  university  an  address  strongly  Protes- 
tant. Great  indignation  was  aroused  and  Cop  fled  for 
his  life. 

According  to  a  somewhat  late  tradition  (Colladon,  1565,  adopted 
late  in  life  by  Beza)  Cop's  address  was  composed  by  Calvin,  and 
the  fact  having  become  known,  the  latter  was  also  compelled  to 
leave  Paris.  The  latest  researches  have  failed  to  give  full  confirma- 
tion to  the  tradition.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  Calvin  gave 
some  assistance  to  Cop  in  the  preparation  of  the  address  and  was 
known  to  be  on  intimate  terms  with  him.  That  he  should  have 
found  it  advisable  to  leave  the  city  in  consequence  of  the  anti-evan- 
geiical  zeal  aroused  by  Cop's  address,  can  be  easil\'  understood  apart 
from  the  supposition  of  his  participation  in  its  authorship. 

In  May,  1534,  Calvin  returned  to  Noyon,  resigned  his 
ecclesiastical  benefices,  and  was  thrown  into  prison  as  an 
apostate  from  the  faith.  How  he  escaped  we  are  not  in- 
formed. On  his  release  he  made  his  way  to  Angoul^me, 
where  he  enjoyed  the  protection  of  Margaret  of  Navarre, 
sister  of  King  Francis  1.,  who  throughout  her  life  took  a 
deep  interest  in  Calvin  and  his  work.     Here  he  was  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  205 

guest  of  Canon  Louis  du  Tillet,  whose  library  he  em- 
ployed to  good  advantage.  While  residing  at  Angouleme 
he  visited  Nerac,  where  he  met  Faber  Stapulensis,  the 
Humanistic  reformer,  and  Poitiers,  where  he  met  the 
evangelically  disposed  Pierre  de  la  Place,  with  whom  he 
"discoursed  magnificently  concerning  the  knowledge  of 
God."  it  is  probable  that  he  began  at  Angouleme  his 
"Insiitutio."  V 

The  conversion  of  Calvin  has  been  the  subject  of  a  number  of 
recent  learned  monographs  (by  Lecoultre,  Lafranc,  and  Lang),  but 
the  data  are  so  meagre  that  assured  results  seem  unattainable.  Beza 
attributes  his  awakening  to  his  cousin  Robert  Olivetan,  a  fellow- 
townsman,  who  left  France  for  Geneva  as  early  as  1533  and  who 
published  in  1535  a  French  translation  of  the  Bible.  It  seems  almost 
certain  that  Olivetan's  influence  was  at  least  one  of  the  factors  in 
Calvin's  reluctant  acceptance  of  tlie  new  faith.  Others  suppose  that 
his  intercourse  with  Wolmar  at  Bourges  was  the  decisive  factor  in 
his  experience.  We  know  little  of  Wolmar's  views,  but  it  is  highly 
probable  that  as  a  Humanist  his  influence  helped  at  least  to  free  his 
pupil  from  the  fetters  of  popery  and  to  encourage  independent  search- 
ing for  truth.  His  reverence  for  the  church  long  prevented  him  from 
accepting  evangelical  teaching.  "Offended  by  its  novelty,"  he 
wrote  to  Cardinal  Sadolet  some  years  later,  "  1  could  hardly  be  per- 
suaded to  listen  to  it,  1  resisted  it  strenuously  and  with  animosity." 
In  the  preface  to  his  "  Commentary  on  the  Psalms  "  he  speaks  of  his 
conversion  as  "  sudden."  The  fact  seems  to  be,  that  for  some  years 
he  had  been  earnestly  considering  the  great  question  of  his  personal 
relation  to  Christ  and  truth,  that  he  failed  utterly  to  find  lasting 
satisfaction  in  the  Roman  Catholic  system,  and  that  at  last  (probably 
early  in  1534)  he  suddenly  made  up  his  mind  to  yield  to  the  truth 
that  he  had  been  strenuously  resisting  and  at  once  found  complete 
satisfaction  and  was  ready  to  devote  his  life  wholly  to  its  promulga- 
tion. The  saving  truths  of  the  gospel  thus  shaped  themselves  in 
his  mind  :  "  Faith  lies  in  a  knowledge  of  God  and  Christ,  not  in 
reverence  for  the  church.  Faith  is  situated  not  in  ignorance,  but  in 
knowledge,  a  knowledge  not  only  of  God,  but  of  the  divine  will. 
For  we  clo  not  obtain  salvation  on  the  ground  that  we  are  prepared 
to  embrace  as  truth  whatever  the  church  shall  have  prescribed  .  .  ; 
but  when  we  recognize  that  God  the  Father  is  propitious  to  us  by 
the  reconciliation  made  through  Christ,  that  Christ  has  truly  been 
given  for  us  as  righteousness  and  life"  {"Institiitio,"  Lib.  11.,  C.  //.). 
On  the  supposition  that  Calvin  wrote  Cop's  address,  Lang,  the 
most  recent  monographist,  by  a  comparison  of  the  address  with 
contemporary  writings  reaches  the  conclusion  that  he  was  greatly 
influenced  by  both  Erasmus  and  Luther,  the  Prolegomena  to  the 
Greek  New  Testament  by  the  former  and  one  of  Luther's  sermons 
having  been  largely  drawn  upon  by  the  writer  of  the  address. 

Calvin  might  have  labored  quietly  in  Paris,  where  he  again  took 
up  his  abode,  during  the  summer  or  early  autumn  of  1534,  had  not 
Feret,  a  Protestant  fanatic,  brought  frightful  persecution  on   the 


206  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

evangelical  party  by  placarding  the  city  with  copies  of  a  tract  on 
"The  Horrible,  Great,  Intolerable  Abuses  of  the  Popish  Mass." 
Large  numbers  were  thrown  into  prison.  Six  Protestants  were  hor- 
ribly tortured  and  burned,  January  29,  1535,  after  a  day  of  solemn 
festivities  for  the  purgation  of  the  city.  Before  May  5  twenty-four 
had  died  at  the  stake  for  their  faith,'and  many  more  had  suffered 
terribly  in  body  and  estate.  Among  tiiose  who  fled  were  Calvin  and 
Du  Tillet,  They  made  their  way  to  Strasburg,  wiiere  they  were 
hospitably  entertained  by  Bucer.  About  January,  1535,  Calvin 
readied  Basel,  where  he  remained  till  about  March,  1536,  when  the 
'^  Cliristiaiice  T{eligioms  Institiitw,^^  issued  from  the  press.  This 
work  was  afterward  expanded  to  three-fold  its  original  dimensions 
and  greatly  improved  ;  but  the  first  edition  is  itself  a  masterpiece, 
and  placed  the  youth  of  twenty-seven  in  the  foremost  rank  of  the 
theological  thinl<ers  of  the  ages,  it  was  dedicated  to  King  Francis 
I,,  and  its  ciiief  aim  was  to  exhibit  Protestantism  in  its  true  light  to 
the  French  court,  with  a  view  to  securing  toleration  for  Protestant- 
ism in  France. 

Leaving  Basel,  he  visited  the  court  of  Renee,  Duchess  of  Ferrara 
(Italy),  daughter  of  Louis  XII.,  of  France.  Renee  was  an  ardent 
Protestant,  and  gave  protection  and  support  to  many  persecuted  ad- 
herents of  the  new  faith.  Finding  it  impracticable,  at  present,  to 
labor  for  tiie  spread  of  the  gospel  in  his  native  France,  Calvin  de- 
cided to  take  up  his  abode  in  Germany.  Passing  through  Geneva, 
on  his  way  thither,  he  was  pressed  into  service  by  Farel,  who  had 
been  chiefly  instruinental  in  introducing  Protestantism  into  Geneva. 
Here  Calvin  soon  became  the  acknowledged  leader  of  the  Protestants, 
and  devoted  himself  zealously  to  the  popular  expounding  of  the 
Scriptures,  to  theological  teaching,  and  to  the  enforcing  of  a  rigid 
system  of  discipline. 

4.  Geneva  and  the  Reformation. 

(i)  Geneva's  Struggle  for  Independence.  Geneva,  Vaud, 
and  NeuchSitel,  the  French  cantons  of  Switzerland,  had 
made  little  progress  in  reform  before  the  reverses  that 
befell  German  evangelical  Switzerland  (1531).  Geneva 
was  in  a  few  years  to  become  the  stronghold  of  Protes- 
tantism, not  only  for  Switzerland,  but  for  the  world,  "  the 
Protestant  Rome."  A  diminutive  territory,  comprising 
only  one  hundred  and  nine  square  miles,  it  had  been 
governed  conjointly  by  a  bishop  and  a  count.  Charles 
111.  of  Savoy,  with  the  aid  of  a  bishop  whose  appoint- 
ment he  had  secured,  attempted  the  subjugation  of  the 
city  ;  but  the  patriots  led  by  Berthelier,  Hughes,  and 
Bonivard,  and  aided  by  the  German  cantons,  gained  their 
independence  (1526).  An  alliance  was  formed  with 
Bern  and  Freiburg  which  the  citizens  of  Geneva  heartily 
approved,    shouting  "The   Swiss   and    liberty."      The 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  207 

bishop  strove  in  vain  to  re-establish  his  authority,  ap- 
pealing to  pope  and  emperor,  and  cultivating  the  minority 
in  the  city  that  disapproved  of  the  new  regime.  He  gave 
up  the  struggle  in  1536. 

(2)  Farel  and  Viret.  The  patriotic  party  was  not 
avowedly  Protestant.  It  was  civil  and  religious  liberty 
and  not  evangelical  religion  lor  which  Berthelier  and 
his  associates  fought  so  heroically  ;  but  the  overthrow 
of  episcopal  authority  and  defiance  of  the  pope  himself 
prepared  the  way  for  an  evangelical  propaganda,  and 
William  Farel  and  Paul  Viret  were  soon  on  the  ground 
organizing  the  anti-Catholic  element  of  the  population 
into  a  vigorous  evangelical  community.  Freiburg,  being 
Catholic,  withdrew  from  the  alliance.  Bern  had  formally 
adopted  the  Reformation  and  used  all  of  her  influence  to 
secure  the  triumph  of  the  new  faith  in  Geneva,  Vaud,  and 
Neuchatel. 

Fare!  (b.  in  Dauphine,  1489)  had  studied  Greek  and  Hebrew  under 
Faber  Stapulensis,  and  had  proceeded  to  his  M.  A.  degree  in  the 
University  of  Paris  (1517)-  For  some  time  he  engaged  in  evangeli- 
cal labors  under  the  evangelically  disposed  Brii^onnet,  Bishop  of 
Meaux  (i  521-1523);  but  he  proved  too  aggressive  for  the  bishop  and 
was  compelled  to  leave.  He  labored  for  a  while  at  Gap,  where  he 
brought  four  of  his  own  brothers  to  a  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Find- 
ing his  life  in  danger  he  fled  to  Basel,  where  he  entered  zealously 
into  the  contest  with  Rome  and  did  much  to  promote  the  reformation 
of  the  city.  CEcolampadius  wrote  to  Luther  that  Farel  was  capable 
of  afflicting,  if  not  of  destroying,  the  whole  Sorbonne.  His  drastic 
methods,  and  especially  his  denunciation  of  Erasmus  as  a  coward 
and  a  Balaam,  led  to  his  expulsion.  After  spending  some  months 
in  Strasburg  with  Bucer  and  Capito  and  journeying  as  an  evan- 
gelist, he  settled  for  a  while  in  the  canton  of  Vaud,  then  subject  to 
Bern,  where  he  taught  and  preached,  arousing  violent  opposition. 
From  1528  onward  he  labored  with  consuming  zeal  as  an  evangelist 
throughout  French  Switzerland,  having  been  specially  commissioned 
thereunto  by  the  Bernese  authorities,  Bern  having  just  formally  en- 
tered the  Protestant  ranks.  Farel  was  frequently  remonstrated  with 
by  CEcolampadius,  Zwingli,  and  others,  because  of  his  immoderate 
zeal  and  the  violent  quality  of  his  reformatory  efforts,  but  to  little 
effect.  He  several  times  suffered  severely  at  the'hands  of  his  enraged 
opponents  and  his  life  was  sometimes  imperiled.  His  greatest 
triumph  was  at  Neuchatel,  where  under  the  protection  of  Bern  he 
secured  access  to  the  principal  church  (October,  1530)  and  was  in- 
strumental in  turning  many  throughout  the  canton  and  the  adjoin- 
ing districts  to  the  new  faith.  In  1532  he  visited  the  Waldensian 
valleys  and  strongly  influenced  the  old  evangelical  Christians  there 
in  favor  of  his  type  of  teaching. 


208  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

On  his  return  he  visited  Geneva,  where  a  revolution  had  just  oc- 
curred, resulting  in  the  repudiation  by  the  city  oi  the  authority  of 
the  bishop  and  its  friendly  subjection  to  Bern  because  of  its  aid 
against  Savoy.  On  June  30,  the  Council  of  Two  Hundred  had 
required  of  ail  incumbents  the  preaching  of  the  pure  gospel  in  the 
churches  and  monasteries.  Farel  arrived  in  October  and  began 
preaching  at  his  lodgings  to  large  numbers  of  visitors,  in  company 
with  Robert  Olivetan  (Calvin's  cousin  referred  to  previously)  he 
was  cited  before  the  ecclesiastical  tribunal,  where  he  defended  him- 
self nobly  and  narrowly  escaped  assassination,  the  musket  aimed  at 
him  having  exploded  in  the  hands  of  the  would-be  murderer.  He  was 
ordered  to  leave  the  city  in  three  hours.  He  barely  escaped  violence 
as  he  was  withdrawing.  He  was  able  to  return  in  March,  1533, 
under  the  protection  of  Bern.  The  bishop  prohibited  the  hearing  of 
preachers  not  licensed  by  himself  and  ordered  the  burning  of  all 
Bibles  to  be  found  in  the  citv.  Furbity,  a  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  was 
sent  to  counteract  Farel' s  influence.  '  A  disputation  between  the  two 
(January  2g,  1534)  resulted  in  favor  of  the  evangelical  cause,  which 
from  this  time  onward  made  rapid  progress.  Farel  had  been  joined 
by  Peter  Viret  and  Antoine  Froment,  the  former  a  native  of  Vaud, 
who  had  been  educated  for  the  priesthood  in  Paris,  the  latter  a  fellow- 
countryman  of  Farel  (Dauphine)  and  one  of  his  earliest  converts. 

In  June,  1535,  Farel  held  a  disputation  with  Peter  Caroli,  which 
made  so  favorable  an  impression  for  the  evangelical  cause  that  St. 
Peter's  cathedral  was  placed  at  Farel's  disposal  and  soon  afterward 
stripped  of  its  idolatrous  paraphernalia. 

At  the  beginning  of  1536  the  Duke  of  Savoy  made  another  effort 
to  subdue  the  city.  He  was  repulsed  with  the  aid  of  Bern.  This 
victory  was  immediately  followed  by  the  authoritative  adoption  of  the 
evangelical  faith  for  the  entire  canton,  involving  the  exclusion  of 
Roman  Catholicism.  Under  Farel's  guidance  worship  was  reduced 
to  almost  apostolic  simplicity  and  a  rigorous  church  discipline  was 
introduced. 

An  evangelical  school  was  established,  with  Antoine  Saunier  at 
its  head  and  attendance  at  schools  outside  the  canton  prohibited. 
Resorting  to  Catholic  churches  outside  the  canton  was  made  crim- 
inal. All  the  inhabitants  of  suitable  age  were  required  to  attend 
regularly  the  Sunday  services.  Unchastity  and  gaming  were  made 
penal  ofifenses. 

Farel  felt  sorely  the  need  of  strong  helpers.  Viret's 
services  were  required  at  Lausanne.  Fabri,  who  had 
aided  him,  had  gone  to  labor  in  Savoy.  It  seemed  to 
him  providential  that  just  at  this  juncture  John  Calvin, 
whose  "  Institutes  "  published  a  few  months  before  had 
shown  him  to  be  a  young  man  of  marked  ability,  reached 
Geneva  on  his  way  to  Strasburg.  Once  in  the  hands  of 
the  strong-willed,  ardent  reformer,  who  with  prophetic 
fervor  besought  him  to  remain  and  declared  that  God's 
curse  would  rest  upon  him  if  he  should  turn  his  back 


CHAP.  I  ]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  209 

upon  this  great  opportunity  for  service,  Calvin  felt  him- 
self powerless  to  resist  and  accepted  Farel's  invitation  as 
the  voice  of  God. 

5.  Calvin  in  Geneva  till  his  Banishment  {May  26,  1^38). 

Calvin  arrived  at  Geneva  late  in  July,  1536.  After  a 
short  visit  to  Basel,  he  took  up  his  work  in  August,  not 
as  chief  pastor  but  as  teacher  and  preacher.  With  the 
good-will  of  Farel  and  the  authorities,  and  without  any 
striving  for  ascendency  on  his  part,  he  was  in  a  few 
months,  by  reason  of  his  masterful  ability  as  a  theologian 
and  an  ecclesiastical  statesman,  the  recognized  leader  of 
the  canton  in  spiritual  things.  For  the  first  half-year  he 
received  scarcely  any  salary.  Farel  had  grown  more 
prudent  with  advancing  age  and  he  was  glad  now  to  put 
forward  his  younger  colleagues,  Calvin  and  Viret,  to 
bear  the  brunt  of  the  controversies  that  arose.'  Calvin 
took  part,  not  very  prominently,  in  the  synods  of  Lau- 
sanne and  Bern  (October,  1536). 

(i)  Scheme  of  Church  Order.  In  November  Farel  pre- 
sented to  the  council  a  new  system  of  church  order  in  the 
preparation  of  which  Calvin  had  had  the  leading  part. 

It  provided  for  the  excommunication  of  the  incorrigible,  to  be  fol- 
lowed by  tlie  infliction  of  civil  penalties.  A  preference  is  expressed 
for  frequent  celebration  of  the  Supper  (weekly  or  oftener),  after  the 
example  of  the  primitive  church  ;  but  monthly  communion  has  been 
decided  upon  as  best  for  the  present,  on  the  ground  that  frequency 
might  lead  to  contempt  of  the  ordinance.  The  guarding  of  the  Sup- 
per from  desecration  by  the  unworthy  was  to  form  the  ground  for 
the  exercise  of  discipline.  All  were  required  to  offer  themselves  for 
the  communion  and  only  the  worthy  were  to  be  admitted.  Those 
rejected  were  by  this  fact  placed  under  discipline  and  were  obliged  to 
qualify  themselves  for  worthy  participation  or  to  incur  excommuni- 
cation with  its  heavy  civil  penalty.  Persons  of  approved  character 
were  to  be  appointed  in  every  quarter  of  the  city  to  observe  and 
report  upon  moral  and  religious  delinquencies.  As  many  enemies 
of  the  gospel  were  known  to  be  in  the  community  steps  should  be 
taken  to  ascertain  who  were  on  the  Lord's  side  by  compelling  each 
individual  to  make  a  confession  of  his  faith.  Provision  is  made  for 
instruction  of  children  and  for  the  regulation  of  marital  matters. 
This  scheme  of  the  ministers  was  approved  by  the  council  in  Janu- 
3i'y»  1537-  It  involved  the  establishment  of  a  theocratic  govern- 
ment in  Geneva,  that  was  to  assume  a  more  definite  and  more 
rigorous  form  at  a  later  date. 

*  See  letter  to  Capito,  May  5,  1537,  in  Herminjard,  Tom.  V.,  p.  439. 
O 


210  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

(2)  An  i/luiJioritative  Catec/iisni.  It  was  felt  by  the 
ministers  that  the  process  of  testing  the  faith  of  the  peo- 
ple would  be  greatly  facilitated  by  the  use  of  a  concise 
statement  of  orthodox  doctrine  to  be  subscribed  or  re- 
jected. It  fell  to  Calvin  to  prepare  a  catechism  for  the 
instruction  of  the  young  and  an  extract  from  the  cate- 
chism became  the  standard  by  which  the  entire  popula- 
tion was  to  be  theologically  judged. 

On  April  17  the  council  ordered  the  district  censors  and  others  to 
mai<e  a  house  to  house  visitation  for  readinj^  the  confession  and  se- 
curing its  acceptance  or  rejection.  Fare!  and  Calvin  were  impatient 
of  the  delay  and  lack  of  thoroughness  in  tlie  execution  of  the  order, 
which  no  doubt  involved  grave  difficulties  because  of  widespread 
and  influential  opposition  to  the  measure.  They  were  joined  by  the 
zealous  blind  preacher  Courault  in  still  further' pressing  the  matter. 
Some  of  tiiose  entrusted  with  the  execution  of  the  order  lacked  cour- 
age or  zeal,  and  these  had  to  be  sifted  and  tested.  Calvin  and  the 
ministers  afterward  proposed  that  the  people  be  required  to  assemble 
by  districts  at  St.  Peter's  Church  and  to  swear  to  the  confession. 
This  recommendation  was  adopted  by  the  council  (July  29)  and 
large  numbers  obeyed  the  order,  but  many  refused  to  appear. 

(3)  Opposition  to  the  l^igorous  Measures  of  Farel  and 
Calvin.  The  infliction  of  severe  penalties  upon  parents 
for  refusal  to  send  their  children  to  school,  upon  a  keeper 
of  a  gaming  house,  and  upon  a  milliner  for  decorating  a 
bride  in  an  unseemly  manner,  aroused  popular  indigna- 
tion to  an  alarming  extent.  But  the  ministers  would 
hear  of  no  compromise  with  evil.  Their  system  of  dis- 
cipline and  doctrine  must  be  carried  out  without  modifica- 
tion, though  the  heavens  fall.  To  yield  in  the  slightest 
degree  involved  unfaithfulness  to  the  divine  requirements 
and  could  only  bring  divine  judgment. 

To  harass  Calvin  and  Farel,  rather  than  from  zeal  for  othodoxy, 
Peter  Caroli,  a  doctor  of  the  Sorbonnewho  had  professed  conversion 
to  the  new  faith,  married  and  settled  at  Lausanne,  but  who  proved 
wholly  untrustworthy  and  finally  returned  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
communion,  preferred  a  charge  of  Arianism  against  the  authors  of 
the  confession  at  a  synod  in  Lausanne  (  May,  u^?)-  The  ground  of 
his  charge  was  the  avoidance  of  the  terms  "Trinitv"  and  "Per- 
son" He  demanded  that  they  sliould  sign  the  Athanasian  creed 
with  its  damnatory  clauses,  which  they  refused  to  do.  They  were 
able  to  vindicate  themselves,  however,  by  handing  in  a  satisfactory 
statement  on  the  Trinity  and  Caroli  was  censured  for  calumny  and 
declared  unworthy  of  the  evangelical  ministrv. 

Anabaptists  weVe  to  the  front  here  as  elsewhere.     After  a  disputa- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  211 

tion  they  were  perpetually  banished  on  penalty  of  death  in  case  they 
returned  (March  19,  1537). 

The  Genevese  had  been  struggling  for  years,  at  great 
sacrifice,  for  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  now  to  be 
brought  under  the  galling  yoke  of  a  theocracy,  with  three 
foreign  preachers  as  the  dictators,  seemed  unendurable 
to  many.  \n  September  all  who  had  failed  to  swear 
to  the  confession  were  required  to  do  so  on  pain  of  ban- 
ishment. On  October  30,  Calvin  again  appeared  before 
the  council  to  urge  the  immediate  execution  of  the 
order  for  the  banishment  of  all  who  had  refused  to  swear 
to  the  confession.  The  council  gave  fresh  orders  for  the 
completion  of  the  work  and  when  many  still  refused, 
especially  those  on  the  German  street,  and  when  one  of 
the  censors  was  maltreated,  a  decree  of  banishment  was 
issued  by  the  Little  Council  (November  12)  and  approved 
by  the  Great  Council  (November  14).  This  proceeding 
precipitated  a  crisis. 

The  opposition,  led  by  Jean  Philippe,  called  a  general  assembly  of 
the  citizens.  The  council  attempted  to  forestall  this  independent 
movement  by  summoning  a  general  assembly  for  November  25,  and 
asking  for  a  vote  of  confidence.  The  vote  of  confidence  was  re- 
fused, and  Jean  Philippe  proposed  the  appointment  of  a  committee 
of  twenty-five  for  hearing  grievances,  insisting  that  the  council  is 
not  the  master  but  the  servant  of  the  people,  to  whom  all  authority  ulti- 
mately belongs.  The  council  saw  that  its  authority  was  at  an  end. 
It  had  also  become  manifest  that  Bern  strongly  disapproved  of  the 
iconoclastic  and  drastic  measures  that  had  been  adopted  by  the 
council  at  the  instigation  of  Farel  and  Calvin.  Nothing  further 
could  be  accomplished  in  the  direction  of  compelling  the  people  to 
swear  to  the  confession. 

(4)  Tlie  Liberals  Trinmphant  and  Supported  by  Bern.  A 
new  election  (February,  1538)  resulted  in  the  choice  of 
four  of  the  leaders  of  the  liberal  party,  including  Jean 
Philippe,  as  syndics,  and  an  anti-clerical  majority  in  the 
council. 

The  new  council  sought  to  introduce  a  more  moderate  type  of  Prot- 
estantism, like  that  of  Bern.  Courault  was  banished  for  his  per- 
sistence in  denouncing  the  ntvj  /igime.  Calvin  denounced  the  coun- 
cil as  the  devil's  own  and  refused  to  recognize  its  authority.  On 
March  12  the  council  forbade  the  ministers  to  meddle  with  politics. 
During  the  same  month  a  synod  at  Lausanne  disapproved  of  the 
use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  Supper  by  the  Genevese,  the  abolition 


212  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

of  all  church  festivals  but  Sunday,  and  the  setting  aside  of  the  bap- 
tismal fonts.  The  Bernese  Council  urj^ed  upon  the  Genevese  con- 
formity to  tlie  Bernese  order  in  these  matters.  The  order  was  given 
bv  the'  latter  body,  but  treated  with  contempt  by  Calvin,  who  at- 
tached little  importance  to  such  differences,  but  would  not  be  coerced. 

Calvin  and  Farel  found  warm  recognition  and  moral  support  in 
Bullinger,  of  Zurich,  and  Gynoraeus,  of  Basel.  It  was  Calvin's 
earnest  desire  at  this  time  to  secure  the  unification  of  the  Swiss  evan- 
gelical churches  in  doctrine  and  practice  along  the  line  of  his  own 
thinl<ing,  and  he  hoped  to  gain  thereby  for  his  Genevan  theocracy 
sufficient  outside  support  to  enable  him  to  overcome  the  machina- 
tions of  the  godless. 

From  this  time  onward  the  preachers  were  treated  with  contempt. 
Ribald  songs  in  which  they  were  lampooned  were  sung  on  the  streets 
and  before  their  very  doors.  A  rumor  of  a  project  of  putting  Geneva 
under  French  protection  and  withdrawing  from  the  alliance  with 
Bern  caused  great  commotion  in  the  city  and  in  the  council.  Stormy 
sessions  of  tlie  council  were  held  March  2  to  12,  whicii  resulted  in 
the  expulsion  of  those  who  were  suspected  of  French  leanings. 

A  general  assembly  of  the  citizens  was  held  on  March  10,  which 
criticised  severelv  the  conduct  of  the  syndics  of  the  past  year  in 
ecclesiastical  matters.  On  March  11  the  Great  Council,  on  motion 
of  a  representative  of  the  assembly,  ordered  Calvin  and  Farel  to 
cease  meddling  with  politics  and  to  preach  the  gospel.  Calvin  had 
denounced  the  assembly  as  an  assembly  of  Satan  because  of  its  an- 
tagonism toward  himself  and  his  supporters.  The  council,  pressed 
by  Bernese  emissaries,  resolved  (March  11)  to  adopt  the  Bernese 
church  order  in  place  of  that  of  Farel  and  Calvin. 

At  the  request  of  the  Bernese  Council  Farel  and  Calvin  were  sent 
to  a  synod  at  Lausanne  (March  28-April  4).  They  took  no  public 
part  in  the  proceedings.  Bern  still  insisted  on  the  observance  ot  four 
church  festivals,  the  use  of  the  baptismal  stone,  and  the  use  of  un- 
leavened bread  against  the  well-known  wishes  of  the  Genevan  preach- 
ers. If  the  Bernese  authorities  had  been  conciliatory  they  might 
easily  have  averted  the  catastrophe  in  Geneva  ;  but  they  resented 
the  seeming  obstinacy  of  Farel  and  Calvin,  regarded  them  as  ene- 
mies of  Bernese  ascendency,  and  were  willing  to  play  into  the  hands 
of  their  opponents  in  Geneva  by  seeking  to  force  upon  them  prac- 
tices that  neither  party  made  a  matter  of  conscience  or  supposed  to 
be  enjoined  or  prohibited  by  Scripture,  and  which  tiie  Genevese 
preachers  could  not  now  introduce  without  great  loss  of  dignity  and 
prestige. 

Calvin  and  Farel  appealed  to  a  joint  synod  of  the  Swiss  churches 
to  be  held  at  Zurich,  and  sought  the  co-operation  of  Bucer  and  the 
Strasburg  theologians.  Thev  would  have  been  willing  to  submit  to 
a  decision  of  an  ecclesiastical  tribunal  in  regard  to  the  ceremonies, 
but  they  could  not  consent  to  being  coerced  bv  the  Bernese  and 
Genevan  Councils.  On  April  15  the  Bernese  Council  urged  the 
Genevan  to  carrv  out  the  decision  regarding  ceremonies  reached  at 
Lausanne.  Thelatter  held  a  meeting  on  the  nineteenth  and  decided 
that  on  the  following  (Easter)  Sunday  the  Supper  should  be  cele- 
brated according  to  the  Bernese  form.  Calvin  and  Farel  begged 
that  the  matter  be  deferred  till  after  the  proposed  meeting  of  theo- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  21 3 

logians  at  Zurich.  Calvin,  Fare!,  and  de  la  Mere  resolutely  refused 
to  celebrate  the  Supper  in  the  Bernese  way.  Courault  had  been  pro- 
hibited from  further  preaching  on  account  of  intemperate  language 
recently  used.  The  other  three  preachers,  on  refusal  to  obey  the 
order  of  the  council,  were  now  ordered  to  discontinue  their  ministry. 
The  council  sought  to  secure  from  abroad  ministers  to  carry  out  their 
wishes  on  Easter  Sunday.  They  failed,  and  Courault,  Calvin,  and 
Farel  all  appeared  in  their  places  to  preach  but  not  to  administer  the 
ordinance.  Courault  was  thrown  into  prison.  Calvin  and  Farel 
preached  amid  great  commotion  and  disorder.  Many  present  were 
armed,  and  the  voices  of  the  preachers  were  drowned' by  the  shouts 
of  their  opponents. 

(5)  Deposition  and  Bcmishment  of  Farel  and  Calvin. 
On  Monday  and  Tuesday  following  (April  22  and  23), 
the  Little  Council,  the  Great  Council,  and  the  Council 
of  Two  Hundred  met  in  St.  Peter's,  deposed  Farel  and 
Calvin,  and  ordered  them  to  depart  from  the  city  in  three 
days.  Calvin  replied  :  "So  be  it.  It  is  better  to  serve 
God  than  man.  If  we  had  been  serving  men  we  should 
have  been  poorly  rewarded,  but  we  serve  a  great  Lord 
who  will  reward  us."  Farel  said:  "I  receive  it  from 
God's  hand."  They  proceeded  at  once  to  Bern,  and 
laying  their  case  before  the  council  (April  27),  asked  for 
its  intervention. 

The  Bernese  Council  seemed  deeply  grieved  because  of  the  Gene- 
van disturbances  and  the  scandal  to  the  evangelical  cause  involved, 
disclaimed  any  desire  to  force  its  ceremonies  on  the  Genevans,  and 
urged  the  Genevan  Council  to  liberate  the  "  poor,  blind  Courault," 
that  they  might  not  be  entirely  destitute  of  pastoral  guidance.  The 
latter  body  claimed  that  Calvin  and  Farel  had  distorted  the  facts, 
and  sent  'messengers  to  Bern  to  present  their  view  of  the  transac- 
tions. 

Calvin  and  Farel  next  went  to  Zurich,  where  a  synod 
of  the  evangelical  churches  of  the  confederacy  was  in 
session.  They  were  kindly  received  and  were  allowed 
to  present  their  case  fully  and  to  state  the  terms  on  which 
they  would  return  to  their  work  in  Geneva.  They  were 
willing  to  conform  in  most  points  to  the  Bernese  regula- 
tions, but  they  wished  the  Bernese  to  make  a  public  dec- 
laration of  the  fact  that  they  did  not  consider  the  Gene- 
van practices  unscriptural,  and  that  the  changes  to  be 
introduced  were  simply  for  the  sake  of  uniformity  and 
good  order.  They  would  return  to  Geneva  only  on  con- 
dition that  all  calumnies  circulated  against  them  be  pub- 


214  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

licly  withdrawn  ;  that  the  number  of  ministers  be  in- 
creased ;  that  the  division  of  the  city  into  parishes  be 
carried  out;  and  that  district  censors  for  reporting  upon 
the  conduct  of  the  people,  and  excommunication  for  per- 
sistent violation  of  ecclesiastical  regulations  be  restored. 

The  opinion  of  the  brethren  met  at  Zurich  was  that  they  were  holy 
and  learned  men,  but  somewhat  over-zealous,  and  that  the  evangeli- 
cal cause  not  only  in  Geneva  but  throughout  French  Switzerland 
required  the  continuance  of  their  labors.  The  synod  was  not  in  a 
position  to  take  any  definite  action  in  the  premises  ;  but  arranged  for 
friendly  negotiations  with  a  view  to  the  reconciliation  of  the  Gene- 
van parties. 

Calvin  and  Farel  returned  to  Bern,  in  pursuance  of  the  advice  of  the 
synod,  and  at  last  yielded  to  the  desire  of  the  Bernese  for  uniformity 
in  ceremonies  ;  but  their  insistence  on  their  system  of  discipline  and 
their  demands  on  the  Genevans  made  reconciliation  impracticable. 

The  decree  of  banishment  was  confirmed  on  May  26.  They  spent 
some  weeks  in  Basel  with  GynoriBus,  one  of  their  most  steadfast 
friends,  awaiting  the  direction  of  Providence.  Farel  settled  in  July 
at  Neuchatel,  where  he  had  previously  labored,  having  secured  the 
consent  of  his  constituents  to  the  introduction  of  his  SNStem  of  dis- 
cipline. Calvin  two  months  later  accepted  Bucer's  invitation  to 
labor  in  Strasburg  as  minister  to  the  French  Protestant  refugees  and 
as  theological  teacher. 

6.  Calvin's  Strasburg  Labors  (1^^8-1^41). 

Bucer,  who  had  long  been  the  chief  minister  in  Stras- 
burg, had  for  ten  years  been  earnestly  striving  for 
the  unification  of  Protestantism  and  in  his  efforts  to  har- 
monize the  views  of  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians  on  the 
Supper  had  reached  a  mode  of  thought  very  similar  to 
that  of  Calvin.  Strasburg  had  by  this  time  become  one 
of  the  cities  of  refuge  for  persecuted  French  Protestants. 
What  more  natural  than  that  he  should  invite  the  ban- 
ished Genevan  leader  to  join  him  in  his  work  .-' 

Besides  preaching  to  the  French  congregation  and  lecturing  on  the 
Bible  Calvin  found  much  leisure  for  literary  work.  He  rewrote  and  en- 
larged three-fold  his  "  Institutes,"  with  a  view  to  making  it  suitable 
for  a  text-book  for  theological  students  and  an  introduction  to  Scrip- 
ture study  ( 1539).  His  great  "  Commentary  on  Romans"  speedily 
followed.'  During  the  same  year  he  married  Idelette  von  Buren,  widow 
of  an  Anabaptist  whom  he  had  convinced  of  his  errors  (?).  He  was  in 
deep  poverty,  receiving  nothing  for  his  labors  during  the  first  few 
months  and  afterward  a  pittance  of  fifty  guilders  a  \ear  for  his  lec- 
tures ;  yet  he  refused  to  receive  gratuities  from  his  friends  elsewhere, 
preferring  to  sell  his  library  and  to  take  student  boarders.   At  Stras- 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  21? 

burg  he  came  to  know  and  appreciate  Lutherans,  and  entered  into 
friendly  correspondence  with  Luther  himself.  He  found  time  also 
amid  his  engrossing  labors  to  work  out  in  detail  a  scheme  of  church 
order,  which  he  afterward  had  an  opportunity  to  put  into  practice  in 
Geneva.  His  reply  to  Cardinal  Sadoleto,  who  was  seeking  to  win 
Geneva  back  to  the  Catholic  faith,  was  written  during  his  stay  in 
Strasburg. 

7.  Geneva  During  the  Absence  of  Calvin. 

(i)  Weakness  of  the  New  Government.  The  factious 
spirit  that  led  to  the  banishment  of  Calvin,  Farel,  and 
Courault  increased  rather  than  diminished  after  their 
departure.  New  ministers  were  procured  through  the 
help  of  the  Bernese,  but  they  were  weak  men  and  ac- 
cepted their  positions  with  the  understanding  that  they 
would  be  entirely  subservient  to  the  magistracy.  The 
Bernese  church  order  was  introduced  in  its  entirety. 
The  moral  regulations  that  had  been  adopted  at  the  in- 
stance of  Farel  and  Calvin  were  still  retained,  but  were 
little  regarded. 

The  partisans  of  Farel  and  Calvin  treated  the  ministers  and  the 
administration  in  general  with  contempt  and  refused  to  attend  the 
church  services.  Farel  from  the  beginning,  and  Calvin  later,  en- 
couraged their  friends  in  their  insuljordination,  holding  that  they 
(Farel  and  Calvin)  were  the  rightful  ministers,  that  those  in  office 
were  intruders,  and  that  the  party  in  power  were  the  "  godless."  hi 
March,  1539,  representatives  of  Geneva,  sent  to  Bern  for  the  final 
settlement  of  questions  at  issue  between  the  two  cantons,  renounced 
all  claim  to  independence,  and  yielded  almost  absolute  sovereignty 
to  the  Bernese,  involving  complete  control  in  religious  matters.  This 
action  seems  to  have  been  due  to  a  desire  to  secure  the  help  of  Bern 
in  crushing  the  opposition. 

(2)  Catholic  Aggression.  The  perturbed  state  of  Geneva 
led  the  Roman  Catholic  bishop  to  renew  his  efforts  at  re- 
establishing his  authority.  On  his  behalf  Cardinal  Sado- 
leto wrote  a  very  friendly  letter  to  the  Genevese,  in  which 
he  sought  to  prove  the  superiority  of  Catholicism  to 
Protestantism  and  invited  them  to  return  to  the  old  faith. 
The  Genevan  preachers  felt  incapable  of  answering  this 
adroit  polemic  and  the  friends  of  Calvin  urged  him  to 
reply. 

(3)  Calvin  Answers  Sadoleto.  He  consented  and  his 
answer  is  a  masterpiece.  A  considerable  number  of  the 
Genevans  were  still  Catholics  at  heart  and  some  of  them 


2l6  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

no  doubt  participated  in  the  effort  for  the  re-introduction 
of  the  mass.  The  authorities  arraigned  the  suspects  and 
required  them  to  answer  categorically  whether  they  re- 
garded the  mass  as  good  or  bad.  The  surrender  of  the 
rights  of  the  canton  by  the  party  in  power  and  the 
necessity  of  looking  to  the  banished  Calvin  for  the  guard- 
ing of  the  city  from  Catholic  aggression  greatly  weakened 
the  hands  of  the  enemies  of  Farel  and  Calvin  and  greatly 
strengthened  those  of  their  friends.  Those  who  had 
been  chiefly  concerned  in  treacherously  signing  away 
the  liberties  of  the  city  were  banished  for  a  hundred  and 
one  years.  Jean  Philippe  was  beheaded.  Two  of  the 
new  ministers  found  their  positions  untenable  and  left 
the  city. 

(4)  Calvin  Urged  to  Return  to  Geneva.  The  council, 
now  Calvinistic  in  sentiment,  sent  a  deputation  with 
Ami  Perrin,  one  of  his  former  antagonists,  at  its  head,  to 
urge  him  to  return  at  once  and  aid  in  the  restoration  of 
civil  and  religious  order.  Calvin  was  not  easily  moved. 
He  had  at  first  entered  upon  his  Genevan  career  with 
great  reluctance.  He  had  retired  from  his  position  even 
more  reluctantly.  Bucer  had  to  warn  him  of  the  dan- 
ger of  becoming  a  Jonah  and  fighting  against  the  divine 
will  before  he  could  be  induced  to  take  up  the  work  in 
Strasburg.  Now  a  return  to  Geneva  seemed  to  him 
equivalent  to  crucifixion.  He  had  rather  die  once  for  all 
than  to  enter  upon  a  perpetual  martyrdom  there.  No 
place  in  the  world  was  more  dreadful  to  him.  He  felt 
that  if  he  returned  he  must  carry  out  his  theocratic  idea 
in  the  face  of  all  opposition  and  of  death  itself.  He  could 
not  return  simply  as  a  preacher.  He  must  take  the 
leadership  in  the  reorganization  and  government  of  the 
city  as  a  theocracy.  But  the  logic  of  the  situation  was 
irresistible  and  his  decision  to  return  was  a  foregone  con- 
clusion. 

Calvin's  opponents  had  utterly  failed  to  pacify  the  city  and  to  pre- 
vent anarchy.  His  friends  now  in  control  felt  that  he  alone  could 
give  to  the  citv  tlie  reii^io-political  government  tiiat  tliey  desired. 
He  was  in  a  position  to  dictate  terms  and  he  would  be  content  with 
no  half-way  measures.  A  theocracv  pure  and  simple,  with  the  re- 
morseless punishment  even  unto  death  of  opponents  of  the  theocracy 
and  disseminators  of  false  teachings,  was  his  programme.  He  re- 
ceived an  ovation  when  he  entered  the  city  (September  13,  i54i)- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  217 

He  was  presented  with  a  costly  coat,  a  liberal  annual  allowance  of 
wine  and  wheat  was  granted  him,  and  an  extraordinarily  large 
stipend  was  provided  in  order  that  he  might  be  free  to  practise  hos- 
pitality on  a  liberal  scale.  From  what  we  know  of  Calvin's  unself- 
ishness we  may  be  sure  that  these  provisions  were  purely  spontane- 
ous. The  Strasburg  preachers  congratulated  the  Genevan  on  hav- 
ing secured  the  services  of  "  that  elect  and  incomparable  instrument 
of  God,  by  whose  side  our  time  has  scarcely  a  second  worthy  to  be 
placed,  if  indeed  a  second  to  him  can  be  spoken  of  at  all."  The 
Strasburgers  had  come  to  recognize  him  as  the  foremost  theologian 
and  ecclesiastical  statesman  of  their  own  time  and  every  other,  and 
they  were  not  far  astray. 

8.  The  Genevan  Theocracy  {1341  onward). 

Never  did  a  man  come  to  his  life-work  with  a  fuller 
realization  of  the  difficulties  and  the  responsibilities  in- 
volved or  with  a  more  resolute  determination  to  carry 
out,  regardless  of  consequences,  what  he  believed  the 
will  of  God  required,  than  did  Calvin.  He  had  not  the 
slightest  misgivings  as  to  the  absolute  correctness  and 
the  sole  validity  of  his  own  particular  schemes  of  Chris- 
tian doctrine  and  of  church  government.  All  who  set 
themselves  in  radical  opposition  to  the  one  or  the  other 
were  under  the  guidance  of  Satan,  were  out  of  the  pale 
of  salvation,  and  deserved  no  consideration  at  the  hands 
of  the  faithful.  Gentleness  toward  such  would  be  "  cruel 
humanity  "  {crudelis  humajiitas) . 

His  absolute  intolerance  was  a  result  not  of  a  desire  to  take  ven- 
geance on  his  enemies  or  to  rid  himself  of  those  who  stood  in  his 
way,  but  rather  of  a  deep-seated  conviction  that  fidelity  to  God  re- 
quired their  punishment.  For  a  Christian  minister  or  a  Christian 
magistrate  to  allow  heretics  to  disseminate  their  errors  was  as  inex- 
cusable as  it  would  be  to  allow  miscreants  to  spread  contagion. 
The  example  of  the  faithful,  God-approved  kings  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment time,  who  remorselessly  suppressed  idolatry  and  destroyed  its 
votaries,  was  constantly  before  him,  while  that  of  the  careless  kings 
who  allowed  idolatry  to  run  riot  and  brought  upon  themselves 
thereby  the  divine  displeasure  he  held  up  as  a  warning  against  the 
toleration  of  error.  As  a  thoroughgoing  theocrat,  Calvin  was 
necessarily  and  on  principle  a  persecutor.  Luther  was  such  by 
force  of  circumstances  and  because  of  his  intolerant  disposition, 
against  his  clearly-expressed  convictions  in  earlier  times  ;  perse- 
cution was  the  logical  outcome  of  Calvin's  most  cherished  convic- 
tions. Like  Farel,  he  felt  that  if  he  should  teach  error  and  per- 
sist in  it  he  would  deserve  to  die.  He  meted  out  to  others  what 
he  felt  he  would  have  others  mete  out  to  him  under  similar  cir- 
cumstances. 


2l8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

Immediately  on  his  arrival  his  "  Ecclesiastical  Ordi- 
nances "  were  submitted  to  the  council.  Six  members 
were  appointed  to  go  over  the  document  with  him.  Cal- 
vin made  some  concessions  by  way  of  diminishing  the 
absoluteness  of  ecclesiastical  authority  in  the  matter  of 
discipline,  the  control  of  the  schools,  and  the  appoint- 
ment and  dismission  of  ministers;  but  with  slight  modi- 
fications the  scheme  was  adopted  (November,  1541). 
Soon  afterward  he  was  entrusted  with  the  task  of  draw- 
ing up  a  civil  code  for  the  city.  His  legal  learning  stood 
him  well  in  stead,  and  he  wrought  out  a  system  which 
was  the  counterpart  of  his  ecclesiastical  ordinances. 
Thus  he  was  the  lawgiver  of  the  community,  not  be- 
cause of  his  own  desire  to  be  such,  but  because  the 
dominant  party  in  the  city  wished  to  have  it  so. 

The  government  of  the  church  was  vested  in  a  consistory  com- 
posed of  six  ministers  and  twelve  lay  elders.  Two  of  the  latter 
were  chosen  from  the  Little  Council  and  ten  from  the  Council  of 
Two  Hundred,  These  elders  were  nominated  by  tiie  ministers,  and 
before  tiiey  were  allowed  to  take  their  seats  their  names  were  pub- 
lished, to  give  opportunity  for  charges  of  unworthiness.  The  gen- 
eral assembly  of  burgesses  had  a  veto  on  their  appointment.  Ac- 
cording to  the  rules  the  meetings  of  the  consistory  were  to  be  presided 
over  by  one  of  the  syndics,  but  Calvin  soon  became  permanent 
president.  Tliis  consistory  assembled  every  Thursday,  and  had 
jurisdiction  over  blasphemers,  drunkards,  'fornicators,  brawlers, 
dancers,  dancing-masters,  disseminators  of  heresy,  absentees  from 
divine  service,  those  acting  disrespectfully  toward  church  or  clergy, 
etc.  The  penalties  imposed  by  the  consistory  extended  no  further 
than  to  excommunication.  Those  that  were  guilty  of  grave  offenses, 
and  were  obdurate,  were  handed  over  to  the  council  for  punishment. 

In  the  Genevan  svstem  there  were  four  classes  of  ecclesiastical 
officers :  Ministers  or  'preachers,  elected  bv  the  college  of  ministers 
and  approved  by  the  council,  the  people  also  having  theoretically  the 
right  to  object;  eUas,  chosen  as  above,  whose  business  it  was  to 
watch  over  the  morals  of  all  classes  and,  as  members  of  the  con- 
sistory (together  with  the  six  ministers),  to  exercise  church  disci- 
pline ;  deacons,  whose  office  was  to  administer  church  charities  and  to 
look  after  the  sick  ;  teachers  or  doctors,  who  were  to  give  instruction 
in  Greek,  Hebrew,  and  other  branches  of  learning  to  students  for 
the  ministry. 

As  a  standard  of  doctrine  Calvin  prepared  (^.  1542)  a 
new  catechism  (known  as  the  "  Genevan  Catechism," 
one  of  the  chief  symbolical  works  of  the  Reformed 
Church).     Next  he  prepared  a  liturgy  ("  Form  of  Pray- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  219 

ers  and  Ecclesiastical  Songs  with  the  Manner  of  Admin- 
istering the  Sacraments  and  Consecrating  Marriage  ac- 
cording to  the  Custom  of  the  Ancient  Church,"  1542). 

The  forms  of  prayer  did  not  exclude  extemporaneous  prayer  on  the 
part  of  the  ministers.  Psalm  singing,  which  the  Zwlnglians  had 
omitted,  was  provided  for.  Daily  services  in  the  churches,  with 
suspension  of  business  meanwhile,  formed  a  feature  of  the  sclieme. 
Weekly  discourses  tor  adults,  with  the  privilege  of  questioning  and 
discussing,  were  arranged  for  Fridays.  Calvin  laid  the  utmost 
stress  on  church  life  as  a  means  of  developing  and  directing  the  lite 
of  the  individual,  and  he  subordinated  the  individual  to  the  ecclesi- 
astical community  as  much  as  the  Roman  law  subordinated  the  indi- 
vidual to  the  State.  "  The  church  is  our  mother.  This  designa- 
tion itself  shows  how  useful  and  necessary  it  is  to  know  her.  For 
we  cannot  otherwise  enter  into  life  than  if  we  are  generated  in  her 
womb,  nourished  at  her  breasts,  and  kept  under  her  guardianship 
and  tutelage  until,  freed  from  this  mortal  body,  we  become  like  the 
angels.  .  .  Accordingly  God  has,  on  the  one  hand,  endowed  the 
church  with  a  teaching  office  instituted  by  himself  to  which  be- 
lievers are  bound  to  render  obedience;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  has 
bestowed  upon  her  (the  church)  the  duty  and  right  to  enact  laws  and 
to  administer  church  discipline,  because  no  society  can  exist  without 
order  and  discipline."  He  compares  doctrine  with  the  soul  and  dis- 
cipline with  the  nerves  through  which  the  different  members  are 
bound  together  and  kept  in  order. 

Calvin's  theory  of  the  relations  of  Church  and  State  was  quite  in 
accord  with  the  Genevan  practice.  He  defines  the  local  church  as 
consisting  of  the  whole  body  of  clergy  and  laity  who  are  of  the 
same  faith  in  fundamental  points.  Wherever  the  word  of  God  is 
sincerely  preached  and  heard,  and  the  sacraments  duly  administered 
according  to  the  institution  of  Christ,  there  no  doubt  is  a  church  of 
God.^ 

He  had  to  contend  against  the  civil  power  which  wanted  to  control 
the  church,  and  the  Libertines  and  the  Anabaptists,  who  rejected 
absolutely  any  connection  between  Church  and  State.  Most  of  his 
arguments  are  directed  to  showing  that  the  church  has  the  right 
and  calling  to  exercise  discipline  not  simply  moral  but  also  physical. 
The  civil  administration  exists  only  for  the  defense  of  the  church. 
It  belongs  to  the  State  to  carry  out  the  regulations  of  the  church,  to 
prevent  idolatry,  sacrilege,  heresy,  etc.,  to  take  care  that  true  religion 
is  neither  insulted  nor  injured,  to  defend  the  laws  of  the  Two  Tables. 
It  has  no  right  to  enact  laws  concerning  religion  nor  to  interfere  in 
matters  purely  ecclesiastical.  Just  as  the  Roman  hierarchy  had 
done  long  before,  in  its  efforts  to  bring  everything  under  the  juris- 
diction of  canon  law,  Calvin  virtually  made  every  sin  a  crime,  and 
so  did  not  hesitate  to  make  use  of  the  civil  power  for  the  execution 
of  church  discipline.  Calvin's  view  of  the  subordination  of  the  civil 
power  to  the  ecclesiastical  does  not  appear  to  be  radically  different 
from  the  papal. 

1  "Inst,"  Vol  IV..  Chap.  I.,  §9. 


220  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V, 

9.  Renewed  Opposition  to  the  Theocracy. 

The  rigor  with  which  Calvin's  ordinances  were  exe- 
cuted soon  called  forth  a  storm  of  protest.  No  mercy 
was  shown  to  the  enemies  of  the  theocracy.  New 
methods  of  torture  were  introduced,  and  the  obstinate 
were  given  to  understand  that  unless  they  yielded, 
"  They  would  end  their  days  in  such  torment."  A  sys- 
tem of  espionage  was  introduced  to  prevent  secret  trans- 
gression. Informers  shared  in  the  fines  imposed,  and 
the  testimony  of  children  against  parents  was  freely  re- 
ceived. During  the  years  1542  to  1546,  fifty-eight  exe- 
cutions occurred  and  seventy-six  were  banished.  Dur- 
ing the  pestilence  of  1545,  thirty-four  women  were 
burned  or  quartered  on  suspicion  of  spreading  the  plague 
by  magical  means.  The  refusal  of  the  preachers  to  min- 
ister in  the  pesthouse  when  ordered  by  the  council  to  do 
so  (1543),  greatly  strengthened  the  opposition. 

Calvin's  opponents  may  be  divided  into  two  classes: 
(i)  The  spiritual  libertines ,  a  large  body  of  semi-panthe- 
istic freethinkers,  who  became  more  and  more  embit- 
tered against  Calvin  and  his  ordinances.  In  1545  Calvin 
wrote  "  Against  the  fantastic  and  furious  sect  of  the  Lib- 
ertines who  called  themselves  Spirituals."  He  attrib- 
utes their  origin  to  one  Coppin,  of  Flanders  (about  1530), 
and  estimates  their  number  at  four  thousand.  That 
their  teachings  were  blasphemous  and  utterly  subver- 
sive of  true  religion  and  morality  there  can  be  no  doubt. 

(2)  Of  even  more  importance  was  the  opposition  of  the 
political  libertines,  led  by  Pierre  Ameaux,  a  distinguished 
citizen  who  refused  to  attend  the  services  of  the  church 
or  to  conform  with  his  family  to  the  rigorous  regulations 
regarding  dress,  amusements,  etc.  In  spite  of  the  fact 
that  he  and  his  wife  lay  in  prison  for  violation  of  the  or- 
dinances, the  Council  of  Two  Hundred  chose  him  to  a 
position  in  the  government.  Calvin  triumphed  and 
Ameaux  was  led  through  the  city  barefooted  and  arrayed 
in  his  shirt,  and  was  compelled  to  kneel  on  the  public 
square  and  in  a  loud  voice  to  ask  forgiveness  for  his  of- 
fense. This  proceeding,  as  might  have  been  expected, 
intensified  his  hatred  of  Calvin.  The  punishment  of  Ami 
Perrin  (1546),  for  participating  in  a  dance,  made  of  this 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  221 

former  friend  of  Calvin  and  highly  influential  citizen,  an 
inveterate  enemy  of  the  theocracy.  The  execution  of 
Jacques  Gruet  (1547)  still  further  intensified  the  opposi- 
tion, and  for  a  time  Calvin's  life  was  in  danger.  The 
Council  of  Two  Hundred  was  equally  divided  between 
his  supporters  and  his  opponents,  but  by  sheer  force  of 
character  he  again  triumphed. 

Calvin's  position  was  greatly  strengthened  (1549- 
1554)  by  the  inflow  into  Geneva  of  large  companies  of 
zealous  and  devoted  followers  from  France  and  other 
parts  of  Europe,  who  sought  refuge  from  persecution  in 
this  great  evangelical  center.  Calvin  was  able  to  se- 
cure for  them  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  they  in  turn 
heartily  supported  him  in  his  theocratic  government. 
Within  the  time  mentioned  thirteen  hundred  and 
seventy-six  foreigners  settled  in  Geneva,  and  more  than 
half  this  number  became  citizens.  A  final  uprising 
against  Calvin  and  his  foreign  supporters  occurred  in 
1555,  and  resulted  in  the  complete  discomfiture  of  the 
opposition  and  the  execution  of  some  of  its  leaders.  From 
this  time  until  his  death,  in  1563,  his  authority  was  al- 
most undisputed. 

Calvin's  relations  to  Servetus  and  his  participation  in 
his  condemnation  and  execution  have  been  sufficiently 
set  forth  in  the  account  of  Servetus. 

10.  Calvin  as  a  Controversialist. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  local  conflicts 
in  which  Calvin  was  engaged.  It  would  have  been  impos- 
sible for  a  man  of  his  energy  of  conviction,  under  cir- 
cumstances like  those  under  which  he  was  placed,  to' 
have  escaped  controversy  on  the  great  questions  that  agi- 
tated the  age. 

As  a  polemical  writer  Calvin  is  infinitely  more  argu- 
mentative and  less  abusive  than  Luther,  and  yet  even 
he  occasionally  lost  his  temper  and  indulged  in  unbe- 
coming raillery.  As  he  was  the  greatest  systematic 
theologian  and  the  greatest  ecclesiastical  statesman  of 
his  age,  so  also  he  was  the  greatest  polemicist. 

(i)  Calvin  and  Roman  Catl/olics.  The  "Institutes" 
as  it  is  an  apology  for  Protestantism  so,  necessarily,  it 
is  an  attack  on  Roman  Catholicism,     Most  of  Calvin's 


222  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

literary  work  was  consciously  aimed  at  tearing  down 
Roman  Catholicism  as  well  as  building  up  Protestant- 
ism. The  following  are  some  of  the  most  decidedly 
anti-Romanist  treatises : 

a.  The  "  Reply  to  Cardinal  Sadolet's  Letter."  Cal- 
vin had  been  driven  from  Geneva,  and  the  Romanists, 
seeing  the  Protestants  without  a  leader,  hoped  to  win 
them  back.  Calvin's  reply  is  dignified  and  overwhelm- 
ing. 

b.  The  tract  on  "The  Necessity  of  Reforming  the 
Church,"  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Diet  of  Speier  (1543).  This  is  one  of 
Calvin's  most  important  treatises  against  the  Roman 
Catholic  system.  The  treatise  was  written  in  the  name 
of  the  German  Protestants,  and  the  aim  was  to  show 
that  the  Reformation  was  absolutely  necessitated  by  the 
radical  corruption  of  the  church. 

c.  "  An  Admonition,  showing  the  Advantages  which 
Christendom  might  derive  from  an  Inventory  of  Relics." 
This  is  conceived  in  a  sarcastic  spirit,  and  could  not  fail 
to  convince  the  reader  of  the  absurdity  of  relic  worship, 
and  of  conscious  imposture  on  the  part  of  priests  and 
monks. 

d.  "  Canons  and  Decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
with  the  Antidote."  One  by  one  the  articles  of  the  early 
sessions  of  the  council  are  taken  up  and  answered  with 
consummate  ability. 

(2)  Calvin  and  Extreme  Lutherans.  The  most  note- 
worthy controversy  under  this  head  was  that  with  West- 
phal,  of  Hamburg.'  In  1549,  after  many  vain  attempts, 
the  Zurich  and  Genevan  churches,  under  Calvin's 
leadership,  came  to  an  agreement  as  to  the  sacraments, 
Luther  was  dead,  and  the  peace-loving  Melanchthon, 
having  long  been  dissatisfied  with  Luther's  rigor  and  in 
sympathy  with  Calvin's  mediating  position,  was  form- 
ing, quietly  and  secretly,  a  crypto-Calvinist  party  in 
Germany.  Westphal,  an  extreme  and  intolerant 
Lutheran,  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  Calvin's  view  of 
the  sacraments.  This  led  Calvin  into  a  somewhat  pro- 
longed controversy,  in  the  course  of  which  he  wrote 
three  treatises  on  the  sacraments,  in  defense  of  the  arti- 
cles agreed  upon  by  the  churches  of  Ziirich  and  Geneva. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  223 

Calvin  held,  in  opposition  to  Zwingli,  that  "  to  deny 
that  a  true  communication  of  Jesus  Christ  is  presented 
to  us  in  the  Supper,  is  to  render  this  holy  sacrament 
frivolous  and  useless — an  execrable  blasphemy,  unfit  to 
be  listened  to  "  ;  that  if  the  words  of  Christ  (John  6  : 
53),  are  "  not  to  go  for  nothing,  it  follows  that  in  order 
to  have  our  life  in  Christ  our  souls  must  feed  on  his 
body  and  blood  as  their  proper  food." 

hi  opposition  to  Luther  he  held  "that  the  bread  and 
the  wine  are  visible  signs,  which  represent  to  us  the 
body  and  blood,  but  that  the  name  and  title  of  body  and 
blood  are  given  to  them  because  they  are,  as  it  were,  in- 
struments by  which  the  Lord  distributes  them  to  us."  He 
denied  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's 
human  body,  by  which  the  Lutherans  easily  explained 
their  doctrine  of  the  real  presence,  and  he  maintained 
that  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  partaken  of  only 
spiritually,  by  faith. 

(3)  Calvin  and  Religions  Freethinkers.  Calvin's  fierc- 
est theological  conflicts  were  with  impugners  of  what 
he  regarded  as  fundamental  doctrines  :  Servetus,  Cas- 
tellio,  Bolsec,  the  Anabaptists,  the  Socinians,  etc.  The 
Roman  Catholics  were  organized  and  respectable,  as 
were  also  the  Lutherans,  with  whom  he  was  at  variance 
only  on  a  few  minor  points.  But  disorganizing  heresy  he 
could  not  away  with,  and  he  soon  decided  that  the  only 
efficient  argument  against  it  was  the  fagot  or  the  sword. 
Many  of  the  Anabaptists  Calvin  was  enabled  to  win  over 
by  argument,  the  earnestness  of  Calvin  and  the  rigorous 
discipline  which  he  introduced  commending  him  to  them. 

The  most  notorious  controversy  under  this  head  was 
that  with  Michael  Servetus.  Servetus,  a  Spaniard,  one 
of  the  most  learned  and  most  acute  men  of  his  time,  no 
less  decided  in  his  convictions  of  religious  truth  than 
Calvin,  and  even  more  polemically  inclined,  was,  from 
1534  onward,  a  source  of  considerable  annoyance  to 
Calvin.  The  important  facts  relating  to  this  contro- 
versy have  been  given  in  an  earlier  section.  Calvin's 
views  regarding  the  Trinity,  the  person  of  Christ,  and 
baptism,  the  chief  points  at  issue  between  him  and  Serve- 
tus, have  been  so  fully  perpetuated  in  the  great  Re- 
formed churches  that  they  are  sufficiently  familiar. 


224  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Mention  should  be  made  of  Calvin's  controversy  with 
Sebastian  Casteilio,  an  Italian  humanist,  who  had  come 
into  close  relations  with  him  at  Strasburg  (1540),  and 
who  had  been  appointed  througii  his  influence  as  profes- 
sor and  preacher  in  Geneva.  Casteilio  enjoyed  the  dis- 
tinction of  being  the  only  member  of  the  Genevan  clergy 
who  would  minister  at  the  pesthouse  in  1543.  As  early 
as  1544  he  attacked  Calvin's  doctrine  of  election  and 
shocked  him  by  describing  the  Song  of  Solomon  as  an 
erotic  poem  unworthy  of  a  place  in  the  canon.  Taken 
to  task  for  such  teachings,  he  charged  the  Genevan  clergy 
with  pride,  avarice,  and  worldliness.  Driven  from  his 
position  he  betook  himself  to  Basel  where,  in  deep 
poverty,  he  engaged  in  important  literary  labors,  includ- 
ing a  new  Latin  translation  of  the  Bible,  in  1552  he  was 
appointed  to  a  professorship  in  the  university,  which  he 
held  till  his  death,  in  1563.  One  of  his  most  important 
works  was  "  The  Opinions  of  Learned  Men  concerning 
Heretics,  whether  They  Should  be  Persecuted  "  (1560), 
It  is  a  powerful  plea  for  liberty  of  conscience.  He  de- 
clares that  Christ  would  be  a  Moloch,  or  some  such  god, 
if  he  desired  to  have  men  sacrificed  to  him  and  burned 
alive.  He  also  wrote  "  Against  Calvin's  Little  Book,  in 
which  he  endeavors  to  show  that  Heretics  ought  to  be 
coerced  by  the  Right  of  the  Sword,"  but  this  was  not 
published  until  1612. 

Casteilio  had  much  in  common  with  the  Socinians  and  may  be  re- 
garded as  a  forerunner  of  the  Arminians.  Like  most  of  the  Italian 
Humanists  who  embraced  Protestantism,  he  revolted  against  the 
harsher  aspects  of  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic  doctrine.  It  will  not  be 
necessary  to  define  particularly  Calvin's  attitude  on  the  questions  at 
issue  between  himself  and  Casteilio 

Of  a  somewhat  similar  nature  was  Calvin's  contro- 
versy with  Jerome  Bolsec,  a  French  Protestant  physician 
who  had  settled  in  the  neighborhood  of  Geneva  under 
the  patronage  of  a  Calvinistic  noble.  In  1551  he  at- 
tacked Calvin's  doctrine  of  predestination  in  the  con- 
gregation, where  all  had  the  right  to  propound  questions 
and  join  in  the  discussion.  Calvin  was  at  great  pains  to 
defend  this  doctrine  on  the  basis  of  the  Scriptures  and 
the  writings  of  Augustine.  Bolsec,  refusing  to  be  con- 
vinced, was  thrown  into  prison. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  225 

Banished  from  the  city  he  was  persistent  in  his  attacks  on  Calvin 
and  the  Genevan  theocracy,  and  he  made  the  most  of  the  scandal 
involved  in  the  execution  of  Servetus.  Bolsec  finally  returned  to  the 
Carmellite  order  of  monks  which  he  had  deserted  and  devoted  the 
rest  of  his  life  to  writing  against  the  reformers.    He  died  about  1584. 

1 1 .  Calvinism  in  France :  The  Huguenots. 

LITERATURE:  See  Beza,  '' Histotre  des  EgUses  T^eformees  au 
Royaume  de  France"  ;  Quick,  '"'' Synodicon  tn  Gallia  T(eformata.  .  . 
Acts  ...  of  the  Seven  Last  National  Synods  of  the  Reformed 
Churches  in  France,"  1692;  '' BulU'tin  de  la  Soci'd'e  de  l' Histoire  dii 
Protestanlisme  Fran<;ai5,'"  1853-1865  ;  Herminjard,  "^  Correspoiidance 
des  R'eformateurs  dans  les  Pays  de  Langue  Franqatse,"  1866-1893  ;  Sol- 
dan,  "  Gescli.  d.  Protestantismus  m  Frankreich,''^  1855  ;  Baird,  "  His- 
tory of  the  Rise  of  the  Huguenots  in  France,"  2  vols.,  1879,  "  The 
Huguenots  and  Henry  of  Navarre,"  2  vols.,  1886,  "  The  Huguenots 
and  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,"  2  vols.,  1896  (these 
six  volumes  constitute  by  far  the  best  account  of  French  Protestant- 
ism in  English) ;  Heath,  "  The  Reformation  in  France,"  2  vols., 
1886-1888;  Lives  of  Coligny  by  Tessier  (1872),  Delaborde  {1879- 
1882),  Besant  (1894),  and  Bersier  (1884);  Lichtenberger,  "  Encyclo- 
pedie,"  articles  on  '"'France  Protestanle"  and  on  leading  characters 
and  principal  events  ;  and  Hauck-Herzog,  third  ed.,  on  chief  charac- 
ters and  events. 

(i)  Condition  of  France  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. The  course  of  the  Reformation  in  France,  as  in 
other  countries,  depended  largely  upon  the  political, 
social,  and  religious  condition  of  the  population. 

During  the  Middle  Ages  France  was  more  independent 
of  the  papacy  than  any  other  European  nation.  Louis  IX., 
although  an  earnest  Catholic  and  a  crusader,  issued 
(1269)  a  Pragmatic  Sanction  against  the  "intolerable 
exactions  of  the  Court  of  Rome."  This  furnished  the 
basis  for  the  "  Liberties  "  of  the  French  Church  and  the 
French  king.  Philip  the  Fair  vanquished  Boniface  VIIL, 
and  captured  the  papacy  (1305).  "  Gallicanism  "  came 
to  be  the  technical  name  for  a  system  of  ecclesiastical 
polity  in  accordance  with  which  councils  are  superior 
to  popes,  and  the  rights  of  national  churches  are  recog- 
nized. The  Pragmatic  Sanction  of  Bourges  (1438)  con- 
firmed the  "  Liberties  "  of  the  French  Church. 

By  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  France  had  be- 
come thoroughly  centralized.  In  1439,  ^^  a  meeting  of 
the  States  General,  the  troops  of  the  nobles,  lawlessly 
paid,  were  disbanded  and  the  right  of  maintaining  a  regu- 

p 


226  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

lar  force  limited  to  the  king,  who  was  thus  enabled  to 
attach  to  his  court  the  nobles  now  incapable  of  private 
adventures.  The  common  people  were  purposely  kept 
unused  to  arms,  and  were  heavily  taxed  for  the  main- 
tenance of  mercenary  troops — Swiss,  German,  etc.  The 
States  General  were  no  longer  called  together  and  the 
right  to  assemble  had  been  almost  forgotten.  Parlia- 
ment, which  had  formerly  had  considerable  independent 
authority,  was  now  almost  completely  subservient  to  the 
king. 

In  1516  Francis  I.  had  sold  the  "Liberties"  of  the 
Galilean  Church,  and  had  made  a  concordat  with  the 
pope  in  accordance  with  which  ecclesiastical  patronage 
and  spoils  were  divided  between  king  and  pope.  The 
pope  was  to  have  the  right  to  collect  annates  and  other 
revenues  in  France.  The  king  was  to  have  the  right  of 
nominating  to  the  high  ecclesiastical  offices.  There  were 
in  France  at  this  time  ten  archbishoprics,  eighty-three 
bishoprics,  twenty-seven  abbacies,  and  a  large  number 
of  smaller  foundations.  Most  of  these  were  very  heavily 
endowed.  Nominations  to  these  were  sold  by  the  king, 
and  the  highest  offices  were  commonly  purchased  by  in- 
fluential nobles  or  bestowed  upon  them  in  reward  of 
services  past  or  prospective.  During  tlie  time  of  Francis 
I.  France  had  thirteen  cardinals,  who  were  commonly 
elected  through  royal  influence,  and  who  held  numerous 
benefices  in  France.  Five  of  these — the  cardinals  of 
Bourbon,  Lorraine,  Chltillori,  Du  Bellay,  and  Armagnac, 
were  nobles  of  the  highest  rank.  Most  of  the  higher 
clergy  were  non-residents  and  the  lower  clergy  followed 
the  example  of  the  higher  in  pleasure-seeking  and  idle- 
ness. The  chief  judicial  offices,  like  the  ecclesiastical, 
were  sold  to  the  highest  bidders. 

(2)  Hindrances  and  helps  to  the  French  1{eformaiion.  a. 
Hindrances.  Among  the  obstacles  to  reform  in  France 
we  may  mention  :  (a)  The  centralized  condition  of  the 
government,  whose  financial  interest  lay  so  decidedly  in 
the  maintenance  of  the  hierarchical  church.  The  theory 
prevailed,  moreover,  among  the  French  kings  that  a 
change  of  religion  involves  a  change  of  rulers. 

(b)  The  evils  of  this  royal  absolutism  were  enhanced 
by  the  fact  that,  after  the  death  of  Henry  11.  (1559)  the 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  227 

government  fell  into  the  hands  of  Catharine  de  Medici, 
one  of  the  most  unscrupulous  women  of  history,  trained 
in  the  school  of  Macchiavelli,  and  willing  to  sacrifice  the 
lives  of  half  her  subjects  if  thereby  some  object  of  ambi- 
tion could  be  attained.  Just  as  unscrupulous  and  much 
more  astute  were  the  Guises  (the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine, 
the  Cardinal  of  Guise,  the  Duke  of  Guise,  the  Duke 
of  Aumales,  the  Marquis  of  Elbeuf,  the  Grand  Prior 
of  France),  who  had  attained  to  great  influence  under 
Henry  II.,  and  who,  partly  as  counselors  and  military 
leaders  and  partly  as  rivals  of  Catharine  de  Medici,  con- 
trolled the  government  for  a  number  of  years  (1559 
onward).  Possessing  princely  revenues  from  ecclesias- 
tical benefices,  they  were  ever  rapacious,  and  their  re- 
lentless inquisitorial  proceedings  against  Protestants  were 
prompted  by  the  two-fold  desire  of  maintaining  the  ex- 
isting ecclesiastical  order  from  which  they  derived  their 
wealth  and  of  confiscating  the  property  of  the  perse- 
cuted. The  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  (1572) 
is  only  an  instance  of  what  was  going  on  almost  con- 
stantly, on  a  smaller  scale,  for  nearly  fifty  years. 

{c)  The  influence  of  Philip  II.  of  Spain,  a  bigoted 
Romanist  and  an  earnest  supporter  of  the  Inquisition, 
was  baneful  to  Protestantism.  Having  married  a  daughter 
of  Catharine  de  Medici,  he  was  able  to  exert  much  per- 
sonal influence  upon  Catharine.  He  incited  Catharine, 
her  royal  sons,  and  the  Guises  to  the  carrying  out  of  an 
exterminating  policy  against  the  Protestants  by  promises 
of  troops  and  money,  and  by  threats  of  invasion  in  case 
Protestantism  should  be  tolerated.  He  strove  persist- 
ently to  secure  the  full  establishment  of  the  Inquisition 
in  France. 

{d)  The  lower  classes  in  France  were  ignorant  and  de- 
graded, and  were  content  with  their  condition.  Calvin- 
ism presented  to  them  not  an  attractive  and  an  emanci- 
pating front  as  Lutheranism  did  to  the  German  peasants  ; 
but  it  seemed  to  them  rather  austere  and  oppressive. 
Lutherans  appealed  to  the  lowest  motives  as  well  as  to 
the  highest,  Calvinists  only  to  the  highest.  Moreover, 
Calvinistic  preaching  was  generally  too  abstruse  to  be 
appreciated  by  the  illiterate.  It  may  be  safely  laid  down 
as  a  principle  that  the  uneducated  class,  as  a  class,  is 


228  A   .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  V. 

never  won  to  the  support  of  any  cause  except  by  the 
promise  of  outward  amelioration.  The  priests  were  able, 
at  almost  any  time,  to  stir  up  the  populace  to  deeds  of 
violence  against  the  Protestants. 

(e)  The  University  of  Paris,  still  highly  influential, 
opposed  Protestantism  with  all  its  might. 

b.  Helps,  (a)  The  extreme  corruption  of  the  French 
clergy,  and  their  scandalous  negligence  in  the  perform- 
ance of  the  functions  assigned  them,  favored  Protestants 
in  two  ways  :  By  creating  in  the  minds  of  intelligent 
people  a  longing  for  reform,  and  by  making  it  possible 
for  Protestants  long  to  labor  unmolested  in  many  places. 

(b)  Francis  I.  had  generously  promoted  the  new  learn- 
ing by  founding  a  school  of  languages  and  by  patronizing 
scholars.  France  contained  a  large  class  of  intelligent 
people,  and  intelligence  has  generally  been  found  favor- 
able to  Protestantism. 

(c)  Asa  matter  of  fact  the  intelligent  people  of  France 
(belonging  chiefly  to  the  middle  and  upper  classes)  rap- 
idly embraced  Protestantism. 

(d)  A  constant  stream  of  zealous  missionaries  flowed 
from  Geneva  into  France,  The  influence  of  Calvin, 
through  these  men,  through  his  published  writings,  and 
through  his  letters  to  leading  Protestants  in  France,  is 
incalculable. 

(e)  Three  noblewomen — Margaret,  Queen  of  Navarre, 
sister  of  Francis  1.  ;  Jeanne  d'Albret,  her  daughter  and 
successor,  and  Renee,  Duchess  of  Ferrara,  daughter  of 
Louis  XII. — were  of  great  service  to  the  Protestant  cause 
in  protecting  its  adherents  and  in  winning  over  noblemen 
to  Protestantism. 

(/)  The  Bourbon  family,  "princes  of  the  blood," 
were  led,  partly  by  conviction,  and  perhaps  more  by  po- 
litical considerations,  to  assume  the  leadership  of  the 
persecuted  Protestants.  Feeling  that  their  rights  had 
been  invaded  by  the  Guises,  they  had  the  most  power- 
ful political  motives  for  striving  to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment whose  policy  they  were  dictating.  The  influence 
of  Jeanne  d'Albret  on  her  husband,  Antoine  de  Bour- 
bon, was  considerable  ;  but  his  weakness  and  pusilla- 
nimity probably  injured  as  much  as  aided  the  Protestant 
cause.     Louis  de   Bourbon,   Prince  of   Conde,  was  far 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  229 

more  valiant,  and  as  counsellor  and  military  leader  did 
good  service  for  the  Protestant  cause.  Finally,  Henry  of 
Navarre,  son  of  Antoine  and  Jeanne  d'Albret,  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  Protestant  party,  and,  by  rare 
military  genius  and  political  tact,  succeeded,  after  the 
death  of  the  last  of  the  sons  of  Catharine  de  Medici,  in 
winning  the  crown  of  France.  He  secured  for  the  Prot- 
estants most  of  the  rights  they  had  so  long  struggled 
and  suffered  for,  but  showed  his  insincerity  and  his  in- 
gratitude in  returning  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
and  thus  making  it  almost  certain  that  Romanism  would 
regain  the  ascendency  and  crush  out  the  new  faith.  The 
chief  service  of  the  Bourbons  was  to  give  legality  to  the 
Protestant  revolt. 

(g)  The  Chatillon  family  rendered  very  efficient  serv- 
ice to  Protestantism.  The  Cardinal  Chatillon  embraced 
the  new  faith  and,  while  retaining  his  office,  promoted 
Protestant  preaching.  He  was  finally  excommunicated 
by  the  pope.  The  greatest  military  leader  of  the  French 
Protestants  was  Admiral  Gaspard  de  Coligny,  "the 
noblest  of  all  Frenchmen."  For  military  genius,  relig- 
ious earnestness,  moral  courage,  and  complete  devotion 
of  self  and  all,  he  stands  without  a  rival  among  the  lead- 
ers of  the  sixteenth  century.  Francis  d'Andelot,  younger 
brother  of  the  cardinal  and  the  admiral,  possessed,  in  a 
less  degree,  most  of  the  virtues  of  the  latter,  and  was  a 
military  leader  of  no  mean  ability. 

(h)  The  influence  of  the  Chancellor  L'Hopital  who, 
without  declaring  himself  openly  in  favor  of  Protestant- 
ism, did  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  illegal  persecutions 
of  Protestants,  must  not  be  overlooked. 

(/)  William  of  Orange,  second  only  to  Coligny  in 
military  ability  and  Christian  heroism,  found  time  to 
render  some  service  to  French  Protestantism. 

(k)  Elizabeth  of  England  aided  the  Protestant  cause 
with  money  and  with  troops,  yet  by  no  means  so  liber- 
ally as  might  have  been  expected. 

(3)  Course  of  Events  until  the  Revocation  of  t lie  Edict  of 
Nantes,  a.  French  Protestants  before  the  Organi:{ation 
of  the  Party  in  i^^g.  In  1525  a  commission  was  ap- 
pointed by  Parliament  to  detect  and  to  try  Lutherans. 
Louis  de  Berquin,  a  man   of  high  rank,  of  rare  talent, 


230  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

and  great  learning,  who  had  become  a  Protestant  in 
1523,  was  the  first  victim  of  the  commission.  After  re- 
peated imprisonments  and  horrible  tortures  he  was  exe- 
cuted (1529).  The  effect  of  these  proceedinjis  was  prob- 
ably, on  the  whole,  favorable  to  Protestantism.  The 
Swiss  and  German  Protestants,  rulers  and  theologians, 
interceded  for  the  persecuted  brethren,  but  to  little  pur- 
pose. The  massacre  of  the  Waldenses  (Vaudois)  in 
Provence  occurred  in  1545.  The  learned  and  eloquent 
Anne  du  Bourg,  a  member  of  Parliament,  boldly  de- 
fended the  Protestants  in  1559.  After  imprisonment  in 
the  Bastile  he  died  most  heroically  for  the  faith.  This 
execution,  more  than  that  of  Berquin,  aided  the  Protes- 
tant cause.  Thousands  are  supposed  to  have  embraced 
the  new  religion  in  consequence. 

b.  French  Protestants  from  the  First  National  Synod 
O539)  till  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew.  Persecution 
was  raging  almost  constantly  throughout  France  during 
the  reign  of  Henry  11.  (1547-1559),  and  the  victims 
might  be  numbered  by  thousands.  Yet  in  1559  repre- 
sentatives of  about  fifty  Protestant  churches  could  as- 
semble in  Paris,  the  center  of  persecution,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  completing  the  organization  of  their  forces. 
They  adopted  a  Calvinistic  confession  of  faith  and  a 
system  of  church  order  based  upon  that  of  Calvin,  but 
more  congregational  in  character.  The  first  article  reads  : 
"No  church  nor  church-officer,  be  he  minister,  deacon, 
or  elder,  shall  claim  or  exercise  any  jurisdiction  over  an- 
other." A  system  of  synods  was  inaugurated,  begin- 
ning with  the  consistory  of  each  cliurch,  the  pastor  and 
elders,  ascending  to  the  provincial  synod  assembling 
twice  a  year,  and  finally  to  the  national  synod.  No  min- 
ister should  be  chosen  by  less  than  two  or  three  minis- 
ters and  their  consistories,  and  to  the  people  is  accorded 
a  right  to  object  to  the  elect  minister.  Differences  be- 
tween pastors  and  pastors  or  officers  and  people  are  to  be 
referred  to  the  provincial  synod.  The  national  synod  is 
the  highest  court  of  appeal.' 

There  are  supposed  to  have  been  at  this  time  in  Normandv  fifty 
thousand  Protestants,    in  Brittany  they  were  very  numerous,  and 

1  See  Quick,  "  Synodicon  Gall.  Ref."  Lib.  I. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  231 

assembled  publicly,  in  large  numbers,  to  hear  preaching.  Picardy 
was  swarming  with  Protestants.  La  Brie  had  a  large  Protestant 
element.  Protestants  were  gaining  a  foothold  in  Champagne  and 
Bourgogne.  in  Poitou,  Anjou,  and  Saintonge  the  new  religion  had 
early  become  firmly  established.  Guyenne,  "  Catholic  in  name, 
was  Protestant  in  fact."  Forty  pastors  were  at  work  in  Dauphiny, 
yet  it  was  said  that  a  thousand  would  not  suffice.  Quercy,  Albe- 
geois,  Cevennes,  Provence,  and  Languedoc  were  ready  to  embrace 
Protestantism.  Sixty  churches  are  said  to  have  been  in  process  of 
formation  simultaneously  in  Provence,  and  many  other  bands  of. 
Protestants  were  only  waiting  for  pastors  to  organize  them  into 
churches. 

The  death  of  Henry  II.,  and  the  elevation  of  Catharine 
and  the  Guises  to  power  (1559),  ^^^  the  Bourbons  to  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  the  now  strong  and  aggressive 
Protestant  party.  Protestants  from  various  parts  of 
France  assembled  at  Nantes  and  formed  a  conspiracy  for 
seizing  and  trying  the  Guises,  and  delivering  the  regency 
to  the  Bourbons.  The  conspiracy  was  betrayed  and  the 
"tumult"  of  Amboise  resulted  in  a  horrible  massacre  of 
Protestants  (1560).  Louis  of  Conde  was  arrested  and 
condemned  to  death,  but  the  Chancellor  L'Hopital  re- 
fused to  sign  the  death  warrant,  and  the  young  king, 
Francis  II.,  dying  (December  5,  1560),  Catharine  resolved 
to  assume  the  regency,  and,  by  the  aid  of  Louis  and  An- 
toine  of  Bourbon,  to  throw  off  the  Guises.  For  a  time 
Catharine  was  gracious  to  the  Protestants.  A  hearing 
was  granted  them,  and  Theo.  Beza  ably  and  eloquently 
defended  the  Protestants,  and  pleaded  for  toleration. 
The  Huguenot  leaders  demanded  not  only  toleration  in 
religious  matters,  but  also  the  abolition  of  certain  relig- 
ious orders,  the  exclusion  from  the  king's  council  of  for- 
eigners (the  Guises),  and  the  partial  confiscation  of 
church  property.  The  numbers  of  the  Huguenots  were 
multiplying,  and  they  were  daily  becoming  more  and 
more  aggressive.  Through  the  defection  of  Antoine,  and 
the  influence  of  the  Guises,  the  massacring  of  the  Prot- 
estants was  resumed  (1562). 

In  April,  1562,  the  Huguenots,  assembled  at  Orleans, 
resolved  to  take  up  arms.  Three  sanguinary  religious 
wars  follow  each  other  in  quick  succession,  the  results 
in  each  instance  being  indecisive,  and  the  Protestants 
making  moderate  terms  of  peace  only  to  be  betrayed  by 


232  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Catharine  and  the  Guises.  The  peace  of  St.  Germain 
(Augusts,  1570)  gave  the  Protestants  a  limited  liberty 
of  worship  outside  of  Paris  and  the  right  to  challenge  a 
certain  number  of  judges  in  the  Parliaments  of  Paris, 
Rouen,  Dijon,  Aix,  Rennes,  Grenoble,  and  Bordeaux. 
Moreover,  four  cities  of  refuge  were  entrusted  to  them  for 
two  years — La  Rochelle,  Montauban,  Cognac,  and  La 
Charite. 

Coligny  was  invited  to  the  royal  court  and  treated 
with  the  utmost  consideration.  He  soon  gained,  appar- 
ently, the  ascendency  over  the  feeble  young  king, 
Charles  IX.  A  marriage  was  arranged  between  Henry 
of  Navarre  and  the  king's  sister.  Catharine  finding  that 
she  was  losing  her  influence,  formed,  with  her  son  Henry 
and  the  Guises,  a  conspiracy  for  the  assassination  of 
Coligny. 

Jeanne  d'Albret,  who  opposed  the  marriage  of  her  son 
to  Margaret  of  Valois,  died  suddenly  and  mysteriously, 
possibly  from  poison,  June  8,  1572.  The  marriage  oc- 
curred August  18.  Coligny  was  shot,  not  mortally,  by 
a  hired  assassin,  August  22.  The  details  of  the  mas- 
sacre were  arranged  by  Catharine,  her  son  Henry,  the 
Duchess  of  Nemours,  her  son  Henry  of  Guise,  and  her 
brother-in-law,  the  Duke  of  Aumale. 

c.  French  Protestants  from  the  massacre  of  St.  Barthol- 
omew's Day  till  the  promtilgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
(7572-/595).  A  large  number  of  Huguenot  nobles  had, 
by  invitation,  come  to  Paris,  on  the  occasion  of  the  mar- 
riage of  Henry  of  Navarre  and  the  Princess  Margaret.  It 
was  designed  at  first  only  to  secure  the  assassination  of 
Coligny.  The  shot  not  proving  fatal,  alarm  seized  upon 
the  conspirators  lest  the  king  should  avenge  the  attempt 
on  the  life  of  his  favorite.  Visiting  the  wounded  Coligny. 
in  company  with  his  mother  and  brother,  the  king  had  a 
secret  interview  with  Coligny,  in  which  the  latter  warned 
him  against  the  undue  influence  of  Catharine  and  Henry. 
Charles,  in  a  fit  of  passion,  blurted  out  the  substance  of 
the  conversation.  Catharine  and  Henry  resolved  to 
make  sure  of  Coligny's  death.  They  succeeded,  by 
false  representations  of  the  intentions  and  movements  of 
the  Protestants  against  the  king,  in  working  Charles  into 
a  desperate  and  frenzied  state  of  mind.     He  now  entered 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  233 

passionately  into  the  scheme,  and  the  general  massacre 
was  agreed  upon.  The  horrible  details  of  the  massacre, 
which  occurred  August  24,  must  be  omitted.  Coligny 
was  slain,  and  with  him  hundreds  of  the  noblest  of  the 
Huguenots.  The  number  of  victims  throughout  France 
was  probably  from  twenty  to  fifty  thousand.  There  was 
great  rejoicing  in  the  papal  and  Spanish  courts. 

The  Protestants  who  escaped  were  soon  reorganized 
and  ready  to  strike  another  blow  for  freedom.  Years  of  war 
and  massacre  followed.  Three  Henrys  filled  important 
places  in  the  history  of  this  period  :  Henry  III.,  brother 
and  successor  of  Charles  IX.  ;  Henry,  Duke  of  Guise, 
member  of  the  Spanish  League,  through  whom  Philip  II., 
of  Spain,  distributed  his  ducats  for  the  perpetuation  of 
civil  war  in  France,  and  himself  an  aspirant  to  the 
throne  ;  and  Henry  of  Navarre,  after  the  death  of  Co- 
ligny the  greatest  military  leader  of  the  Huguenots. 
The  authority  of  Henry  of  Guise  becoming  formidable 
through  Spanish  gold,  the  king  secured  his  assassination, 
December,  1588.  King  Henry  III.  was  himself  assassin- 
ated, through  the  influence  of  the  Spanish  League, 
August,  1589.  Henry  of  Navarre  was  now  the  most 
legitimate  claimant  of  the  crown.  Yet  he  had  to  fight 
his  way  to  it  against  the  combined  powers  of  Spain  and 
Roman  Catholic  France.  He  received  some  aid  from  the 
struggling  Netherlanders,  from  England,  and  from  Ger- 
many. Finally  he  made  terms  with  the  pope  (1593)  and 
secured  the  allegiance  of  the  papal  party  in  France.  His 
throne  was  now  secure,  but  peace  had  not  yet  come. 

Having  by  1598  secured  civil  tranquillity,  Henry  now 
applied  himself  to  the  task  of  quieting  the  State  ecclesi- 
astic.    The  "Edict  of  Nantes"  was  directed  to  this  end. 

This  edict,  so  far  as  it  affected  Protestants,  contained  the  following 
provisions:  Complete  liberty  of  conscience  ;  limited  freedom  to  ex- 
ercise the  Reformed  religion,  i.  e.,  lords,  gentlemen,  and  others,  hav- 
ing the  privilege  of  high  justice,  were  to  be  permitted  to  hold  religious 
exercises  in  their  houses  for  their  families,  tenants,  etc. ;  Protestant 
worship  was  to  be  permitted  in  all  places  where  it  was  practised  in 
1596-1597,  and  where  Protestants  had  a  right  to  worship  according 
to  the  Edict  of  Pacification  (1577),  and  according  to  articles,  etc., 
made  at  Nerac  and  Felix  ;  in  every  bailiwick,  seneschalship,  and  gov- 
ernment depending  immediately  upon  the  royal  courts  of  Parliament 
one  place  in  the  suburbs  of  one  town  was  accorded  to  the  Protestants 


2  34  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  v. 

for  public  worship.  Yet  the  Protestants  were  so  hampered  by  re- 
strictions tiiat  anything  like  peaceable  aggressive  work  was  impos- 
sible. 

(4)  Concluding  Remarks.  As  a  result  of  the  forty  years' 
struggle  for  religious  liberty  the  French  Protestants  had 
become  more  a  political  than  a  religious  party.  Partisan- 
ship had  taken  the  place  of  evangelical  zeal.  The  laws, 
combined  with  the  extreme  antagonism  of  the  two  parties, 
put  Protestant  progress  out  of  the  question.  The  Ro- 
manists had  all  the  means  of  aggression  in  their  own 
hands.  The  Protestants  could  hope,  at  best,  for  nothing 
better  than  a  gradual  extinction.  The  Jesuits  were  at 
work  here,  as  everywhere,  and  their  diabolical  principles 
were  soon  to  work  the  ruin  of  their  defenseless  adver- 
saries. Continuance  in  the  enjoyment  of  the  meagre 
provisions  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  depended  almost  en- 
tirely on  the  will  of  the  monarch.  One  by  one  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  Protestants  were  abridged,  and  their  condi- 
dition  became  gradually  more  and  more  intolerable. 

The  Edict  of  Nismes  (1629)  partially  restored  the 
privileges,  the  withdrawal  of  which  and  the  consequent 
persecutions  of  the  Protestants  had  led  again  to  civil 
war. 

Persecution  and  oppression  were  soon  renewed.  Prot- 
estant children  were  taken  from  their  parents  to  be 
brought  up  as  Catholics  ;  Protestants  were  made  incapable 
of  holding  any  office  or  preferment ;  spies  were  sent  to 
their  places  of  worship,  and  the  slightest  expression  of 
dissatisfaction  with  the  government  was  made  a  ground 
of  imprisonment,  etc.  ;  extraordinary  taxes  were  imposed 
upon  Protestants,  and  their  means  of  living  were  con- 
tinually decreasing. 

The  revocation  of  the  Edicts  of  Nantes  and  Nismes  (168O  de- 
prived the  Protestants  of  all  privileges  and  made  it  necessary  to 
renounce  the  faith,  suffer  martyrdom,  or  flee  the  realm.  Large 
numbers  emigrated  to  England,  Holland,  Germany,  Switzerland, 
and  America.  The  number  of  emigrants  has  been  variously  esti- 
mated at  from  five  hundred  thousand  to  eight  hundred  thousand. 
Hundreds  of  thousands  renounced  tiie  faith.  Thousands  suffered 
martyrdom.  A  small  proportion  remained  secretly  and  were  enabled, 
after  the  rigor  of  the  persecution  had  somewhat  abated,  to  reorganize 
their  forces.' 

'  See  on  the  French  Protestants,  Lichtenberger,  "  Encyclopidie  da  Scicnees  Relt- 
gieuses,"  esp.  art.  "France  Protestante." 


CHAP.  I  ]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  235 

12.  Calmnism  in  Scotland:    The  Scottish  Reformation. 

Literature  :  See  on  the  Scottish  Reformation  :  Knox's  Works, 
ed.  iCaing;  Spotswood,  "History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland''; 
Woodrow,  "  History  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland," 
ed.  Burns  ;  McCrie,  "  Sketches  of  Scottish  Church  History,"  "  Life 
of  John  Knox,"  "  Life  of  And.  Melville  "  ;  Hetherington,  "  History  of 
the  Church  of  Scotland  "  ;  Calderwood,  "  1  he  True  History  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland  "  ;  Row,  "  Historie  of  the  Kirk  "  ;  Howie, 
"  Scots  Worthies,"  ed.  Carslaw  ;  Lorimer,  "  Pat.  Hamilton  "  ;  Bur- 
ton, *' History  of  Scotland";  Grub,  "  Eccl.  Hist,  of  Scotland"; 
Stanley,  "  History  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  "  ;  Rainey,  "  Three 
Lectures  on  the  Church  of  Scotland";  Cunningham,  "Church 
History  of  Scotland"  ;  Brown,  "John  Knox,"  2  vols.,  i8c)g-i8Q6  ; 
Geffcken,  "Church  and  State,"  Vol.  1.,  p.  396,  seq. ;  Sack,  ''Die 
Ktrche  von  SchottlanJ";  Gemberg,  ''Die  Scfiott.  National  Kirclie"  ; 
Rudloff,  "  Gesch.d.  Reform,  in  Schottland'^ ;  and  Lichtenberger,  art. 
"  Ecosse.^^ 

The  reformatory  elements  in  the  Scottish  movement 
were  essentially  the  same  as  in  the  French.  Yet  the 
results  in  the  two  cases  were  very  different.  The  dif- 
ferences of  results  are  due  chiefly  to  three  causes  :  dif- 
ference of  national  characteristics,  difference  of  internal 
political  condition,  difference  of  external  political  rela- 
tions. 

(i)  Condition  of  Scotland  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Refor- 
mation. Scotland  was  first  evangelized  by  British  mis- 
sionaries, and  hence  received  Christianity  in  a  compara- 
tively free  and  pure  form.  For  a  long  time  nothing  like 
diocesan  episcopacy  was  known.  During  the  latter  half  of 
the  eleventh  century,  through  the  influence  of  Margaret, 
the  intensely  Roman  Catholic  wife  of  King  Malcolm,  and 
the  retinue  of  Norman  courtiers  that  followed  her  to 
Scotland,  Pope  Hildebrand  was  enabled  strongly  to  im- 
press the  Roman  type  of  Christianity  upon  the  Scottish 
Church.  The  Culdees  were  replaced  by  secular  clergy. 
Italian  and  French  monasticism  was  introduced.  The 
Scottish  clergy  had  a  prolonged  struggle  with  the  Eng- 
lish archbishops  who  demanded  their  obedience. 

From  1235  to  1314  the  Scotch  were  engaged  in  a  strug- 
gle for  freedom  from  England.  The  victory  of  Bannock- 
burn,  due  to  the  valor  of  Wallace  and  Bruce,  resulted  in 
Scottish  independence  (1314).  The  sturdiness  and  pa- 
triotism of  the  Scotch,  remarkable  before,  were  enhanced 
by  these  struggles  and  this  victory. 


236  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

In  1330  Robert  Bruce,  now  king  of  Scotland,  estab- 
lished a  university  on  the  model  of  the  University  of 
Paris.  Already  closely  allied  to  France,  Scotland  be- 
came, from  this  time  onward,  so  thoroughly  Gallicanized 
that  it  came  to  be  remarked,  that  if  one  would  see  France 
he  must  begin  with  Scotland.  The  intimate  relations 
existing  between  Scotland  and  France,  and  the  inveter- 
ate antagonism  existing  between  Scotland  and  England, 
account  for  the  fact  that  Scotland  received  reformatory 
impulses  from  the  country  of  Calvin  rather  than  from 
that  of  Cranmer. 

The  French  pope  and  king  had  encouraged  and  aided 
the  Scotch  in  their  war  of  independence.  The  Roman 
Catholic  sway  in  Scotland  became  complete,  and  the 
clergy  and  monks  were  as  vicious  and  worthless  here  as 
anywhere  in  Europe. 

The  reformatory  efforts  of  Wycliffe  and  Huss  sensibly 
affected  Scotland.  In  1407  the  Lollard  preacher,  John 
Resby,  and  in  1432  the  Hussite  Bohemian,  Paul  Crawer, 
were  burned  in  Scotland  for  disseminating  their  anti-papal 
views.  From  this  time  onward  a  strong,  but  for  the 
most  part  suppressed,  sentiment  in  favor  of  reform  pre- 
vailed in  Scotland  among  all  classes. 

In  1404  thirty  Lollards  were  seized  at  Kyle  and  examined  by  the 
Archbishop  of  Glasgow.  They  were  charged  with  utterly  repudi- 
ating the  iiierarchical  church  with  all  its  non-scriptural  and  anti- 
scriptural  doctrines  and  practices,  insisting  on  the  universal  priest- 
hood of  believers,  denving  the  lawfulness  of  oaths  and  warfare,  and 
the  right  of  kings  to  judge  (in  religious  matters  presumably).  It  can 
hardly  be  supposed  tiiat  these  vigorous  evangelicals  were  alone  In 
their  protest  against  ecclesiastical  corruptions  and  perversions. 

(2)  Hindrances  atid  Helps  to  the  Scottish  Reformation. 
J.  Hindrances.  These  were  very  slight  as  compared  with 
the  hindrances  to  the  French  Reformation.  There  was 
here  no  thoroughly  centralized  government,  no  Catharine 
de  Medici,  no  controlling  Guise  influence,  no  subservient 
parliament,  no  University  of  Paris,  no  paramount  Span- 
ish influence,  no  degraded  populace  unused  to  war,  no 
concordat  with  itscardinalates,  archbishoprics,  bishoprics, 
and  abbacies  to  be  conferred  upon  influential   noblemen. 

Most  of  the  opposition  to  reform  resulted  from  French 
influence,  and  especially  from  the  influence  of  the  Guises  ; 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  237 

but  the  Guises  had  abundant  occupation  nearer  home, 
and  their  designs  upon  Scotland  were  easily  frustrated. 

Of  course  a  considerable  amount  of  resistance  was 
offered  by  the  corrupt  hierarchy,  and  by  the  ignorance 
and  superstition  of  the  people.  But  all  these  obstacles 
were  sure  to  yield  to  the  enthusiasm  of  a  Knox. 

b.  Helps,  (a)  The  power  of  the  nobles  was  so  great 
that  the  Romanizing  sovereigns  could  not  withstand  a 
combination  of  these  in  an  opposing  cause.  The  Scottish 
nobles  had  little  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
papacy,  and  much  in  its  abolition.  Here,  as  in  Ger- 
many, the  nobles  were  influenced  in  part  by  a  desire  to 
appropriate  the  church  property. 

(b)  A  spirit  of  independence  existed  among  all  classes 
of  Scotchmen.  This  spirit,  which  had  earlier  taken  a 
political  direction,  could  easily  be  turned  in  opposition  to 
ecclesiastical  oppression. 

(c)  A  large  number  of  people  had  been  under  Lollard 
influence,  and  there  was  wanting  only  a  little  encour- 
agement to  induce  a  formidable  manifestation  of  opposi- 
tion to  the  hierarchy. 

•  (d)  This  encouragement  was  afforded,  from  1525 
onward,  by  the  writings  of  Luther,  extensively  circu- 
lated in  Scotland  ;  by  the  teachings  and  martyrdom  (i  528) 
of  Patrick  Hamilton,  a  man  of  princely  lineage,  thorough 
education,  and  magnificent  devotion  to  the  truth  ;  and  by 
the  extensive  circulation  of  Tyndale's  English  Bible. 

(e)  The  Scotch  had  a  leader  who  combined  the  en- 
thusiasm and  the  popular  power  of  Luther  with  the  stern- 
ness and  steadfastness  of  Calvin.  Had  the  obstacles  to 
reform  been  even  greater  than  they  were,  we  can  but 
feel  that  John  Knox  would  have  overcome  them.  A 
patriot,  a  prophet,  he  could  proclaim  the  truth  as  boldly 
in  the  presence  of  hostile  kings  as  in  the  presence  of 
peasants — and  sovereigns,  no  less  than  peasants,  were 
awed  by  the  intensity  of  his  convictions. 

(/)  The  Scottish  people  showed  the  same  sturdiness 
and  tenacity  of  purpose,  when  once  they  had  adopted 
Protestant  principles,  in  their  resistance  to  papal  domina- 
tion, as  they  had  earlier  shown  in  their  struggle  against 
English  oppression.  The  "  Covenant  "  was  not  a  mere 
form  of  words.     Its  signers  meant  just  what  they  said. 


•^ 


238  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

(3)  Characteristics  of  the  Scottish  l^eformation.  a.  It 
was  Calviiiistic,  i.  e.,  it  was  a  doctrinal  rather  than  a 
political  movement ;  it  was  thorough  ;  it  made  much  of 
church  discipline  ;  it  exalted  the  Church  above  the  State  ; 
it  exalted  the  Scriptures  and  claimed  to  make  them  the 
only  norm  of  faith  and  practice. 

/'.  //  Succeeded  in  Winning  all  Classes  to  its  Support.  The 
nobles  were  among  the  first  to  enroll  themselves  in  its 
ranks  and  the  common  people  were  not  long  in  discover- 
ing that  Protestantism  was  best  for  them.  A  remarkable 
unanimity  soon  appeared  among  the  Scotch  in  religious 
matters. 

c.  It  was  Democratic.  The  church  order  of  the  Scottish 
Church  was,  like  that  of  the  French  Protestants,  more 
democratic  than  that  of  Geneva.  The  right  of  the  con- 
gregation to  elect  its  own  minister  is  distinctly  recog- 
nized. The  Kirk-session,  or  Consistory  (ministers,  elders, 
and  deacons),  met  once  a  week.;  the  Provincial  Synod, 
twice  a  year  ;  the  General  Assembly,  once  a  year. 

d.  It  was  Educational.  The  Scottish  reformers,  like 
Calvin,  laid  great  stress  upon  education,  especially  edu- 
cation in  the  languages  and  the  interpretation  of  the 
Scriptures. 

e.  Itzvas  Exceedingly  Intolerant.  Like  all  other  branches 
of  the  Reformation,  except  the  Anabaptist  and  Socinian, 
Scottish  Protestantism  was  exceedingly  intolerant.  Knox 
and  his  followers,  like  Calvin,  believed  that  heresy  ought 
to  be  promptly  and  violently  suppressed,  and  so  great 
was  their  energy  of  conviction  that  their  practice  was 
generally  conformed  to  their  theory.  But  their  system 
was  so  well  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  people  and  the 
time  that  little  Protestant  dissent  occurred  in  Scotland, 
and  the  Roman  Catholic  dissent  was  soon  overcome. 

(4)  Course  of  Events  until  the  Complete  Establishment  of 
Protestantism,  a.  Scottish  Protestantism  Before  the  Appear- 
ance of  Knox.  Patrick  Hamilton,  a  man  of  royal  lineage, 
was  educated  in  the  University  of  Paris  (master's  degree, 
1520),  where  he  studied  scholastic  theology,  was  brought 
under  Erasmic  influence,  and  learned  something,  doubt- 
less, of  Luther's  reformation.  He  also  studied  at  Lou- 
vaine,  where  he  may  have  had  personal  intercourse  with 
Erasmus.     Returning  to  Scotland  he  became  a  student 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  239 

in  the  University  of  St.  Andrews  (1523),  and  afterward 
a  member  of  the  faculty  (1524).  The  act  of  Parliament 
against  the  circulation  and  reading  of  Luther's  books 
(1525)  may  have  led  Hamilton  to  declare  himself  in  favor 
of  reform  earlier  than  he  would  otherwise  have  done 
(1526).  In  1527  he  went  to  Wittenberg,  and  thence  to 
Marburg.  Here  he  probably  met  Tyndale  and  Frith, 
the  English  reformers.  Especially  influential  on  Ham- 
ilton's development  was  the  earnest  and  spiritual  Francis 
Lambert,  an  ex-Franciscan  who  had  left  his  native  France 
for  Wittenberg,  had  been  appointed  to  a  professorship  in 
the  new  University  of  Marburg  (1526),  and  was  to  take 
a  leading  part  in  carrying  out  the  reformation  in  Hesse, 
hi  the  autumn  of  1527  Hamilton  returned  to  Scotland, 
full  of  missionary  zeal,  and  resolved  to  devote  himself 
to  the  reformation  of  his  native  land.  His  preaching 
and  his  theological  teaching  were  ardent  and  earnest. 
He  was  soon  accused  before  Archbishop  Beaton,  tried  '' 
and  condemned  for  heresy.  His  brother.  Sir  James  Ham- 
ilton, and  Duncan,  Laird  of  Airdrie,  attempted,  with  a 
small  army,  to  rescue  him,  but  failed.  Having  made  a 
most  earnest  and  effective  address  to  the  people,  he  died 
heroically  at  the  stake,  February,  1528. 

Hamilton's  influence  called  forth  a  number  of  other  / 
zealous  preachers  of  noble  birth,  who  likewise  suffered 
for  the  faith.  Many  noble  laymen  were  also  aroused  by 
his  labors  and  sufferings  to  the  necessity  for  reform. 
The  powerful  hierarchy  and  the  priest-ridden  king, 
James  V.,  promptly  and  recklessly  suppressed  the  ear- 
lier manifestations  of  dissent,  but  here,  as  elsewhere, 
persecution  strengthened  the  cause  of  the  persecuted. 
By  1540  a  considerable  number  of  lords,  earls,  barons, 
lairds,  etc.,  had  accepted  the  new  faith.  From  this  time 
onward  the  increase  of  Protestants  was  greatly  acceler- 
ated, so  that  by  1543  "eighteen  score  noblemen  and 
gentlemen"  are  said  to  have  been  "well-minded  to 
God's  word." 

Next  to  Hamilton  the  most  influential  of  Knox's  pre- 
cursors was  George  Wishart,  brother  of  the  Laird  of 
Pittarrow,  who,  having  been  banished  from  Scotland  for 
teaching  the  Greek  language  and  for  Protestant  proclivi- 
ties, spent  some  years  in  the  University  of  Cambridge, 


240  A   MANUAL  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

and  returned  in  1544  to  preach  the  gospel  to  his  fellow- 
countrymen.  He  is  described  as  a  man  of  Johannine 
loveliness  and  apostolic  zeal.  When  not  allowed  to 
preach  in  the  churches,  he  preached  in  the  market-places 
and  fields.  Large  numbers  heard  him  and  were  con- 
vinced. John  Knox,  soon  to  become  the  leader  of  the 
Scottish  Reformation,  became  devotedly  attached  to  him 
and  sometimes  accompanied  him  on  his  preaching  tours, 
sword  in  hand,  to  protect  him  from  violence.  Wishart 
was  tried,  condemned,  and  burned  in  March,  1546. 

Cardinal  Beaton,  before  whom  Wishart  was  tried,  was 
murdered  soon  afterward,  probably  through  the  influence 
of  Wishart's  friends.  He  was  a  most  shameless  and  un- 
scrupulous prelate.  The  martyrdom  of  Wishart  gave  a 
fresh  impetus  to  the  Protestant  cause. 

(5)  The  Scottish 'Reformation  under  John  Knox.  John 
Knox,  born  in  1505,  educated  at  the  University  of  St. 
Andrews,  where  he  studied  and  taught  scholastic  phi- 
losophy, converted  to  Protestantism  about  1542,  labored 
quietly  for  the  promotion  of  Protestantism  for  some  time, 
but  preached  and  taught  boldly  and  effectively  after  the 
death  of  Wishart.  Besieged  and  captured  with  other 
Protestants  in  the  castle  of  St.  Andrews  by  the  French 
(1547),  Knox  became,  and  remained  for  nineteen  months, 
a  galley-slave.  He  endured  his  captivity  heroically,  his 
faith  and  his  zeal  suffering  no  abatement.  Released 
from  the  galleys  (1549)  Knox  repaired  to  England,  where 
he  labored  in  various  ways  for  the  Protestant  cause  until 
1554.  Driven  from  England  by  the  persecuting  zeal  of 
Queen  Mary  (1554),  he  went  to  Dieppe,  and  thence  to 
Geneva.  He  remained  in  Geneva  for  some  months, 
going  to  Dieppe  meanwhile  to  get  intelligence  of  his  per- 
secuted brethren.  In  Geneva  he  became  intimately 
acquainted  with  Calvin,  carried  forward  his  studies,  and 
wrote  his  "  Admonition  to  England,"  an  exceedingly 
vehement  and  bitter  denunciation  of  Mary  and  her  hus- 
band and  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 

In  September,  1554,  at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  the 
English  exiles  there  and  with  Calvin's  approval,  Knox 
became  pastor  of  an  English  congregation  in  Frankfort 
on  the  Main.  Here  difficulties  arose  as  to  the  liturgy, 
and  Knox  was  accused  of  treason  in  writing  against  the 


CHAP.  l]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  241 

emperor  in  the  work  mentioned  above.  He  soon  re- 
turned to  Geneva,  wliere  he  remained  till  July,  1555, 
when  he  set  out  for  Scotland.  Sustained  by  a  number 
of  noblemen,  he  labored  zealously  for  nearly  a  year  and 
prepared  the  way  for  his  great  reformatory  work  that 
was  soon  to  follow. 

In  1556  he  received  and  accepted  a  call  from  the  Eng- 
lish congregation  at  Geneva.  After  his  departure  for 
Geneva  he  was  condemned  to  death  and  burned  in  effigy 
by  the  prelates.  He  labored  in  Geneva  for  two  years, 
never  losing  sight,  however,  of  his  native  Scotland. 

In  March,  1557,  he  received  an  invitation  to  return  to 
Scotland,  signed  by  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  Lord  Loren, 
Lord  Erskine,  and  Lord  James  Stewart,  who  assured  him 
of  protection  and  co-operation.  He  accepted  the  invita- 
tion, but  the  noblemen  wavered  and  he  found  it  impracti- 
cable to  return. 

In  this  and  the  following  year  he  aided  in  making  a 
new  translation  of  the  Bible  (the  Genevan  version),  and 
published  a  number  of  strong  polemical  tracts  :  "  Letter 
to  the  Queen  Regent  "  ;  "  Appellation  and  Exhortation  "  ; 
"  The  First  Blast  of  the  Trumpet  against  the  Monstrous 
Regiment  of  Women,"  etc. 

In  December,  1557,  a  large  number  of  lords  and  chief 
gentry  made  the  following  covenant  : 

We  do  promise  before  the  majesty  of  God  and  his  congregation 
that  we,  by  his  grace,  shall,  with  all  diligence,  continually  apply 
our  whole  power,  substance,  and  our  very  lives,  to  maintain,  set 
forward,  and  establish  the  most  blessed  word  of  God  and  his  con- 
gregation ;  and  shall  labor  at  our  possibility  to  have  faithful  min- 
isters, purely  and  truly  to  minister  Christ's  evangel  and  sacraments 
to  his  people.  We  shall  maintain  them,  nourish  them,  and  defend 
them,  the  whole  congregation  of  Christ,  and  every  member  thereof, 
at  our  whole  powers,  and  wairing  of  our  lives,  against  Satan  and 
all  wicked  power  that  does  intend  tyranny  and  trouble  against  the 
aforesaid  congregation.  Unto  the  which  holy  congregation  we  do 
join  us  ;  and  also  do  renounce  and  forsake  the  congregation  of  Satan 
with  all  the  superstitious  abominations  and  idolatry  thereof,  etc. 

The  war  with  England,  beginning  1556,  gave  consider-     \ 
able  freedom  to  the  Scottish  Protestants.    Knox's  letters     \ 
and  his  published  writings,  together  with  the  martyrdom 
of  an  aged  priest,  Walter  Milne  (1558),  led  the  Protes- 
tants to  throw  off  all  restraint. 

Q 


242  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Knox  returned  to  Scotland  in  1559,  and  preached  with 
irresistible  zeal  throughout  the  realm.  The  people  were 
wrought  up  by  his  preaching  to  the  highest  pitch  of  icono- 
clasm.  Shrines,  images,  pictures,  and  religious  houses 
were  ruthlessly  destroyed.  Civil  war  ensued.  The 
Protestants  triumphed  (July,  1560).  Parliament,  which 
soon  afterward  assembled,  commissioned  Knox  and 
others  to  draw  up  a  summary  of  doctrine.  This  they 
promptly  did  and  the  Confession  was  as  promptly  rati- 
fied. The  articles  are  strictly  Calvinistic,  and  served  1 
as  a  confessional  standard  until  the  Westminster  Assem-  ( 
bly  set  forth  the  same  doctrines  more  elaborately  (1647). 

During  this  same  year  the  Privy  Council  commissioned 
Knox  and   others  to  set  down  the  heads  of  discipline.  J 
The  result  was  "  The  First  Book  of  Discipline."  ' 

This  provided  for  the  division  of  Scotland  into  ten  dioceses,  for  the 
appointment  of  permanent  officers  of  the  church  (pastors,  doctors, 
elders,  and  deacons),  and  temporal  officers  (superintendents  or 
evangelists,  who  were  to  travel  from  place  to  place  and  aid  in  organ- 
izing Protestant  churches,  visitors,  and  readers) ;  for  national,  pro- 
vincial, and  congregational  synods  ;  for  the  application  of  church 
revenues  to  the  endowment  of  institutions  of  learning  ;  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  offenders,  etc.  The  Book  of  Discipline  was  not  fully 
ratified,  partly  because  some  objected  to  the  excessive  rigor  of  the 
discipline,  and  others  to  the  disposition  of  church  property. 

The  arrival  of  Queen  Mary  Stuart  in  Scotland  (1561)    ( 
encouraged   the   defeated    papal    party.     Supported   by    "| 
Spain  and  France,  but  still  more  powerfully  opposed  by    ' 
Elizabeth  and  the  Protestant  party  in  Scotland,  she  was 
obliged  to  abdicate  (1567).     hi  the  same  year  Parliament 
declared  the  Reformed  Church  to  be  "the  only  true  and 
holy  kirk  of  Jesus  Christ  within  this  realm." 

Protestantism  was  now  triumphant  in  Scotland  ;  but  a 
struggle  was  soon  to  be  inaugurated  between  Church 
and  State.  The  church  claimed  judgment  of  true  and 
false  religion  ;  election,  examination,  admission,  suspen- 
sion, and  deprivation  of  church  ofifkers  ;  all  church  dis- 
cipline ;  judgment  in  ecclesiastical  matters  ;  excommu- 
nication, after  admonition,  of  any  that  attempt  to  rob  the 
kirk  of  the  patrimony  pertaining  to  the  ministry,  etc.  ; 
judgment  in  matters  pertaining  to  marriage,  divorce,  etc. 

The  regency,  on  the  other  hand,  was  anxious  to  retain 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  243 

control  of  church  property  with  the  prerogative  of  nomi- 
nating to  benefices.  The  regency  appointed  bishops. 
This  proceeding  the  kirk  resented  and  denounced  as 
"  high  contempt  of  God."  The  bishops  thus  appointed 
were  contemptuously  called  "  Tulchan  bishops." 

Knox  died  in  1572,  "the  light  and  comfort  of  our  kirk, 
and  a  pattern  to  ministers  for  holiness  of  life,  soundness 
in  doctrine,  and  courageous  liberty  in  rebuking  of  per- 
sons of  whatsoever  rank."  ' 

(6)  The  Scottish  Reformation  imder  Melville  until  the  Set- 
tlement of  1^92.  Andrew  Melville  returned  to  Scotland 
in  1574,  after  an  absence  of  ten  years  in  Poitiers  and 
Geneva,  and  soon  took  Knox's  place  in  the  struggle  with 
the  regency. 

In  1578  a  new  Book  of  Polity  was  prepared  (it  was 
officially  registered  in  1581),  in  which  the  relations  be- 
tween Church  and  State  are  clearly  defined  ;  the  claims 
of  the  State  remained  as  above.  The  holding  of  civil 
offices  by  ministers  is  condemned. 

In  1580  the  General  Assembly  declared  the  office  of 
bishop  "  unlawful  in  itself,  as  having  neither  foundament, 
ground,  nor  warrant  in  the  word  of  God,"  and  com- 
manded all  so-called  bishops  to  desist  from  the  exercise 
of  their  functions,  on  pain  of  excommunication. 

In  January,  1581,  the  king  and  his  court  were  induced 
to  subscribe  a  Confession  of  Faith  involving  the  full 
recognition  of  the  rights  of  the  church,  and  to  enforce 
subscription  to  the  Confession  on  the  part  of  subjects  of 
all  ranks.  This  document  is  known  as  "John  Craig's 
Confession  of  Faith  "  and  "The  First  National  Cove- 
nant." 

The  king,  as  he  came  to  feel  more  secure  in  his 
authority,  grew  more  and  more  impatient  of  ecclesias- 
tical restraint.  His  licentious  courtiers,  influenced  in  part 
by  Jesuits  (of  whom  a  number  were  now  secretly  labor- 
ing in  Scotland),  in  part  by  the  rigor  of  the  discipline  of 
the  kirk,  and  in  part  by  the  slenderness  of  the  patronage 
that  the  king  retained,  persuaded  him  to  resist  the  eccle- 
siastical tyranny. 

In   1584  the  famous  "Black  Acts"  were  passed  by 

1  Calderwood. 


244  A  AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  V. 

Parliament,  in  which  it  was  declared  treasonable  to  de- 
cline the  judgment  of  the  king  or  his  privy  council,  to 
impugn  or  seek  to  diminish  the  power  and  authority  of 
parliament,  or  to  censure  the  king  or  his  council  in  pri- 
vate or  public,  in  sermons  or  familiar  conferences  ;  all 
subjects  were  prohibited  from  convening  any  assembly 
except  the  ordinary  courts,  and  from  consulting  or  deter- 
mining on  any  matter  of  State,  civil  or  ecclesiastical, 
without  special  royal  license  ;  and  provision  was  made 
for  the  royal  appointment  of  bishops. 

More  than  twenty  ministers,  and  several  lords,  fled  for 
their  lives  to  England.  Pestilence  and  tempests  caused 
the  people  to  cry  out  for  the  return  of  the  banished  lords. 
Elizabeth,  moreover,  gave  them  aid  and  encouragement, 
and  they  returned,  armed  for  resistance  (1585).  James 
thought  it  best  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  the  lords  and 
the  people,  and  now  made  some  concessions  to  the  kirk. 
In  1592  occurred  the  settlement  in  which  nearly  all  of  its 
claims  were  confirmed  to  the  kirk. 

13.  Calvinism  in  the  Netherlands. 

LITERATURE:  See  Brandt,  "The  History  of  the  Reformation  in 
and  about  the  Low  Countries,"  4  vols.,  1720 ;  Prescott,  "  History  of 
Philip  II."  ;  Motley,  "  Rise  ot  the  Dutch  Republic,"  "  History  ot  the 
United  Netherlands,"  "Life  and  Death  of  John  of  Barneveld "  ; 
Moll,  ""Kirclieugesch.  d.  Niederlaudcti,'''  1891;  ;  Hansen,  "  The  Reformed 
Cliurch  in  the  Netherlands,"  1884;  de  Hoop-Scheffer,  "Cc'sr//.  cy. /?,/, 
;//  d.  Nu'dcrljitdeii,"  1886  ;  Blok,  "  History  of  the  People  of  the  Neth- 
erlands" (Eng.  tr.),  1898. 

As  a  part  of  the  hereditary  possessions  of  Charles  V., 
the  Netherlands  were  carefully  guarded  against  the  en- 
croachments of  Protestantism.  The  first  martyrs  to  the 
evangelical  faith  during  the  Reformation  time  were  two 
Augustinian  friars,  Henrik  Voes  and  Jan  Esch,  burned  at 
Brussels  July  i,  1523.  Luther  wrote  a  hymn  in  their 
honor.  Few  parts  of  Europe  had  been  more  profoundly 
affected  by  mediaeval  heresy  of  various  types.  Along 
with  Waldensianism  and  evangelical  mysticism,  the 
teachings  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  the 
teachings  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Free  Spirit,  and  other 
less  wholesome  forms  of  dissent,  had  been  widely 
diffused.     Humanism,  under  the  influence  of  Erasmus, 


CHAP.  1]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  245 

had  gained  a  firm  foothold.  Lutheranism  and  Zwin- 
glianism  early  found  a  considerable  number  of  adherents, 
but  were  so  bitterly  antagonistic  as  largely  to  neutral- 
ize each  other.  Both  yielded  (1529  onwardj  to  the  great 
popular  Anabaptist  propaganda,  led  first  by  Hofmann, 
then  by  Matthys,  and  later  by  Menno.  Up  to  1553  the 
Mennonites  were  by  far  the  most  numerous  and  influ- 
ential of  the  evangelical  parties.  From  this  time  onward 
the  mighty  evangelizing  influence  of  Calvinism  began  to 
make  itself  felt.  From  1553  to  1558  large  numbers  of 
English  Protestants,  who  were  Calvinistic  in  faith,  took 
refuge  in  the  Netherlands  from  the  persecution  of  Mary 
and  greatly  furthered  the  Calvinistic  cause. 

During  the  later  years  of  Charles  V.,  under  the  re- 
gency of  his  sister  Maria,  a  considerable  measure  of  tol- 
eration prevailed.  Philip  II.  (1555  onward)  had  been 
trained  by  the  Jesuits  to  abominate  Protestantism  and  to 
subordinate  all  other  interests  to  its  extermination.  He 
began  by  creating  fourteen  new  dioceses  for  the  more 
complete  ecclesiastical  administration  of  the  provinces, 
in  1559  '""^  committed  the  regency  to  his  sister  Margaret, 
Duchess  of  Parma,  with  Anton  Granvella  as  her  chief 
counsellor.  Granvella's  administration  so  exasperated 
the  nobles  that  he  had  to  be  recalled  (1564).  The  polit- 
ical opposition  and  the  Calvinistic  propaganda  were  by 
this  time  united  against  Spanish  oppression.  Philip  re- 
quired the  unconditional  exclusion  of  heresy  and  accept- 
ance of  Catholicism  as  defined  by  the  Council  of  Trent. 
Placards  against  heretics  were  posted  throughout  the 
country  and  the  Inquisition  was  about  to  be  established. 

In  1556  a  league  was  formed  by  the  Calvinistic  nobles 
for  the  purpose  of  resisting  Philip's  exterminating  meas- 
ures, and  the  Calvinistic  consistories  united  in  an  eccle- 
siastical league.  The  league  of  nobles  and  the  league 
of  consistories  formally  united  forces  on  December  i, 
1556.  Their  rebellious  demonstration  was  suppressed 
by  Margaret's  troops. 

Early  in  1567  the  Duke  of  Alva,  with  a  Spanish  army, 
entered  upon  his  work  of  destroying  all  opposition  to 
Spanish  and  Catholic  authority.  By  1573,  when  he  left 
the  country,  he  had  spread  desolation  everywhere,  and 
with  an  atrocity  rarely  equaled,  had  massacred  eighteen 


246  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

thousand  of  the  evangelicals,  including  many  women  and 
children.  Belgium  was  in  a  few  years  almost  cleared  of 
its  Protestant  population,  but  the  evangelical  cause  rap- 
idly gained  strength  in  the  Northern  Provinces,  which 
formed  the  Union  of  Utrecht  (June,  1579),  and  with 
William  of  Orange  as  its  military  chieftain,  entered  in 
an  organized  way  upon  the  conflict  with  Spain  that  was 
to  result  in  a  glorious  independence. 

hi  1 561  the  Calvinistic  churches  had  adopted  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith  (the  Belgic  Confession),  which  was  pre- 
sented as  an  apology  to  Philip  11.  (1562),  with  the  hope 
of  gaining  toleration,  it  claimed  to  represent  more  than 
a  hundred  thousand  subjects  who  were  resolved  to  obey 
the  government  in  all  things  lawful,  but  would  "offer 
their  backs  to  stripes,  their  tongues  to  knives,  their 
mouths  to  gags,  and  their  whole  bodies  to  the  fire," 
rather  than  deny  Christ. 

It  was  drafted  by  Guy  de  Bray,  then  a  youth  of  less  than  twenty, 
who,  till  his  death,  in  1567,  was  one  of  the  great  factors  in  the  spread 
of  Calvinism  in  the  Netherlands. 

The  Netherlands  greatly  prospered  during  the  war, 
building  up  the  best  navy  in  the  world,  gaining  a  com- 
mercial and  manufacturing  ascendency,  and  attaining  to 
a  leading  position  in  the  intellectual  world.  The  heroism 
with  which  Leyden  sustained  the  siege  of  1573-1574  was 
rewarded  by  William  of  Orange  with  a  great  university. 
The  university  at  Franeker  was  founded  in  1585,  that  of 
Groningen  in  1612,  that  of  Utrecht  in  1636,  and  that  at 
Harderwyk  in  1648.  These  all  became  strongholds  of 
Calvinism,  although  the  University  of  Leyden  gave  birth 
to  Arminianism  (c.  1606),  which  divided  the  body  and 
involved  much  bitter  controversy. 

The  Arminian  controversy  and  the  great  National  Synod  of  Dort 
will  be  considered  in  a  later  section. 

14.  Calvinism  in  Other  Lands. 

(i)  The  Zzvinglian  Canions  of  Szvit{eiianii.  The  more 
vigorous  and  aggressive  type  of  Reformed  teaching  repre- 
sented by  Calvin  and  Geneva  gradually  gained  the  as- 
cendency over  the  earlier  Zwinglian  type.     After  many 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  247 

attempts  to  harmonize  the  Genevan  with  the  other  Swiss 
churches,  the  second  Helvetic  Confession  (1566),  pre- 
pared by  Buliinger,  was  signed  by  representatives  of 
Geneva,  Bern,  Schaffhausen,  Biel,  the  Grisons,  St.  Gall, 
and  MiJhlhausen,  and  was  ultimately  accepted  by  Basel, 
it  occupies  a  leading  position  among  the  Reformed  Con- 
fessions. 

(2)  Germany.  Calvinism  was  rigorously  excluded 
from  toleration  by  Lutheran  and  Catholic  princes  in  the 
Augsburg  Treaty  of  1555.  By  1563  this  faith  had  be- 
come so  far  dominant  in  the  Palatinate  that  the  Heidel- 
berg Catechism,  one  of  the  great  symbols  of  the  Calvin- 
istic  churches,  was  adopted  by  a  synod  with  the  approval 
of  the  Elector  Frederick  111.  It  was  drafted  by  Zacharias 
Ursinus,  who  was  well  versed  in  Lutheran  as  well  as 
Calvinistic  Theology,  and  Caspar  Olevianus,  whose 
training  had  been  chiefly  French  and  Swiss. 

it  is  unsurpassed  for  depth,  comfort,  and  beauty,  and,  once  com- 
mitted to  memory,  can  never  be  forgotten,  it  represents  Christianity 
in  its  evangelical,  practical,  cheering  aspect,  not  as  a  commanding 
law,  not  as  an  intellectual  scheme,  not  as  a  system  of  outward  ob- 
servances, but  as  the  best  gift  of  God  to  man  as  a  source  of  peace 
and  comfort  in  life  and  in  death. ^ 

At  the  diet  of  Augsburg  ( 1556)  Frederick  declared  himself  ready 
to  lose  his  crown  rather  than  violate  his  conscience  by  professing 
another  faith. 

Calvinism  made  rapid  headway  during  the  Netherland- 
ish war  in  the  Lower  Rhenish  Provinces,  largely  through 
the  presence  of  Dutch  refugees. 

After  Luther's  death  Melanchthon  became  more  and 
more  sympathetic  with  Calvinism,  and  Crypto-Calvinism 
was  dominant  for  a  time  in  the  Universities  of  Witten- 
berg and  Leipzig  (i 560-1 574).  It  was  rigorously  sup- 
pressed by  the  Lutheran  princes,  but  not  wholly  de- 
stroyed. 

The  Thirty  Years'  War,  in  which  Calvinists  were  the 
chief  defenders  of  the  Protestant  cause,  gave  a  great 
advantage  to  Calvinism,  wliich  has,  since  the  peace  of 
Westphalia  (1648),  had  a  recognized  standing  through- 
out Germany  side  by  side  with  Lutheranism. 

1  Schaff,  "Creeds  of  Christendom,"  Vol.  I.,  p.  541. 


248  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(3)  In  England.  Under  Edward  VI.,  Calvinism  ex- 
erted considerable  influence  on  theological  thought.  The 
Catholic  reaction  under  Mary  drove  from  the  country 
most  of  the  ablest  and  most  zealous  Protestant  ministers. 
Many  of  these  took  refuge  in  Geneva  and  other  Calvin- 
istic  lands,  and  became  thoroughly  indoctrinated  with 
Calvinistic  theology  and  inspired  with  Calvinistic  ideals. 
The  great  Puritan  party  that  developed  under  Elizabeth, 
James  I.,  and  Charles  1.  was  thoroughly  Calvinistic. 
English  Nonconformists  also  (1584  onward)  represent  an 
important  phase  of  Calvinistic  teaching.  Calvinism  was 
transplanted  (1620  onward)  to  the  English  colonies  in 
North  America,  and  has  constituted  one  of  the  great 
factors  in  the  religious  and  political  development  of  the 
New  World. 

VII.  THE  ENGLISH  REFORMATION. 

Literature  :  Publications  of  the  Parker  Society,  embracing  the 
works  of  tlie  English  Reformers  of  the  times  of  Henry  VIII.,  Ed- 
ward VI.,  and  Elizabeth;  Burnet's  "Hist,  of  the  Reformation," 
Strype's  Memorials,  Annals,  Lives  of  Cranmer,  Grindal,  Parker, 
and  Whitffift;  English  State  Papers  from  the  reigns  of  Henry,  Ed- 
ward, Mary,  and  Elizabeth,  published  by  the  Master  of  the  Rolls. 
Perry,  "Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Eng. "  ;  Geikie,  "Hist,  of  the  Eng. 
Reformation  "  ;  Dixon,  "  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Eng."  ;  Clark,  "  The 
Anglican  Reformation";  pertinent  sections  in  manuals  of  ch,  hist, 
and  in  works  on  the  Reformation  ;  the  histories  of  England,  by 
Green,  Froude,  Hume,  Lingard,  Hallam,  Gardiner,  etc. ;  encyclo- 
paedia articles  on  the  Eng.  Ref.  and  on  the  leading  characters. 

I.  Condition  of  England  at  the  'Beginning  of  the  Reforma- 
tion. 

The  partial  exhaustion  of  the  people  and  the  overthrow 
of  many  noble  families  in  the  wars  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury ;  the  growth  of  the  mercantile  spirit,  with  its  love 
of  peace  and  its  preference  for  a  strong  central  au- 
thority ;  the  introduction  of  gunpowder  for  military  pur- 
poses making  private  warlike  enterprises  difficult  of  in- 
auguration and  assuring  their  failure  ;  the  growth  of  the 
wool  trade  and  the  resulting  disorganization  of  the  labor 
system  ;  the  thrift  of  the  kings  of  England  (especially 
Edward  IV.  and  Henry  Vll.),  which  co-operated  with 
their  peaceable  policy  and  their  practice  of  extorting 
loans  or  "benevolences"  from  their  subjects,  to  make 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  249 

them,  in  great  measure,  independent  of  Parliament ;  the 
establishment  of  the  Court  of  the  Star  Chamber  ;  the 
creation  of  a  large  number  of  new  peers  pledged  to  sub- 
serviency to  the  royal  will  ;  the  limiting  of  suffrage  to 
freeholders  ;  these  and  other  causes  combined  to  form  in 
England  a  strong  centralized  civil  government. 

By  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  (1500), 
Parliament,  formerly  powerful,  had  well-nigh  lost  its  in- 
dependent authority  and  was  rarely  convened.  It  was 
a  part  of  Henry's  policy  to  crush  out  what  remained  of 
popular  liberty,  and  to  establish  a  despotism  as  absolute 
as  that  of  the  sultan. 

The  ecclesiastical  estate,  as  was  commonly  the  case  in 
the  Middle  Ages,  had  profited  by  civil  strife  and  general 
misery,  and  had  by  this  time  acquired  titles  to  a  very 
large  part  of  the  landed  property  of  England.  The 
princes  had  been  so  occupied  in  warring  against  each 
other  that  they  had  not  found  time  of  late  to  resist  ec- 
clesiastical oppression  ;  rather,  they  had  felt  it  necessary 
to  yield  to  the  papal  usurpations  and  to  invoke  ecclesias- 
tical aid  each  against  his  rival.  The  statutes  of  Mort- 
main, Provisors,  and  Prcemiinire  were  no  longer  enforced. 
Ignorance,  superstition,  luxury,  vice,  and  imposture  pre- 
vailed to  a  most  shocking  extent  among  clergy  and 
monks. 

A  perfect  understanding  existed  between  Henry  VIII. 
and  the  popes,  the  king  espousing  the  papal  cause  in  the 
papal  wars  with  the  emperor,  the  king  of  France,  and 
with  Luther,  and  enjoying  the  right  of  nominating  to  all 
ecclesiastical  offices  in  England  ;  the  pope  bestowing 
upon  Henry  the  title  of  "  Defender  of  the  Faith,"  favor- 
ing his  claims  on  French  territory,  and  confirming  his 
ecclesiastical  appointments. 

Henry  VIII.,  by  bestowing  and  causing  to  be  bestowed 
on  his  favorite,  Thomas  Wolsey,  all  subroyal  civil  and 
all  ecclesiastical  authority  in  England  (Wolsey  was  at 
the  same  time  lord  chancellor,  prime  minister,  and 
cardinal  legate,  enjoyed  the  revenues  of  a  large  num- 
ber of  rich  benefices,  had  at  his  disposal  all  ecclesiastical 
benefices  in  England,  and  was  plenipotentiary  of  the 
pope  in  England),  and  by  keeping  Wolsey  in  absolute 
subserviency  to  himself,  well-nigh  realized  his  ideal  of 


250  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

absolute  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authority  within  his  own 
realm. 

The  New  Learning,  which  made  such  progress  under 
Colet,  Erasmus,  and  More,  and  which  seemed  at  first  so 
friendly  to  reformation,  was  favored  by  Henry  Vlll.  and 
Wolsey ;  but  by  reason  of  the  violence  of  Luther's 
polemics,  the  strife  among  continental  Protestant  leaders, 
the  disorganizing  tendency  of  Protestantism  as  seen  in 
the  Peasants'  War,  the  rigor  of  Luther's  theological 
system,  etc.,  it  had  become,  by  1525,  actively  hostile  to 
the  Lutheran  and  kindred  reformatory  movements. 
Thomas  More  answered  Luther's  fierce  and  contemptu- 
ous reply  to  King  Henry's  "Assertion  of  the  Seven 
Sacraments"  with  Luther's  own  vehemence  and  coarse- 
ness. 

The  Lollard  party,  followers  of  Wycliffe,  had  never 
become  entirely  extinct.  Every  few  years  during  the 
fifteenth  century  an  individual  or  a  small  band  was  dis- 
covered, tried,  and  forced  to  abjure,  or  be  burned.  They 
were  probably  encouraged  during  the  early  years  of  the 
sixteenth  century  by  the  progress  of  the  New  Learning. 
In  the  year  1509-15 12  large  numbers  of  men  and  women 
were  arraigned  before  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  on 
charges  of  Lollard  heresy. 

The  teachings  of  Luther,  notwithstanding  the  hostility 
of  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  rulers  and  the  scholars  of 
England,  early  made  way  in  England,  and  powerfully 
stimulated  the  Lollard  and  other  dissatisfaction  with  ec- 
clesiastical corruption.  The  Bible,  translated  and  printed 
abroad  by  William  Tyndale,  together  with  some  of 
Wycliffe's  tracts,  translations  of  some  of  Luther's  writ- 
ings, and  Protestant  tracts  by  Tyndale  himself,  were 
introduced  into  England,  1526  onward,  and  were  eagerly 
read,  notwithstanding  the  strict  prohibition  of  the  author- 
ities. 

2.  Summary  of  Hindrances  and  Helps  to  Reformation  iti 
England. 

(i)  Hindrances,  a.  The  practical  centralization  of 
all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authority  in  a  king  utterly  op- 
posed, on  principle  and  from  policy,  to  the  spirit  of  Prot- 
estantism,   b.  The  hostility  to  Protestantism  of  the  fore- 


CHAP.  1.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  251 

most  promoters  of  the  New  Learning  in  England,  c. 
The  purely  selfish  motives  of  the  king  in  breaking  with 
Rome,  and  the  arbitrary  way  in  which  he  carried  on  the 
reforming  movement,  d.  The  peasants,  whose  outward 
condition  was  made  worse  through  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries  and  the  redistribution  of  the  property,  and 
for  whose  instruction  in  Christian  truth  no  suitable  pro- 
vision was  made,  remained  for  the  most  part  hostile  to 
the  Reformation  until  the  time  of  Elizabeth,  e.  The 
lack  of  a  great  religious  leader,  like  Luther,  Calvin,  or 
Knox,  to  arouse  the  nation  to  the  need  for  reform.  It  is 
doubtful,  however,  whether  either  of  these  men  could 
have  maintained  himself  in  England  under  Henry  VIIL 
/.  The  comparatively  small  number  of  educated  men  in 
England  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIH. 

(2)  Helps,  a.  The  persistence  of  Lollard  influence, 
with  its  study  of  Wycliffe's  Bible  and  Wycliffe's  tracts. 
b.  The  New  Learning,  with  its  exposure  of  ecclesiastical 
imposture  and  corruption,  and  its  fostering  of  the  study  of 
the  Scriptures,  c.  German  Protestantism,  through  the 
writings  of  Luther,  Melanchthon,  Calvin,  etc.,  and  other- 
wise, d.  The  banishment  of  Protestants  (especially  under 
Queen  Mary),  who  became  thoroughly  indoctrinated  in 
Protestantism,  and  who  were  ready  to  return,  when  op- 
portunity should  offer,  to  labor  for  a  complete  reformation 
of  the  English  Church,  e.  Henry's  contest  with  the  pa- 
pacy, though  entirely  unevangelical  in  spirit,  gave  some 
opportunity  for  the  progress  of  evangelical  doctrine  and 
thus  indirectly  favored  the  religious  movement. 

3.  Characteristics  of  the  English  Reformation. 

(i)  It  is  evident,  from  what  has  been  said,  that  two 
distinct  anti-papal  movements  were  progressing  simulta- 
neously in  England  :  a  religious  movement  embodying 
Lollard,  humanistic,  and  Lutheran  influences  ;  and  a  po- 
litical movement,  the  aim  whereof  was  to  transfer  all 
papal  authority  to  the  king.  The  king  attempted  to  make 
use  of  the  religious  movement,  as  far  as  it  should  be 
necessary  for  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs  ;  while 
the  Protestants,  on  the  other  hand,  attempted  to  turn  the 
anti-papal  policy  of  the  king  to  the  advantage  of  pure 
religion. 


252  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

(2)  Especially  after  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth, when  the  Protestant  party  had  become  strong  In 
numbers  and  in  influence,  was  there  a  constant  struggle 
between  the  Romanizing  and  the  Protestant  parties,  the 
Romanizing  party  enjoying  the  ascendency  until  the 
time  of  Charles  1.,  the  Protestant  (Puritan)  party  mani- 
festing its  power  in  the  execution  of  the  king,  the  over- 
throw of  the  episcopal  system,  and  the  forming  of  an 
alliance  with  the  Scottish  Presbyterians. 

(3)  The  most  characteristic  feature  of  English  Protes- 
tantism, from  the  beginning  until  now  (except  during  the 
Puritan  period),  is  its  half-hearted,  compromising  dispo- 
sition. Neither  Henry  nor  Elizabeth  would  tolerate,  in 
those  whom  they  put  at  the  head  of  the  politico-ecclesi- 
astical administration,  any  contradiction.  Men  of  con- 
victions and  of  conscience  were,  accordingly,  excluded 
from  leadership.  Men  of  feebleness  of  conviction  and 
pliability  of  conscience  shaped  the  policy  of  the  English 
Church  and  fixed  its  character. 

(4)  This  compromising  spirit  is  manifest  in  the  Prayer 
Book  and  the  Thirty-nine  Articles.  The  great  mass  of 
the  population  (in  the  time  of  Edward  VI.  and  Eliza- 
beth), was  still  Roman  Catholic  at  heart.  The  new  or- 
der of  things  must,  therefore,  be  made  to  conform  out- 
wardly as  closely  as  possible  to  the  old.  The  Prayer 
Book,  which  was  to  constitute  a  chief  part  of  the  re- 
ligious instruction  of  the  masses,  was  based  upon  Ro- 
man Catholic  liturgies  and  is  decidedly  Romanizing  in  its 
tendency.  The  theologians,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
been  educated  under  the  influence  of  German  Protes- 
tantism. Something  decidedly  Protestant  was  de- 
manded by  them,  and  could  safely  be  accorded  to  them, 
in  the  matter  of  a  creed.  The  Thirty-nine  Articles  were 
therefore  conceived  in  a  Protestant  spirit  and  based  up- 
on Protestant  models.  Thus  it  was  attempted  to  make 
the  Anglican  ecclesiastical  system  acceptable  to  Protes- 
tants and  Romanizers  alike.  And  so  the  foundation  was 
laid  for  two  great  parties,  more  antagonistic  the  one  to 
the  other  than  the  Lutheran  and  the  Calvinist,  than  the 
Congregationalist  and  tlie  Presbyterian,  which  have 
from  that  time  till  now  each  maintained  its  right  on  the 
ground  of  its  favorite  document :  the  high  churchman 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  253 

interpreting  the  Articles  by  the  Prayer  Book,  the  low 
churchman  interpreting  the  Prayer  Book  by  the  Articles. 

(5)  As  a  result  of  this  compromising  spirit  in  the  ref- 
ormation of  doctrine  and  practice,  Anglican  theology  has 
always  been  deficient  in  independence  and  vigor.  The 
English  Church  has  developed  no  great  system  of  the- 
ology such  as  those  that  were  developed  in  Geneva  and 
in  Germany.  Casuistry  early  took,  and  has  continued 
to  hold,  the  place  of  independent  thinking.  To  show 
that  the  Prayer  Book  can  be  interpreted  Calvinistically, 
or  that  the  Articles  can  be  harmonized  with  Romanist 
teaching,  has  been  a  chief  occupation  of  Anglican  theo- 
logians. 

(6)  The  policy  of  the  English  rulers  being  to  secure 
and  maintain  the  recognition  of  the  royal  supremacy  in 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  matters,  they  not  only  enforced 
upon  all  civil  and  ecclesiastical  officers  subscription  to 
the  Act  of  Supremacy,  but  also  insisted  upon  absolute 
uniformity  in  ecclesiastical  practice.  The  result  has 
been  that  a  large  proportion  of  the  ablest  and  most  con- 
scientious Christian  men  have  always  felt  it  necessary 
to  withdraw  from  the  establishment.  No  other  national 
church  has  been  so  fruitful  of  dissent  as  the  Church  of 
England. 

(7)  The  English  Church  retained  a  large  part  of  the 
mediaeval  endowments,  and  these  have  greatly  hindered 
independence  of  thought  and  action  by  offering  tempta- 
tion to  dishonest  conformity.  Such  insincere  conform- 
ity could  not  but  exert  a  degrading  influence  on  the  An- 
glican clergy. 

(8)  From  the  beginning  little  effort  was  made  to  se- 
cure purity  in  ecclesiastical  officers.  Ecclesiastical  pat- 
ronage was  managed  just  as  corruptly  under  Edward  VI. 
and  Elizabeth  as  it  had  been  managed  during  the  Middle 
Ages.  Benefices  were  and  are  shamelessly  bought  and 
sold.  Benefices  at  the  disposal  of  the  crown  were 
heaped  recklessly  upon  favorites.  The  average  clergy- 
man was  not  adequately  educated  or  decently  moral, 
and  was  far  more  assiduous  in  collecting  his  tithes  and 
rents  than  in  ministering  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  his 
parish. 

(9)  Altogether  there  was  little  in  the  politico-ecclesi- 


254  A  AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

astical  movement  in  England  to  inspire  the  confidence 
or  enthusiasm  of  earnest  religious  men.  The  hopes  of 
such  were,  in  general,  soon  crushed,  and  they  were 
forced  to  look  elsewhere  than  to  the  establishment  for 
the  carrying  out  of  their  reforming  ideas. 

4.  Course  of  Events. 

(i)  The  English  Reformation  tmder  tknry  yill.  Few 
more  absolute  despots  ever  reigned  in  Europe  than  Henry 
Vlll.  Few  rulers  have  had  less  regard  for  human  life 
and  for  the  rights  of  property.  No  crime  was  too  black 
to  be  perpetrated  by  him  if  it  seemed  conducive  to  his 
interest  or  his  pleasure,  "  He  never  spared  a  woman  in 
his  lust,  or  a  man  in  his  anger."  He  appears  to  have 
had  some  superstitious  regard  for  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  ;  but,  as  was  the  case  with  most  Roman  Cath- 
olics and  with  many  Protestants  in  that  age,  religion  in 
Henry  was  absolutely  divorced  from  practical  morality. 
Great  as  was  his  regard  for  Roman  Catholicism,  his  re- 
gard for  his  own  pleasure  was  greater,  and  he  did  not 
scruple  to  break  with  the  papacy  when  it  could  not  be 
made  to  minister  to  his  wishes. 

(7.  Protestantism  under  Henrv  Fill,  before  the  'Beginning 
of  the  divorce  Negotiations.  Henry  and  his  chief  advisers 
were  friends  of  the  New  Learning.  Wolsey  early  in  his 
career  confiscated,  with  papal  sanction,  some  minor  mon- 
asteries and  devoted  the  proceeds  to  the  promotion  of 
learning.  Tyndale  studied  the  Bible  earnestly  and  long 
and  resolved  to  translate  it  for  the  enlightenment  of  the 
people,  but  he  found  "that  there  was  no  place  to  do  it 
in  all  England."  He  went  to  the  Continent,  where  he 
came  more  decidedly  under  Luther's  influence,  and 
where  he  translated,  and  had  printed  for  circulation  in 
England,  a  large  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
afterward  parts  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  edition  of 
the  New  Testament  reached  England  in  1526.  Luther's 
influence  on  the  version  was  recognized,  and  on  this 
ground  chiefly  it  was  condemned  by  the  authorities. 

A  considerable  and  zealous  Lutheran  party  had  by  this 
time  been  formed  in  England.  This  party  was  greatly 
strengthened  by  the  circulation  of  the  Scriptures  and  of 
Protestant  tracts.     Especially  did  the  Lutheran  influence 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  255 

manifest  itself  in  the  universities,  several  of  the  leading 
theologians,  Barnes,  Bilney,  Latimer,  Clark,  etc.,  be- 
coming open  and  zealous  adherents  of  the  new  doctrine. 
Persecution  followed.  Many  books  were  burned,  and 
several  Protestants  were  imprisoned.  But  Wolsey  was 
too  much  engaged  in  political  schemes,  and  had  too  little 
interest  in  religious  matters,  to  devote  much  attention  to 
the  extirpation  of  heresy. 

b.  Henry's  Efforts  for  a  Divorce  from  Catharine  of 
Aragon.  The  policy  of  Henry  Vll.,  who  came  to  the 
throne  during  a  civil  war,  was  to  strengthen  himself  by 
an  alliance  with  Spain.  Accordingly,  he  betrothed  his 
eldest  son,  Arthur,  to  Catharine  of  Aragon.  Arthur 
died  soon  after  his  marriage,  and  probably  before  it  had 
been  consummated.  In  his  anxiety  to  maintain  the 
Spanish  alliance  the  king  proposed  that  Catharine  be 
married  to  his  younger  son,  Henry,  who  was  still  under 
age.  Such  a  marriage  being  contrary  to  ecclesiastical 
law,  a  special  dispensation  from  the  pope  had  to  be  se- 
cured. This  was  accomplished  through  the  importunity 
of  Isabella  of  Spain,  much  against  the  will  of  the  pope. 
The  king  caused  his  son  to  make  a  secret  protest  against 
the  marriage,  to  be  used  in  case  it  should  ever  seem  desir- 
able to  secure  a  divorce.  But  the  marriage  was  duly 
consummated  upon  Henry's  coming  to  the  throne  (1509), 
and  they  lived  together  as  man  and  wife  until  1524. 
The  death,  one  after  another,  of  sons,  born  of  this 
union,  Henry's  despair  of  a  legitimate  male  successor, 
his  consciousness  of  the  irregularity  of  the  marriage, 
perhaps  a  superstitious  feeling  that  the  death  of  his  sons 
was  evidence  of  divine  disapproval  of  the  marriage,  his 
personal  antipathy  to  Catharine  who  had  lost  her  charms 
through  age  and  ill  health,  his  passion  for  the  fascinating 
and  seemingly  chaste  maiden,  Anne  Boleyn,  led  him, 
from  1526  onward,  to  seek  a  divorce. 

Difficulties  of  the  gravest  character  presented  them- 
selves. The  emperor,  Charles  V.,  was  a  nephew  of 
Catharine,  and  would  probably  avenge  such  an  indignity 
to  the  uttermost.  The  pope,  whose  predecessor  had 
granted  the  dispensation  for  the  marriage,  could  not  de- 
clare this  dispensation  invalid  without  degrading  his 
office,  and  he  was,  moreover,  at  the  mercy  of  the  em- 


256  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

peror  who,  in  1527,  sacked  Rome  and  took  the  pope  cap- 
tive. On  the  other  hand,  the  pope  was  sorely  in  need 
of  the  friendship  of  Henry,  through  whom  he  hoped 
for  deliverance  from  imperial  thraldom.  Wolsey  and 
other  agents  were  empowered  to  expend  large  sums  of 
money  and  to  make  to  the  pope  the  most  lavish  promises 
of  protection  and  support  in  consideration  of  the  grant- 
ing of  the  divorce.  The  pope  promised  again  and  again 
to  gratify  Henry,  but  he  dared  not  exasperate  the  em- 
peror. Month  after  month  Henry  was  kept  in  suspense. 
As  Wolsey  was  papal  legate  and  vicar-general  in  Eng- 
land, Henry  suggested  that  Wolsey  and  Cardinal  Cam- 
peggio,  whom  he  had  heavily  bribed,  be  commissioned 
to  try  the  cause  in  England.  The  pope  reluctantly  as- 
sented, and  prepared  a  bull  annulling  the  marriage,  which 
he  put  into  the  hands  of  Campeggio.  Campeggio  was 
instructed,  however,  on  no  account  to  publish  it.  The 
court  for  the  hearing  of  the  cause  was  opened,  but  it 
was  adjourned  from  time  to  time  without  accomplishing 
anything  substantial,  until  the  pope  recalled  the  cause 
to  Rome  (October,  1529). 

Henry  was  now  exasperated  beyond  measure.  Wol- 
sey was  degraded  from  all  his  offices  and  emoluments, 
and  there  was  almost  universal  rejoicing,  it  was  evi- 
dent to  all  that  a  breach  with  Rome  was  inevitable. 
Just  when  the  king  was  at  his  wit's  end  from  the  failure 
to  secure  a  papal  bull  annulling  his  marriage,  Thomas 
Cranmer,  at  that  time  a  modest  scholar  and  theologian, 
expressed  privately  the  opinion  that  the  king  ought  not 
to  trouble  himself  about  the  judgment  of  the  pope,  but 
ought  rather  to  secure  the  opinions  of  the  learned  men 
and  the  universities  of  Europe.  Cranmer's  conversa- 
tion was  reported  to  the  king,  and  it  seemed  to  him  to 
be  just  what  he  had  been  waiting  for.  "  Marry  !  I  trow 
he  has  got  the  right  sow  by  the  ear,"  he  exultantly  ex- 
claimed. He  sent  for  Cranmer  and  consulted  with  him 
as  to  the  method  of  carrying  out  the  plan  suggested. 
Cranmer  himself  wrote  a  book  to  prove  that  the  Leviti- 
cal  law,  forbidding  marriage  with  a  deceased  brother's 
widow,  is  perpetually  binding,  and  cannot  be  annulled 
even  by  a  pope.  The  Universities  of  Oxford  and  Cam- 
bridge,  under  considerable  constraint,  and  with   many 


CHAP,  l]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  257 

silent  or  expressed  protestations,  confirmed  Cranmer's 
opinion.  Many  Italian  ecclesiastics  were  induced  to 
write  in  favor  of  the  divorce.  The  Universities  of  Paris, 
Orleans,  Bourges,  Toulouse,  Angers,  and  Padua  were  of 
the  same  opinion.  The  Swiss  theologians,  Zwingli, 
OEcolampadius,  and  the  Lutheran  theologian,  Osiander, 
decided  in  the  king's  favor.  Not  only  were  the  opinions 
of  living  men  of  eminence  sought,  but  scholars  were 
commissioned  by  the  king  to  visit  the  great  libraries  of 
Europe  and  to  copy  everything  that  could  be  found 
bearing  on  this  matter. 

c.  The  Divorce  and  the'Breach  with  Rome.  Thomas  Crom- 
well, one  of  the  astutest,  most  persevering,  and  most  un- 
scrupulous politicians  of  the  age,  deeply  imbued  with  the 
political  creed  of  Machiavelli,  had  come  into  some  promi- 
nence under  Wolsey.  He  succeeded  in  winning  the  con- 
fidence of  Henry  and  soon  had  almost  boundless  author- 
ity. His  sole  political  aim  seems  to  have  been  to 
complete  the  despotic  power  of  the  king.  No  religious 
interests  or  scruples  hindered  him.  He  advised  Henry 
( 1 5  30)  to  take  the  matter  of  divorce  into  his  own  hands,  and 
to  declare  himself  head  of  the  church  within  his  realm. 
Cromwell's  theory  was  that  the  Church  is  only  a  depart- 
ment of  the  State,  and  that  the  king  has  as  much  right 
to  create  a  priest  or  bishop  as  a  civil  functionary. 

in  1 531  the  clergy  were  declared  guilty  of  the  viola- 
tion of  the  statute  of  Prcemu7iire  in  recognizing  Wolsey's 
authority  as  a  legate  of  the  pope.  The  Convocations  of 
Canterbury  and  York  were  forced  to  purchase  pardon, 
the  former  by  the  payment  of  about  £100,000,  the  latter 
by  the  payment  of  £18,840.  In  the  same  year  Catha- 
rine was  banished  from  the  royal  palace. 

In  1532  the  right  of  independent  legislation  was  with- 
drawn from  Convocation,  and  this  body,  representing 
the  ecclesiastical  estate,  humbly  assented.  Thus  another 
step  was  taken  in  the  direction  of  royal  absolutism. 
About  the  same  time  all  appeals  to  Rome  were  absolutely 
forbidden,  and  the  payment  of  annates  to  Rome  sus- 
pended. 

In  November,  1532,  or  January,  1533,  after  further 
fruitless  efforts  to  secure  the  annulling  of  the  marriage 
at  Rome,  Henry  was  privately  married  to  Anne  Boleyn, 

R 


258  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY      '     [per.  v. 

and  soon  afterward  Cranmer,  having  now  become  arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  declared  the  marriage  of  Henry 
and  Catharine  null  from  tlie  beginning,  and  the  marriage 
with  Anne  lawful. 

d.  The  Act  of  Supremacy,  in  1534  Parliament  enacted 
that 

The  king  our  sovereign  lord,  his  heirs  and  successors,  kings  of 
this  realm,  shall  be  taken,  accepted,  and  reputed  the  only  supreme 
head  on  earth  of  the  Church  of  England,  .  .  and  shall  have  and 
enjoy,  annexed  and  united  to  the  imperial  crown  of  this  realm,  as 
wellthe  title  and  style  thereof,  as  all  honors,  dignities,  pre-eminences, 
jurisdictions,  privileges,  authorities,  immunities,  profits,  and  com- 
modities to  the  said  dignity  of  supreme  head  of  the  same  church 
belonging  and  appertaining;  and  that  our  said  sovereign  lord,  his 
heirs,  and  successors,  .  .  shall  have  full  authority  and  power  from 
time  to  time  to  visit,  refer,  redress,  reform,  order,  correct,  restrain, 
and  amend  all  such  errors,  heresies,  abuses,  offenses,  contempt, 
enormities,  whatsoever  they  be,  which  by  any  spiritual  authority 
and  jurisdiction  ought  or  may  lawfully  be  reformed,  .  .  any  usage, 
custom,  foreign  law,  foreign  authority,  prescription,  or  any  other 
thing  or  things  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

•This  act  is  further  so  defined  as  to  give  to  the  king  absolute 
ecclesiastical  authority  alike  in  matters  external  (church 
order,  revenues,  bestowing  of  benefices,  etc.),  and  in 
matters  internal  (the  repression  of  false  doctrine  and  the 
promotion  of  true,  etc.). 

Cromwell,  already  keeper  of  the  great  seal,  was  now, 
though  a  layman,  made  vicar-general  of  the  church. 
Bishops  and  clergy  were  speedily  brought  into  a  condi- 
tion of  utter  subserviency.  Not  only  were  their  ecclesi- 
astical duties  in  general  prescribed,  but  the  time,  subject, 
and  subject-matter  of  their  discourses  as  well.  Spies 
Were  generally  on  hand  to  report  the  slightest  deviation 
from  instructions  and  the  merest  hints  at  dissatisfaction 
with  the  government.  The  "  Court  of  the  Star  Cham- 
ber," representing  the  absolute  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
power  of  the  king,  became,  in  Cromwell's  hands,  a 
terror  to  England.  Hundreds  of  the  greatest  and  noblest 
men  and  women  of  England,  among  them  Sir  Thomas 
More,  Bishop  Fisher,  Queen  Anne  BoIe\n,  the  Duke  of 
Buck'ingham,  Lady  Salisbury,  and  many  abbots,  were 
victims  of  Cromwell's  policy. 

c.  The  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries.  As  vicar-general, 
Cromwell  instituted  (1535)  a  visitation  of  the  monaster- 


CHAP.  I.  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  259 

ies,  with  the  intention  of  dissolving  them  and  confis- 
cating the  property.  The  investigations  were  not  con- 
ducted with  such  a  degree  of  fairness  as  to  give  us  full 
confidence  in  the  accuracy  of  the  results,  and  the 
"  Black  Book,"  in  which  the  results  of  the  investiga- 
tions were  minutely  recorded,  was  destroyed  during  the 
reigiTof  Mary  ;  but  they  were  probably,  like  monaster- 
ies in  other  parts  of  Europe,  shockingly  corrupt,  and 
their  dissolution  was  no  doubt  in  the  interest  of  reforma- 
tion. The  motives  by  which  Cromwell  and  Henry  were 
actuated  in  the  dissolution  of  the  monasteries  were  prob- 
ably, first,  the  desire  to  replenish  the  royal  exchequer, 
which  had  become  exhausted  ;  and  secondly,  the  desire 
to  overthrow  what  were  certain  to  remain  hotbeds  of 
treason  and  centers  of  papal  influence.  Obedience  to 
the  pope  was  one  of  the  fundamentals  of  the  monastic 
orders,  and  to  extirpate  them  was  a  far  more  feasible 
undertaking  than  to  turn  them  from  popery. 

/.  The  Protestant  Party  during  Cromwell's  Ascendency. 
Cromwell  was  in  favor  of  Protestantism  so  far  as  it  could 
be  made  subservient  to  his  absolutist  policy.  Anne 
Boleyn  was  by  interest,  and  probably  at  heart,  a  Prot- 
estant. She  owed  her  queenship  to  the  anti-papal  policy. 
Her  marriage  was  bitterly  denounced  by  Roman  Catho- 
lics and  zealously  defended  by  Protestants.  Moreover, 
she  was  greatly  influenced  by  Cranmer,  to  whom  she 
was  under  obligation.  She  had  for  chaplains  Shaxton 
and  Latimer,  earnest  Protestants,  whom  she  protected 
and  promoted  to  bishoprics.  She  did  what  she  could  to 
encourage  Protestantism. 

Cranmer  came  more  and  more  under  the  influence  of 
German  Protestantism,  yet  he  had  little  sympathy  with 
the  fierceness  of  German  polemics.  His  moderation  was 
remarkable  and  his  prudence  unfailing.  Sometimes  he 
acted  boldly  and  contradicted  the  king  for  a  time  ;  but 
he  did  it  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  exasperate  him,  and  he 
knew  just  how  far  it  was  safe  to  press  his  views.  We 
must  say,  therefore,  that  Cranmer  was  from  the  first  a 
friend  of  the  Reformation,  and  that  his  desire  for  reform  in- 
creased year  by  year  ;  but  that  his  prudence  amounted 
to  lack  of  moral  courage,  and  that  on  many  occasions  he 
weakly  refrained  from  declaring  the  whole  counsel  of 


26o  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

God  and  acquiesced  in  unevangelical  measures  with  the 
hope  that  a  more  favorable  opportunity  might  occur  after- 
ward for  emphasizing  the  truth. 

With  Henry  the  principal  motives  in  all  his  actions 
were  lust,  greed  of  gain,  greed  of  power,  and  pride. 
He  had  written  in  defense  of  the  Roman  Catholic  sys- 
tem, and  was  unwilling  to  seem  to  have  veered  around 
to  the  position  of  his  tierce  assailant.  He  shrank  from 
the  criticism  of  the  Roman  Catholic  rulers,  many  of 
whom  approved  of  his  rejection  of  papal  authority,  but 
would  have  regarded  his  interference  with  doctrine  as 
spiteful  and  unwarrantable.  He  had,  doubtless,  some 
regard  for  the  prejudices  of  the  masses  of  the  people 
whom  the  priests  and  monks  might  incite  to  rebellion  in 
case  radical  religious  changes  should  be  made. 

On  the  other  hand,  Cranmer  strove  to  impress  upon 
him  the  fact  that  papal  doctrines  and  practices  rested  on 
the  same  foundation  as  papal  supremacy,  and  that  the 
only  way  to  make  sure  of  immunity  from  papal  interfer- 
ence was  to  encourage  Protestantism. 

The  suppression  of  the  monasteries  caused  a  wide- 
spread popular  dissatisfaction  and  a  great  rebellion  was 
the  result.  The  monks  and  many  clergy  were  brought 
into  the  sharpest  antagonism  to  the  government.  The 
rebellion  was  suppressed,  the  leaders  were  put  to  death, 
and  Henry  was  thoroughly  exasperated.  He  now  went 
so  far  as  to  destroy  images  and  shrines,  even  the  shrine 
and  the  relics  of  Thomas  a  Becket,  the  most  venerated 
saint  of  England. 

At  Rome  Henry  was  now  assailed  by  a  host  of  writers, 
who  compared  him  with  Pharaoh,  Nebuchadnezzar,  Bel- 
shazzar,  Nero,  Domitian,  Diocletian,  and  Julian  the 
Apostate.  The  pope  published  a  terrible  bull,  pronoun- 
cing the  kingdom  under  interdict,  forbiddmg  the  alle- 
giance of  his  subjects,  exhorting  the  Catholic  princes  to 
seize  his  realm,  and  anathematizing  Henry  and  his  fav- 
orers (1538). 

In  1537  tlie  king  published  "  The  Godly  and  Pious  In- 
stitutions of  a  Christian  Man,"  which  constitutes  a  sum- 
mary of  doctrine.  While  most  Roman  Catholic  doctrines 
are  retained,  the  tone  of  the  book  is  very  moderate,  and 
it  gave  considerable  encouragement  to  the  Protestant 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  261 

party.  Especially  noticeable  was  the  blow  struck  at  sacer- 
dotalism. During  this  year,  also,  Henry  gave  his  warrant 
for  the  unrestrained  reading  of  the  English  Bible  by  all  his 
subjects.  Cranmer  rejoiced  "that  he  saw  this  day  of  refor- 
mation, which  he  concluded  was  now  risen  in  England, 
since  the  light  of  God's  word  did  shine  over  it  without 
any  cloud."  He  assured  Cromwell,  through  whom  the 
favorable  action  of  the  king  was  secured,  that  in  this  he 
had  shown  him  more  pleasure  than  if  he  had  given  him 
a  thousand  pounds. 

Provision  was  made  by  law  for  setting  up  copies  of  the 
Bible  publicly  in  the  churches,  so  that  all  could  read. 
Every  encouragement  was  given  to  the  reading  of  the 
Scriptures.  At  about  the  same  time  various  papal  super- 
stitions, the  adoration  of  images,  the  invocation  of  saints, 
etc.,  were  forbidden  or  discouraged. 

There  was  all  along  an  influential  Romanizing  party 
in  the  royal  court,  which  availed  itself  of  every  oppor- 
tunity to  prejudice  the  king  against  Protestantism.  The 
fall  of  Anne  Boleyn  (1536)  was  promoted  by  this  party 
and  greatly  encouraged  Romanists  everywhere.  The 
birth  of  a  son  by  his  next  wife,  Jane  Seymour  (October, 
1537),  had  the  reverse  effect. 

The  leading  Romanizers,  especially  Gardiner,  now 
made  a  great  pretense  of  satisfaction  with  Henry's 
ecclesiastical  proceedings.  They  denounced  the  relig- 
ious houses  and  commended  Henry  for  suppressing  them. 
They  professed  to  be  much  concerned  for  the  order  and 
stability  of  the  kingdom,  and  urged  the  king  to  extermi- 
nate sacramentarians  and  other  heretics. 

Moreover,  the  king  was  displeased  because  Cranmer 
and  other  prelates  of  Protestant  proclivities  would  not 
consent  to  the  appropriation  of  all  the  abbey  lands  to  the 
royal  use,  but  insisted  upon  the  application  of  a  large 
part  of  the  same  to  educational  and  philanthropical  pur- 
poses. Cranmer  desired  to  have  a  theological  seminary 
in  every  diocese,  a  grammar  school  in  every  shire,  hos- 
pitals and  workhouses  wherever  needed. 

^.  The  "Six  Articles"  or  "  Bloody  Articles."  The 
influence  of  Cromwell  and  of  Cranmer  had  greatly  de- 
clined by  1539,  and  the  king  had  grown  more  hostile  to 
Protestantism.     The  "  Six  Articles  "  were  enacted  and 


262  A  MANUAL  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

promulgated  notwithstanding  the  most  earnest  opposition 
of  Cranmer.  Denial  of  transubstantiation  is  declared 
heresy,  to  be  punished  by  burning  at  the  stake  without 
abjuration.  Preaching  or  disputing  -dg-dinst  conwiunfoft  in 
one  hind,  celibacy  of  the  clerg)',  observance  of  vows  of  chas- 
tity, private  masses,  and  auricular  confession,  is  declared 
felony,  to  be  punished  with  death.  This  was  the  sever- 
est blow  that  Protestantism  had  yet  received  in  England. 
The  article  on  celibacy  implicated  Cranmer  himself,  who 
had  married  some  years  before  the  niece  of  the  German 
theologian,  Osiander. 

The  fall  of  Cromwell  (1540),  which  resulted  partly 
from  the  fact  that  he  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in 
making  a  disagreeable  match  between  the  king  and  Anne 
of  Cleves,  left  the  king  without  a  consistent  policy,  and 
the  Protestant  party,  with  Cranmer  at  its  head,  without 
a  great  protector. 

h.  From  the  Fall  of  Cromzvell  till  the  Death  of  Henry 
yill.  Henry  soon  became  involved  in  wars  with  France 
and  Scotland,  and  his  attention  was  withdrawn,  in  large 
measure,  from  domestic  religious  questions.  Effort  after 
effort  was  made  to  compass  the  ruin  of  Cranmer,  but 
the  king  knew  that  Cranmer  was  loyal  and,  notwith- 
standing Cranmer's  known  Protestant  proclivities,  he 
protected  him  to  the  end. 

Persistent  effort  was  made  by  the  Romanizers  to  sup- 
press the  English  Bible.  In  1543  an  act  was  passed  for- 
bidding absolutely  the  use  of  Tyndale's  version,  and 
any  reading  of  the  Scriptures  in  assemblies  without  royal 
license.  Noblemen  and  gentlemen  might  cause  the 
Bible  to  be  read  to  them.  Householding  merchants  might 
read  it.  But  no  women,  artificers,  apprentices,  journey- 
men, servingmen,  husbandmen,  or  laborers  might  read 
it.  In  the  place  of  the  Scriptures  they  might  read  the 
"Institutes  of  a  Christian  Man,"  and  other  religious 
works  promulgated  by  the  king's  authority. 

Many  Protestants  were  imprisoned  and  some  put  to 
death  under  the  cruel  Bonner,  who  succeeded  to  some  of 
Cromwell's  power  in  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
ment. Yet  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures  continued,  and 
the  Protestant  party  steadily  gained  ground  until  tlie 
death  of  King  Henry  (1547). 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  263 

(2)  Protestantism  under  Edward  VI.  {1^4'j-i'y'yf).  Prot- 
estantism cannot  be  said  to  liave  become  the  State  re- 
ligion in  England  until  the  accession  of  Edward  VI., 
the  son  of  Henry  VIII.  by  Jane  Seymour,  who  at 
nine  years  of  age  succeeded  to  the  crown.  He  had 
been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  and  was  in  every  way 
a  most  amiable  child.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a 
prodigy  of  precocity.  Cranmer  was  appointed  a  mem- 
ber of  the  regency  and  throughout  the  reign  his  influ- 
ence, in  religious  matters,  was  predominant.  By  this 
time  he  had  become  substantially  a  Calvinist.  He 
soon  succeeded,  by  deposing  Romanizing  bishops,  in 
placing  Protestants  in  many  of  the  most  important 
bishoprics. 

He  brought  over  from  the  continent,  to  teach  in  the 
universities  and  to  aid  him  in  organizing  the  Protestant 
movement,  a  number  of  able  theologians,  especially  Mar- 
tin Bucer,  next  to  Zwingli  and  CEcoIampadius,  the  most 
influential  of  the  early  Reformed  theologians  ;  Peter  Mar- 
tyr and  Bernardo  Ochino,  learned  and  zealous  Italian 
Protestants ;  Paulus  Fagius  of  Strasburg,  Tremellius, 
Dryander,  and  others.  John  a  Lasco,  the  noted  Polish 
reformer,  who  had  resided  for  some  years  at  Emden  in 
East  Friesland,  settled  in  London  (1550)  as  pastor  of 
a  mixed  congregation  of  foreigners  (Germans,  Dutch, 
French,  Walloons,  and  Italians).  Melanchthon  was  in- 
vited, but  could  not  be  spared  from  the  University  of 
Wittenberg  and  the  Saxon  work.  Calvin  was  in  close 
correspondence  with  Cranmer,  Edward  VI.,  and  the  Duke 
of  Somerset,  and  exerted  a  powerful  influence  throughout 
England.  John  Knox,  who  had  been  liberated  through 
English  influence  from  a  Frencii  galley  (1549),  was  in- 
vited to  participate  in  the  English  Reformation,  and  did 
noble  service. 

Various  reforms  were  introduced  ;  the  laws  against 
Lollardism  were  rescinded;  the  "Six  Articles"  were 
repealed  ;  images  were  removed  from  the  churches  ;  the 
clergy  were  allowed  to  marry  ;  communion  under  both 
kinds  was  instituted  ;  tables  were  substituted  for  altars  ; 
an  English  Liturgy  was  introduced  ;  Protestant  Articles 
of  Faith  were  made  authoritative.  Translations  of  writ- 
ings by  the  leading  Lutheran  reformers  were  now  freely 


264  A   AUNUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

circulated  in  England,  as  were  also  those  of  Zwingli,  Bul- 
linger,  and  Calvin. 

In  the  "Book  of  Common  Prayer"  Cranmer  and 
Ridley  retained  much  that  had  come  down  from  the  past 
and  was  without  scriptural  warrant.  This  they  did  with 
a  view  to  conciliating  the  great  mass  of  the  clergy  and 
people,  who  were  still  addicted  to  popish  superstitions, 
and  who  were  inclined  to  resist  anything  like  Calvinistic 
simplicity  in  worship.  They  argued,  that  while  tradi- 
tions in  matters  of  faith  are  to  be  rejected,  in  matters  of 
rites  and  ceremonies  custom  is  often  a  good  argument  for 
the  continuance  of  what  has  been  long  used. 

"The  Forty-two  (afterward  Thirty-nine)  Articles" 
were  prepared  chiefly  by  Cranmer  and  Ridley  (1552). 
These  are  thoroughly  Protestant,  and  are  Calvinistic  or 
Melanchthonian  rather  than  Lutheran.  The  absolute 
and  exclusive  authority  of  Scripture,  justification  by 
faith  alone,  the  Calvinistic  (Melanchthonian)  view  of 
baptism  and  the  Supper  are  distinctly  set  forth.  These 
articles  were  regarded  by  their  authors  as  far  more  fun- 
damental in  their  nature  than  the  Prayer  Book. 

During  the  same  year  the  "  Book  of  Common  Prayer  " 
was  revised. 

Here  also  the  influence  of  Calvin,  Melanchthon,  and  Bucer  is 
manifest.  Consecrated  oil,  exorcism,  crossing,  prayer  for  the  dead, 
auricular  confession,  consecration  of  the  baptismal  water,  and  other 
Roman  Catholic  ceremonies  are  omitted,  and  it  is  carefully  explained 
that  kneeling  in  the  eucharist  implies  no  adoration  of  the  elements, 
Christ's  body  and  blood  being  not  in  earth,  but  in  heaven.  Com- 
mon bread  is  substituted  for  the  thick  water  that  had  previously 
taken  the  place  of  the  thin  ones  used  in  the  mass. 

The  policy  of  Cranmer  was  one  of  great  moderation. 
He  used  his  power  as  discreetly  as  could  have  been  ex- 
pected in  that  age.  But  the  civil  administration  was  ex- 
ceedingly corrupt.  The  public  money  v^as  recklessly 
lavished  upon  the  newly  created  nobles.  The  people 
were  wofully  oppressed  by  the  transference  of  the 
abbey  lands  to  the  crown  and  to  the  nobles.  A  formida- 
ble rebellion  arose,  the  demands  of  the  rebels  being  the 
restoration  of  the  church  property  and  of  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic religion.  After  all  that  was  done  by  Cranmer  and  his 
associates,  the  great  majority  of  the  English  people  were 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  265 

Romanists  at  heart.  Edward  died  in  1553,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Mary,  daughter  of  Henry  Vlll.  and  Catharine 
of  Aragon, 

The  "  Act  of  Uniformity,"  which  aimed  to  enforce  upon 
all  conformity  to  these  standards,  proved  very  oppressive 
to  Catholics  and  Puritans  alike. 

The  "  Court  of  High  Commission,"  founded  by  Eliza- 
beth, was  a  powerful  instrument  of  ecclesiastical  tyranny 
in  her  hands. 

Such  Puritans  as  could  not  make  up  their  minds  to 
conform  were  obliged  to  flee  from  England.  Many  of 
these  became  Separatists,  yet  the  Puritan  party  was 
steadily  advancing,  and  was  destined,  before  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  to  become  predominant. 

(3)  The  Catholic  Reactiofi  under  Mary  {i ^^3-1338). 
The  reformatory  movement  under  Edward  had  been 
almost  wholly  of  a  political  character,  and  had  been  arti- 
ficially stimulated  by  the  importation  of  learned  theolo- 
gians from  abroad.  There  had  been  little  religious  en- 
thusiasm in  the  introduction  of  the  new  order.  Cranmer, 
the  foremost  leader,  was  notoriously  a  man  of  policy 
rather  than  of  principle,  and  the  English  Reformation 
had  partaken  largely  of  his  opportunist  character.  A 
large  proportion  of  the  clergy  and  of  the  people  were 
still  Catholic  at  heart.  Bad  as  England  was  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Reformation,  it  was  no  doubt  considerably 
more  shocldngly  immoral  at  the  death  of  Edward  VI. 
The  pernicious  example  of  Henry  Vlll.  in  his  treatment 
of  his  wives,  countenanced  as  it  was  by  Parliament, 
Convocation,  and  such  theologians  as  Cranmer,  could 
not  fail  to  debase  the  public  conscience.  A  few  men,  like 
Latimer  and  Ridley,  denounced  the  vices  of  the  time  and 
foretold  the  coming  of  divine  vengeance.  Theologians 
like  Cranmer,  who  were  ready  for  any  compromise  of 
principle,  could  yet  participate  in  the  burning  of  godly 
women  and  men  for  deviations  from  church  dogma. 

Mary,  the  daughter  of  Catharine  of  Aragon  and  Henry 
VIII.,  had  steadfastly  remained  a  Roman  Catholic  not- 
withstanding the  zealous  efforts  of  Edward  and  his  coun- 
sellors to  win  her  to  Protestantism.  All  her  interests 
lay  in  adherence  to  the  old  faith,  which  was  that  of  her 
foreign  relatives  and  supporters.     The  harsh  treatment 


266  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  V. 

she  had  received  from  Henry  and  Edward  had  deeply 
embittered  her  against  Protestantism.  Her  priestly  ad- 
visers (representing  the  pope  himself),  had  instilled  into 
her  mind  the  conviction  that  it  was  her  duty,  if  she  ever 
attained  to  the  sovereignty  of  England,  to  blot  out  heresy 
from  her  realm  ;  and  it  had  been  arranged  by  her  politico- 
ecclesiastical  advisers,  with  her  concurrence,  that  she 
should  marry  Philip,  the  heir  of  the  Spanish  throne,  and 
should  unite  England  with  Spain  in  defense  of  the  Cath- 
olic faith.  The  attempt  of  some  of  the  Protestant  nobles 
and  prelates,  aided  by  the  dying  Edward,  to  thrust  upon 
the  throne  the  Lady  Jane  Grey,  Edward's  cousin,  failed, 
and  Mary,  supported  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  nobles 
and  clergy,  soon  overcame  all  opposition.  It  was  entirely 
in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  time  that  she  should 
proceed  to  punish  severely  those  who  had  been  promi- 
nent in  denying  her  legitimacy  and  in  seeking  to  prevent 
her  succession. 

Once  established  in  power  she  promptly  repealed  all 
the  anti-papal  legislation  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Edward  VI., 
restored  much  of  the  sequestrated  church  property,  and 
arraigned,  condemned,  and  burned  a  large  number  of  the 
Protestant  leaders  (including  Cranmer,  Ridley,  Latimer, 
Hooper,  Philpot,  Rogers,  and  Bradford).  Thousands  of 
foreign  Protestants  and  thousands  of  English  evangelicals 
took  refuge  in  the  Netherlands,  Germany,  Geneva,  etc. 

Her  marriage  with  Philip  occurred  in  1554.  Finding  it 
impossible  to  attach  England  to  Spain,  he  felt  it  necessary 
to  leave  England  the  next  year  in  the  interest  of  his 
Spanish  succession.  Mary's  chief  ecclesiastical  advisers 
were  Gardiner,  Bonner,  and  Cardinal  Pole.  The  latter, 
on  behalf  of  the  pope,  received  England  back  into  the 
bosom  of  the  church  (1554),  and  became  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  and  Chancellor  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge. 
Gardiner  died  in  1555,  when  Bonner  became  the  chief 
agent  of  the  queen  in  tlie  carrying  out  of  her  bloody 
measures.  The  number  of  victims  (less  than  three  hun- 
dred) was  inconsiderable  in  comparison  with  those  of  the 
Counter-Reformation  in  the  Netherlands,  Austria,  France, 
Poland,  etc.  ;  but  this  persecution  aroused  a  mighty  re- 
action that  made  England  forever  Protestant.  It  has 
well  been  said  that  "  the  excesses  of  this  bloody  reaction 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  267 

accomplished  more  for  the  Protestantization  of  England 
than  all  the  efforts  put  forth  under  Edward's  reign."  A 
large  number  of  the  brightest  intellects  of  England  spent 
the  years  of  their  exile  in  mastering  and  becoming  thor- 
oughly mastered  by  the  principles  of  Calvinism,  the 
most  rigorous  type  of  Protestantism,  and  were  ready  to 
return,  on  the  death  of  Mary,  to  make  of  England,  if 
possible,  a  Christian  theocracy. 

.  (4)  Elizabeth  (1^^8-160^).  a.  Policy  of  the  Queen. 
Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Henry  VIll.  and  Anne  Boleyn, 
had  been  brought  up  a  Protestant,  with  Cranmer  as  her 
spiritual  guide  ;  but  partly  as  a  measure  of  prudence 
(her  life  was  for  some  time  in  danger  under  Mary)  she 
had  outwardly  conformed  to  the  Catholic  religion.  On 
prudential  grounds  she  refused  to  declare  herself  on  the 
religious  question  until  her  position  was  fully  assured. 
On  the  one  hand,  she  feared  that  by  antagonizing  the 
Catholic  Church  she  might  provoke  Spain  to  join  hands 
with  France  in  supporting  Mary  Stuart  in  her  pretensions 
to  the  English  crown  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  papacy 
had  stigmatized  her  as  a  bastard,  and  a  mighty  reaction 
had  set  in  against  papal  intolerance  as  it  had  been  exem- 
plified in  Mary's  administration,  and  while  the  evangel- 
icals may  still  have  been  in  a  minority  they  had  on  their 
side  by  far  the  largest  share  of  statesmanship,  theologi- 
cal learning,  religious  zeal,  and  capacity  to  do  and  dare. 
England  was  more  than  ever  determined  to  keep  out  of 
the  clutches  of  Spain,  and  was  already  dreaming  of  mar- 
itime and  commercial  ascendency. 

Elizabeth's  first  Parliament  was  opened  with  the  celebration  of 
the  mass  and  the  preaching  of  an  evangelical  sermon.  Her  per- 
sonal preference  was  no  doubt  for  Catholic  worship.  As  late  as 
1560  the  pope  sent  a  nuncio  to  seek  to  persuade  her  to  remain  Cath- 
olic. But  she  was  not  long  in  making  up  her  mind  that  her  interests 
lay  in  the  adoption  of  Protestantism,  and  that  this  course  alone  was 
practicable.  Almost  immediately  after  her  accession  eight  evangel- 
icals were  added  to  her  council.  Bonner  was  at  once  discredited, 
and  she  forbade  the  elevation  of  the  host  in  her  chapel,  where,  how- 
ever, she  continued  to  hear  mass.  The  indications  of  her  favorable 
attitude  toward  the  new  faith  were  sufficient  to  induce  the  return  of 
thousands  of  exiles.  She  entertained  favorably,  and  afterward  car- 
ried out,  a  written  proposal  by  one  of  her  councillors  that  the  Church 
of  England  be  "  reduced  to  'its  former  purity,"  that  those  who  had 
been  prominent  in  Mary's  service  be  gradually  "  abased,"  that  those 


268  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

who  had  been  enriched  by  Marv's  favor  be  compelled  to  restore  their 
wealth  to  the  crown,  tiiat  sherifts  and  justices  who  had  served  under 
Mary  be  supplanted,  that  little  attention  be  paid  to  extreme  reformers 
(Calvinists),  it  being  judged  better  that"  they  should  suffer,  than  her 
highness  or  the  commonwealth  should  shake  or  be  in  danger,"  and 
that  a  commission  be  appointed  to  revise  the  Prayer  Book,  all  inno- 
vation meanwhile  being  strictly  prohibited.  An  interim  arrange- 
ment forbade  giving  audience  to  "any  manner  of  teaching  or 
preaching  other  than  to  the  Gospels  and  Epistles,  commonly 
called  the  Gospel  and  Epistle  of  the  day,  and  to  the  Ten  Com- 
mandments, in  the  vulgar  tongue  without  exposition  of  any  man- 
ner, sense,  or  meaning  to  be  applied  and  added."  The  common 
litany  used  in  her  own  chapel  and  the  Lord's  Prayer  and  the  creed 
in  English  should  alone  be  used  in  public  services  until  such  matters 
should  be  fully  determined  by  Parliament. 

It  was  evidently  the  policy  of  Elizabeth  and  her  ad- 
visers to  avoid  extremes  in  religion. 

b.  Revision  of  the  Prayer  Book. 

The  committee  appointed  to  revise  the  Prayer  Book  was  strongly 
evangelical  in  its  sentiment,  but  Elizabeth  was  anxious  to  satisfy 
moderate  Catholics,  and  would  gladly  have  retained  the  use  of  the 
cross,  of  processions,  and  of  copes  in  communion,  of  prayers  for  the 
dead,  and  of  kneeling  at  the  reception  of  the  elements.  These  sug- 
gestions were  promptly  rejected.  A  disputation  was  held  in  West- 
minster Abbey  between  eight  representatives  of  the  Romanizing 
view  and  eight  evangelicals  regarding  the  propriety  of  using  a 
language  unknown  to  the  people  in  the  services,  the  right  of  every 
church  to  appoint,  change,  or  set  aside  ceremonies,  the  scripturalness 
of  regarding  mass  as  a  propitiatory  sacrifice  for  the  quick  and  the 
dead.  The  Romanizers  were  dissatisfied  with  the  methods  of  dis- 
cussion adopted  by  the  government  and  two  of  their  bishops  were 
committed  to  the  Tower  for  contumacy. 

Elizabeth's  Prayer  Book  was  a  revision  of  that  of  Edward  (1552). 
Significant  is  the  omission  of  the  pra\er,  "from  all  sedition  and 
privy  conspiracy,  from  the  tyranny  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  and  all 
his  detestable  enormities  ,  .  .  good  Lord  deliver  us." 

c.  Restoration  of  the  Royal  Supremacy.  In  January, 
1559  Parliament  restored  to  the  crown  supreme  authority 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  (designating  the  sovereign  "su- 
preme governor,"  not  "supreme  head,"  of  the  church), 
with  the  right  to  nominate  a  court  of  High  Commission 
as  the  organ  for  the  exercise  of  her  supremacy.  The 
oath  of  supremacy  was  also  restored.  Only  a  hundred 
and  eighty-three  of  the  nine  hundred  Catholic  clergy 
refused  it.  In  June  following,  the  Act  of  Uniformity, 
making  the  revised  liturgy  universally  obligatory,  was 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  269 

adopted.  Fifteen  of  the  sixteen  bishops  who  had  served 
under  Mary  refused  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  were 
obliged  to  retire.  Matthew  Parker,  who  had  been  a 
friend  of  Anne  Boieyn,  was  made  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, and  was  consecrated  by  three  bishops  who  had 
been  banished  by  Mary.  Parker,  in  turn,  consecrated 
the  newly  appointed  bishops,  and  thus  the  succession 
was  preserved. 

d.  Revision  of  the  Articles  of  Faith,  The  forty-two 
articles  were  at  first  adopted,  but  were  revised  (1563). 

The  more  significant  modifications  are  the  omission  of  a  direct 
denial  of  the  real  presence.  "  The  body  of  Christ  is  given,  accepted, 
and  eaten  in  the  Supper  only  in  a  celestial  and  spiritual  manner.  But 
the  medium  through  which  "Christ's  body  is  accepted  and  eaten  .  .  . 
is  faith  "  (Art.  28),  Transubstantiation  is  declared  to  be  "adverse 
to  the  plain  words  of  Scripture"  and  "  the  occasion  of  many  super- 
stitions." In  the  original  draught  it  was  expressly  denied  that  the 
wicked  and  those  destitute  of  living  faith  are  partakers  of  Christ. 
This  was  omitted  in  the  printed  Latin  edition  of  1563,  but  was  re- 
stored in  the  English  edition  of  1571.  in  Art.  20  the  church  is  de- 
clared to  have  the  right  of  establishing  ceremonies  and  authority  in 
controversies  respecting  the  faith,  although  it  is  not  lawful  for  the 
church  to  institute  anything  that  is  adverse  to  the  written  word  of 
God. 

e.  Convocation  and  Universities  still  Catholic.  While 
under  Mary  only  five  divines  of  the  Lower  House  of 
Convocation  had  been  bold  enough  to  protest  against  the 
recatholicization  of  the  Church  of  England,  under  Eliza- 
beth the  same  body,  although  aware  of  her  Protestant 
leanings,  voted  unanimously  in  favor  of  transubstantia- 
tion, the  sacrificial  view  of  the  mass,  the  supremacy  and 
divine  authority  of  the  pope,  and  the  incompetence  of  the 
civil  power  to  deal  with  spiritual  things.  In  this  they  had 
the  concurrence  of  the  universities. 

/.  Eliiaheth  becomes  more  Pronounced  in  her  Protestant- 
ism. Elizabeth's  chief  counselors  were  ardent  Protes- 
tants. Walsingham,  secretary  of  State,  is  said  to  have 
been  "  a  great  hater  of  the  popes  and  the  Church  of 
Rome,  and  no  less  favorable  to  those  of  the  Puritan  fac- 
tion." Leicester  and  Raleigh  were  almost  equally  pro- 
nounced in  their  antipathy  to  popery  and  its  appur- 
tenances. The  attempt  of  Mary  Stuart,  supported  by 
France,  and  to  some  extent  by  Spain,  as  well  as  by 


270  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

part  of  the  English  nobility,  to  deprive  Elizabeth  of  her 
throne  (1569),  the  conspiracies  against  the  queen's  life, 
supposed  to  have  been  fostered  by  pope  and  Jesuits 
(i  570-1 571),  and  the  pope's  vigorously  worded  bull 
against  her  as  an  apostate,  brought  her  into  open  warfare 
with  the  papacy.  The  attempted  invasion  of  England 
by  the  Spanish  Armada  (1588J  completed  the  triumph  of 
Protestantism  in  England. 

From  1569  onward  English  colleges  for  the  education  of  missiona- 
ries to  England  were  established  at  Douai,  Rheims,  and  Rome,  and 
by  1585  as  many  as  three  hundred  priests  are  said  to  have  come  se- 
cretly to  England  to  propagate  their  faith,  and  if  possible,  to  over- 
throw and  destroy  England's  great  queen. 

g.  The  Ad  of  Uniformity  and  the  Puritans.  Elizabeth's 
difficulties  were  greatly  increased  by  the  fact  that  nearly 
all  the  learned  and  masterful  men  in  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land were  clamoring,  as  was  Parliament  itself,  for  a  more 
complete  reformation  of  the  church  and  the  putting  aside 
of  everything  that  savored  of  popery. 

Archbishop  Parker  was  strongly  averse  to  cap,  surplice,  and 
wafer-bread.  Bishop  Jewel  called  the  ecclesiastical  vestments  the 
"  habits  of  the  stage,"  the  "  relics  of  the  Amorites,"  and  wished  to 
see  them  "exterminated  by  the  roots."  Bishop  Pilkington  spoke  of 
them  as  "popish  apparel,"  which  siiould  have  been  left  behind  with 
popery,  and  as  not  "  becoming  those  that  profess  godliness."  Yet 
they  thought  it  better  to  conform  than  to  break  the  peace  of  the 
church.  It  occasioned  much  embarrassment  to  the  evangelical  prel- 
ates and  clergy  that  the  queen  insisted  on  maintaining  in  her  private 
chapel  a  Romanizing  service,  and  that  when  called  on  to  officiate 
there  they  were  obliged  to  countenance  so  much  of  popery. 

Nearly  all  the  bishops  consecrated  by  Parker  were 
pronounced  Calvinists  and  most  of  them  scrupled  at  the 
Prayer  Book.  The  universities,  especially  Oxford,  were 
soon  full  of  Calvinists,  many  of  whom  went  to  the  length 
of  nonconformity.  Parker  felt  obliged  to  enforce  with 
moderate  rigor  the  laws  against  Nonconformists.  Grin- 
dal,  his  friend  and  successor  (1575),  had  spent  several 
years  in  Switzerland  and  in  Germany  during  Mary's 
reign  and  was  in  deep  sympathy  with  the  nonconform- 
ing Puritans,  now  becoming  aggressive  in  their  protest 
against  Romanizing  rites  and  ceremonies,  and,  refusing 
to   use   his   authority   for    the    suppression   of    Puritan 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  27I 

"prophesying,"  was  sequestrated  by  the  queen  and 
would  no  doubt  have  been  forced  to  resign,  had  not 
death  intervened  (July,  1583). 

Whitgift  succeeded  Grindal  in  the  primacy  (1583)  and 
though  a  hyper-Calvinist  (supralapsarian)  in  theology 
was  a  stanch  defender  of  the  Episcopal  establishment 
with  its  rites  and  ceremonies  and  was  intolerant  of 
opposition.  He  maintained  the  freedom  of  the  church  as 
regards  rites  and  ceremonies,  and  its  competence  to 
adapt  itself  in  these  things  to  times  and  circumstances. 
Scripture  precept  or  example  he  did  not  consider  indis- 
pensable to  the  validity  of  rites  and  ceremonies.  "  The 
outward  signs  of  the  sacraments  do  not  contain  in  them 
grace,  neither  yet  that  the  grace  of  God  is  of  necessity 
tied  unto  them." 

Having  become  primate,  Whitgift  left  the  literary  controversy 
with  the  Puritans  regarding  the  applicability  of  the  scriptural  prin- 
ciple to  rites  and  ceremonies  and  to  church  polity  to  Hooker  who,  in 
his  monumental  "  Ecclesiastical  Polity,"  while  insisting  on  the 
scripturalness  of  episcopacy,  is  yet  chiefly  concerned  to  prove  that 
the  existing  cliurch  polity  (with  its  episcopacy,  rites,  and  ceremonies, 
and  its  relation  to  tiie  civil  government)  is  promotive  of  good  order 
(useful),  is  reasonable  (in  accord  with  the  nature  of  things),  and, 
reaching  back  in  its  main  features  to  remote  antiquity,  involves  no 
innovation.  The  abuse  of  rites  by  the  papists  is  no  sufficient  ground 
for  their  rejection.  He  insisted  on  the  freedom  of  the  church  as 
regards  polity.  He  was  essentially  a  rationalist  in  his  antagonism 
to  tiie  Puritan  insistence  on  scriptural  authority  for  rites  and  cere- 
monies, as  well  as  for  doctrine,  arguing  that  it  is  by  reason  we  know 
the  Scriptures  to  be  the  word  of  God. 

Bancroft  (to  become  primate  in  1604),  in  opposition  to 
the  Puritans,  argued  the  divine  right  and  exclusive  valid- 
ity of  episcopacy,  no  other  form  of  church  government 
having  ever  been  dreamed  of  from  the  days  of  the  apos- 
tles till  the  time  of  the  Puritans,  whose  interpretation 
of  Scripture,  as  contradicting  that  of  the  Christian  inter- 
preters of  the  ages,  must  needs  be  erroneous. 

These  views,  promulgated  in  158Q,  were  by  no  means  popular  at 
the  time,  as  Englisli  churchmen  were,  for  the  most  part,  desirous  of 
keeping  in  fellowship  with  the  evangelical  churches  of  the  Conti- 
nent that  had  discarded  episcopacy  ;  but  they  laid  the  foundation  of 
the  High  Church  party  that  was  soon  to  come  forward  with  great 
strength  and  aggressiveness.  Bancroft  insisted  that  rebellion 
against  rulers  is  Inherent  in  the  very  nature  of   Presbyterianism 


272  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  V. 

(Puritanism),  the  Puritans'  idea  of  fidelity  to  God  and  his  word 
requiring  them  to  disregard  royal  commands  to  the  contrary  and  to 
use  force  for  the  overthrow  of  ungodly  sovereigns.  It  was  as  rebels 
against  her  government  that  Elizabeth  persecuted  the  Puritans. 

Before  the  middle  of  Elizabeth's  reign  Puritanism  had 
gained  the  ascendency  in  Parliament  and  in  Convocation 
and  earnest  efforts  were  repeatedly  made  in  both  bodies 
for  the  removal  of  Romanizing  elements  from  the  Prayer 
Book.  The  most  zealous  and  influential  of  the  Puritans 
of  the  time  was  Thomas  Cartv/right,  of  the  University  of 
Cambridge.  He  has  been  called,  "  The  earliest  com- 
plete incarnation  of  Puritanism  on  its  controversial  and 
theological  side."  He  believed  that  the  Genevan  sys- 
tem of  church  government  was  clearly  prescribed  in  the 
New  Testament. 

In  a  published  admonition  to  Parliament  (1570),  he  denounced  the 
tyranny  of  the  bishops,  exhorted  Parliament  to  abolish  popish  rem- 
nants and  ceremonies,  and  insisted  that  only  properly  qualified 
ministers  be  placed  over  the  churches.  He  said  that  ministers  are 
now  appointed  by  "letters  commendatory  of  some  one  man,  noble 
or  other,  tag  and  rag,  learned  and  unlearned,  of  the  basest  sort  of 
the  people,  to  the  scandal  of  the  gospel."  He  further  described  them 
as  "  popish  mass-mongeis,"  "  men  for  all  seasons,"  "  King  Henry's 
priests,  "Queen  Mary's  priests,"  etc.  Deprived  of  his  professor- 
ship (1570)  and  of  his  fellowship  (1571)  he  spent  the  next  year 
among  the  Calvinistsof  the  Continent  and  engaged  in  sharp  polem- 
ics against  the  English  Establishment,  Whitgift  being  his  chief 
antagonist.  Though  favored  by  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  the  Lord 
Treasurer  Burleigh,  and  employed  by  them  in  writing  a  confutation 
of  the  Rhemist  (Roman  Catholic)  version  of  the  Scriptures,  he  was 
unable  to  live  continuously  in  England  and  in  1585  was  cast  into 
prison. 

In  1 1;74,  Walter  Travers  published  in  Latin  a  book  on  church 
discipline,  which  Cartwright  translated  and  published  in  English. 
It  set  forth  Presbyterianism  pure  and  simple.  Among  the  most 
interesting  of  tiie  'Puritan  polemical  writings  of  this  time  are  the 
"Martin  Marprelate"  tracts,  an  anonvmous  series  of  writings  in 
which  Whitgift,  Aylmer,  Cooper,  Wickham,  and  otlier  persecuting 
prelates  are  mercilessly  satirized  and  the  iniquity  of  the  Establish- 
ment is  most  effectivelv  exposed.  The  authorship  of  these  tracts 
was  never  discovered,  but  it  has  been  somewhat  confidently  ascribed 
to  Henry  Barrowe,  then  in  prison  for  nonconformity  and  afterward 
executed.' 

Puritanism,  even  when  it  went  the  length  of   non- 

1  See  Dexter,  "  History  of  Congregationalism." 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  273 

conformity,  was  radically  opposed  to  Separatism.  Sep- 
aratist communities  of  Lollards  had  existed  in  consider- 
able numbers  up  to  the  Reformation  time  and  may  have 
persisted  till  the  age  of  Elizabeth.  Small  bodies  of  Ana- 
baptists, chiefly  foreigners  of  the  Hofmannite  and  Men- 
nonite  types,  were  arraigned  before  the  authorities  from 
time  to  time  (1534  onward)  and  were  in  some  cases  ban- 
ished, in  others  burned.  It  might  have  been  expected 
that  here,  as  on  the  continent,  there  would  be  a  blend- 
ing of  the  old  evangelical  with  the  Anti-pedobaptist  life, 
and  it  is  possible  that  in  some  instances  Lollard  congre- 
gations, or  members  thereof,  became  Anabaptists  ;  but  we 
have  no  documentary  evidences  that  such  was  the  case. 
After  the  outbreak  of  the  persecutions  in  the  Netherlands 
(1567)  thousands  of  Dutch  evangelicals,  many  of  them 
Mennonites,  took  refuge  in  England,  where  the  rapidly 
developing  textile  industries  offered  to  artisans  a  ready 
means  of  support. 

//.  Separatists  under  Elizabeth.  About  1578  Robert 
Browne,  a  relative  of  Lord  Burleigh  and  liberally  edu- 
cated, reached  the  conviction  that  Presbyterianism  had 
as  little  scriptural  support  as  Episcopacy  and  that  apos- 
tolic precept  and  example  required  the  formation  of  local 
churches  absolutely  independent  one  of  another,  and 
that  each  local  body  should  be  a  pure  democracy,  each 
member  being  a  truly  regenerate  believer  and  all  hav- 
ing absolutely  equal  rights  and  privileges,  the  only  head- 
ship belonging  to  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Separation 
from  a  corrupt  and  apostate  church  is  not  only  a  right, 
but  a  duty  of  believers.  "  The  kingdom  of  God  ...  is 
not  to  be  begun  by  whole  parishes,  but  rather  of  the 
worthiest,  were  they  never  so  few."  Learning  of  some 
like-minded  brethren  in  Norwich,  he  journeyed  thither, 
and  in  co-operation  with  Robert  Harrison,  a  Cambridge 
graduate,  gathered  a  small  congregation  of  zealous  Sep- 
aratists. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  Browne  was  indebted  in  some  measure 
for  his  advanced  views  on  Congregationalism,  the  separation  of 
Church  and  State,  and  the  unreserved  carrying  out  of  Scripture  pre- 
cept and  example,  to  the  Mennonites  who  abounded  in  this  region.* 

'  See  Williston  Walker,  "  A  History  of  the  Congregational  Churches  in  the  United 
States,"  p.  30,  icq. 

S 


274  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

In  1 581,  he  fled  with  his  consregation  to  MiJdelburg,  Zealand,  where 
he  published  several  works  in  defense  of  his  principles.  One  of  the 
most  important  of  these  is  "  A  Treatise  of  Reformation  without  tarry- 
ing for  any,  and  of  the  Wickedness  of  those  Preachers  which  will 
not  Reform  till  the  Magistrate  command  or  compel  them."  Browne 
became  discouraged  (perhaps  mentally  deranged)  in  1583  and  ulti- 
mately returned  to  the  Established  Church. 

In  1586  or  1587,  we  meet  with  a  congregation  in  Lon- 
don led  by  John  Greenwood,  Henry  Barrowe,  and  John 
Penry,  all  highly  educated  and  deeply  earnest  Noncon- 
formists. These  leaders  were  thrown  into  prison  and 
after  several  years  were  executed  as  criminals  (1593). 

During  their  imprisonment  they  were  enabled  by  their  writings  to 
influence  a  large  number  in  favor  of  radical  reform.  They  were  far 
less  pronounced  in  their  Congregationalism  and  in  their  opposition  to 
State  interference  in  religious  matters  than  Browne  had  been,  but 
they  had  reached  the  conviction  that  under  existing  circumstances 
the  organization  of  separate  churches  to  be  presbyterially  governed 
was  a  necessity. 

About  1593,  Francis  Johnson,  a  Puritan  minister  who 
had  been  exiled  to  Zeeland,  was  converted  by  reading 
one  of  Barrowe's  tracts,  the  publication  of  which  at  Mid- 
delburg  he  was  seeking  to  prevent.  He  conferred  with 
Barrowe  in  prison  shortly  before  his  death  and  soon  after 
this  event  led  a  large  body  of  English  Separatists  to  Am- 
sterdam, where  with  the  learned  Henry  Ainsworth  as  his 
associate,  a  Presbyterian  form  of  Separatism  was  for 
years  vigorously  maintained. 

Shortly  after  their  settlement  in  Amsterdam  "  divers  of  them  fell 
into  the  errors  of  the  Anabaptists  .  .  .  too  common  in  these  countries, 
and  so  persisting  were  excommunicated  by  the  rest."  So  wrote 
Johnson  in  1606.  it  was  the  opinion  of  leading  churchmen  of  the 
time  that  Puritanism  logically  led  to  Separatism,  and  that  Sepa- 
ratism had  its  legitimate  issue  in  Anabaptism.  Dr.  R.  Some  wrote: 
"  If  every  particular  congregation  in  England  might  set  up  and  put 
down  at  their  pleasure,  popish  and  Anabaptistical  fancies  would 
overflow  this  land  ;  the  consequence  would  be  dangerous,  viz,  the 
dishonor  of  God,  the  contempt  of  her  majesty,  the  overthrow  of 
the  church  and  universities,  and  the  utter  confusion  of  this  noble 
kingdom." 

A  number  of  individuals  liad  before  tlie  end  of  the  reign 
of  Elizabeth  been  led  to  feel  the  inconsistency  between 
the  Congregationalists'  insistence  on  a  pure  church-mem- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  275 

bership  and  the  practice  of  infant  baptism,  but  we  have 
no  evidence  of  the  organization  of  English  Anti-pedobap- 
tist  congregations,  as  distinguished  from  the  older  Men- 
nonite  churches,  during  this  reign. 

Among  the  results  of  Elizabeth's  long  reign  was  the  al- 
most complete  extirpation  of  Roman  Catholicism,  which 
she  had  found  the  dominant  form  of  religion.  But  her 
Protestant  subjects  had  become  hopelessly  divided.  Her 
political  strength  was  sufficient  to  enable  her  to  have 
her  way  and  to  enforce  a  rigorous  uniformity  in  op- 
position to  the  wishes  of  a  large  majority  of  the  people 
and  against  the  judgment  of  some  of  her  ablest  states- 
men. The  foundations  had  been  laid  by  a  few  over- 
zealous  churchmen  (like  Bancroft)  for  what  would  long 
afterward  be  known  as  the  High  Church  party  and  would 
gather  to  itself  all  the  Romanizing  elements  that  were 
not  willing  to  defy  the  laws  by  the  actual  practice  of 
Roman  rites,  hi  the  large,  intelligent,  and  earnest  Puri- 
tan party  that  thought  it  wise  for  the  time  to  conform 
and  yet  hoped  for  a  Reformation  of  the  church  on  a  Cal- 
vinistic  basis,  we  have  what  would  long  afterward  be 
known  as  the  Low  Church,  or  evangelical  party.  While 
in  the  nonconforming  Puritans  and  in  the  Separatists  we 
have  the  beginnings  of  the  great  dissenting  bodies  that 
have  constituted  so  marked  a  feature  of  the  religious  life 
of  England  and  her  colonies,  and  especially  of  North 
America. 

($)  James  I.  {i6o'i>-i62^).  a.  The  Accession  of  James 
and  the  Milleuaiy  Petition.  James  Stuart,  son  of  Mary, 
Queen  of  Scotland,  and  Henry  Stuart  (Lord  Darnley), 
had  succeeded  his  mother  (1587)  as  James  VL  of  Scot- 
kind.  Being  a  lineal  descendant  of  Henry  VII.  and  after 
the  death  of  Elizabeth  the  next  heir  to  the  crown,  he  suc- 
ceeded without  opposition.  He  had  a  good  theological 
education  and  had  submitted  with  a  reasonably  good 
grace  to  the  domineering  of  the  Scotch  Presbyterian  Es- 
tablishment, and  it  was  confidently  expected  by  the 
Puritans  of  England  that  his  administration  would  be 
strongly  in  the  interest  of  their  cause. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  in  England  a  petition  signed  by 
seven  hundred  and  fifty  Puritan  clergy,  including  a  num- 
ber of  bishops,  deans,  and  other  officials  (called  the  "Mil- 


276  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

lenary  Petition"  as  purporting  to  represent  a  thousand 
clergy),  was  presented  to  the  king  for  the  removal  of  all 
popish  elements  from  the  worship  of  the  church  and  the 
adoption  of  hyper-Calvinistic  articles  of  faith  (the  Lam- 
beth Articles).  While  he  condescended  to  argue  with 
the  representatives  of  the  petitioners,  he  treated  them 
with  scant  courtesy  and  soon  convinced  them  that  their 
party  could  suffer  only  tribulation  at  his  hand. 

James  was  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  theocratic  views  of  the 
Presbyterians  were  inconsistent  with  royal  absolutism  and  that  the 
divine  right  of  kings  could  best  be  safeguarded  by  a  recognition  of 
the  divine  right  of  bishops  as  well. 

b.  The  Hampton  Court  Conference.  ■  With  a  view  to  a 
better  understanding  of  the  religious  situation  in  Eng- 
land and  the  peaceable  settlement  of  the  differences  that 
had  arisen  between  the  contending  churchmen  and  the 
Puritans,  a  conference  was  arranged  at  Hampton  Court 
(January,  1604),  to  which  six  Puritan  ministers  and 
nineteen  of  their  opponents  (nearly  all  bishops  and 
deans)  were  invited  to  appear  before  the  king  and  to 
discuss  in  his  presence  and  with  him  the  points  at  issue. 
He  had  already  committed  himself  to  the  maintenance 
of  the  existing  order  with  such  reforms  as  might  be 
proved  needful.  The  Puritans  afterward  complained 
that  they  were  not  sufficiently  represented  and  that  their 
arguments  were  treated  frivolously  and  contemptuously 
by  the  king.  The  churchmen  were  highly  gratified  with 
his  display  of  wisdom,  wit,  learning,  dexterity,  per- 
spicuity, and  sufficiency,  declaring  that  they  had  never 
heard  the  like  before. 

In  answer  to  the  Puritans'  demand  for  better  church  government, 
the  king  answered  in  a  rage:  "  If  you  aim  at  a  Scotch  Presbytery, 
it  agreetii  as  well  with  monarchy  as  God  and  tiie  devil.  Then  Jack 
and  Tom,  and  Will  and  Dick,  will  meet  and  censure  me  and  my 
council."  Tiieir  request  for  certain  additions  to  the  catechism  and 
the  revision  of  the  English  Bible  were  granted.  It  should  be  said 
that  the  king  discussed  with  the  utmost  freedom  and  confidence 
with  the  prelates  manv  alleged  abuses  and  received  from  them  such 
explanations  and  palliations  as  they  were  able  to  make. 

c.  The  One  Hundred  and  Forty-one  Canons.  As  a  final 
answer    to   the    Puritans   one   hundred   and    forty-one 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  277 

canons,  which  had  been  drafted  by  Bishop  Bancroft, 
were  adopted  by  the  Convocation  of  Canterbury  with 
the  l<ing's  authority  (April,  1604). 

These  pronounced  the  sentence  of  excommunication  upon  any 
who  should  impugn  the  true  and  apostolical  character  of  the 
Church  of  England,  or  any  part  of  its  authorized  worship  or  cere- 
monies. Subscription  to  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  under  protest 
or  with  mental  reservation  was  prohibited,  only  those  being  allowed 
to  subscribe  who  could  do  so  willingly  and  ex  animo.  Full  provision 
was  made  for  the  enforcement  of  uniformity. 

Bancroft  became  primate  the  following  December  and 
proceeded  with  great  vigor  to  carry  into  effect  the  regu- 
lations he  had  been  chiefly  instrumental  in  foisting  upon 
the  church.  A  large  number  of  Puritan  ministers  were 
silenced  by  the  ex  animo  test.  With  Bancroft  as  his 
chief  ecclesiastical  adviser  and  the  Court  of  High  Com- 
mission as  his  instrument,  James  would  doubtless  have 
carried  out  his  inquisitorial  proceedings  against  the  Puri- 
tans to  still  greater  lengths  had  not  these  proceedings 
aroused  the  antagonism  of  the  judges. 

In  1605  Bancroft  complained  to  the  privy  council  that  five  hun- 
dred and  seventy  prohibitions  had  been  granted  by  the  judges  to 
the  proceedings  of  the  ecclesiastical  Court  of  Arches.  On  a  number 
of  occasions  the  judges  delivered  by  writs  of  habeas  corpus  those 
who  had  been  imprisoned  by  the  High  Commission  Court.  The 
judges  refused  to  allow  that  the  king,  with  the  High  Commission 
Court,  could,  without  a  special  act  of  Parliament,  deprive  English- 
men of  their  rights  established  by  law.  One  of  the  judges  was 
arrested  by  the  High  Commission  Court  and  heavily  fined.  Ban- 
croft persuaded  the  king  that  he  had  a  right  to  coerce  the  judges. 
Sir  Edward  Coke  withstood  king  and  archbishop,  insisting  that  the 
ecclesiastical  courts  must  take  the  law  from  the  judges  as  interpreted 
by  them.  The  ecclesiastical  courts  had  no  right  to  fine  or  imprison 
except  for  heresy.  The  Parliament  of  1610  severely  censured  the 
Court  of  High  Commission,  and  the  king's  speech  in  its  defense 
was  heard  in  silence. 

A  Cambridge  jurist  published  about  this  time  "The  Interpreter," 
in  which  he  asserted :  "  It  is  uncontrollable  that  the  king  of  Eng- 
land is  an  absolute  king."  Convocation  asserted  in  an  unqualified 
way  the  divine  right  of  kings.  Parliament,  alarmed  at  such  en- 
croachments on  British  liberty,  imprisoned  the  author  of  "The  In- 
terpreter" and  suppressed  the  book. 

Parliament  demanded  (July,  1610)  that  the  deprived  Puritan  min- 
isters be  restored,  and  complained  of  the  existence  of  gross  abuses, 
such  as  plurality  of  benefices,  non-residence,  and  unwarranted  ex- 
communication,  it  was  evident  that  Parliament  was  enthusiastically 


278  A   MANUAL  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

sympathetic  with  the  Puritan  cause,  and  that  the  old  spirit  of  British 
liberty  iiad  become  thoroushiy  reawakened. 

The  kina  directed  the  archbisliop  to  remedy  such  abuses  as  were 
recognized  as  existing,  and  some  ineffective  efforts  at  reform  were 
made.  In  its  autumn  session,  Parliament  reiterated  its  demands, 
expressed  its  disgust  at  tiie  methods  employed  by  the  archbishop, 
and  dissolved  in  a  spirit  that  augured  ill  to  ecclesiastical  authority. 

d.  Hopes  of  the  l^omanists.  Romanists  had  hoped  for 
an  alleviation  of  their  sufferings  at  the  hands  of  the  son 
of  Mary  Stuart  who  had  shown  himself  so  averse  to  ex- 
treme Protestantism.  The  discovery  of  a  Jesuit  plot 
early  in  his  reign  led  to  the  adoption  of  drastic  measures. 
Within  a  short  time  five  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixty 
were  convicted  of  recusancy,  /.  e.,  refusal  as  Roman 
Catholics  to  take  the  oath  of  supremacy  and  to  make 
other  required  declarations.  Another  great  plot  discov- 
ered in  1605  (the  Gunpowder  Plot)  led  to  still  more  rig- 
orous measures.  Suspected  Catholics  must  not  only  at- 
tend the  parish  churches,  but  must  also  partake  of  the 
Lord's  Supper  therein, 

e.  ^AbboVs  Moderate  zAdministration.  Under  Arch- 
bishop Abbot  (1611-1633)  the  Puritans  enjoyed  consider- 
able ease.  A  thorough-going  Calvinist  himself,  he  had 
little  inclination  to  enforce  the  Act  of  Uniformity. 

He  considered  the  Christian  religion  no  otherwise  than  as  it  ab- 
horred and  reviled  popery,  and  valued  those  men  who  did  that  the 
most  furiously.  For  the  strict  observation  of  the  discipline  of  the 
churcii  or  conformity  to  the  articles  or  canons  established  he  made 
little  inquiry  and  took  less  care  ;  he  adhered  only  to  the  doctrine  of 
Calvin  and  for  his  sake  did  not  think  so  ill  of  the  discipline  as  he 
ought  to  have  done.  If  men  prudently  forbore  a  public  reviling  and 
railing  at  hierarchy  and  ecclesiastical  government,  let  their  opinions 
and  private  practice  be  what  thev  would,  they  were  not  only  secure 
from  any  inquisition  of  his,  but  acceptable  to  him  and  at  least  equally 
preferred  by  him. ' 

Abbot  seems  to  have  encouraged  the  king  in  burning 
heretics  (Bartholomew  Legate  and  Edward  Wightman, 
1612),  as  was  consistent  with  his  rigorous  Calvinistic 
principles. 

Many  Puritans  who  had  been  in  exile  returned  under  Abbot's  en- 
couragement.     The  king's  daughter,   Elizabeth,  was   married  to 

'  Clarendon,  "  History  of  the  Great  Rebellion,"  Vol.  I.,  p.  68,  seq. 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  279 

Frederick  of  the  Palatinate,  a  Calvinist,  James  sent  liis  Calvin- 
istic  tlieologians  to  tlie  synod  ot  Dort  (1618),  witli  instructions  to 
"favor  no  innovations  in  doctrine,  and  to  conform  to  the  confes- 
sions of  neighboring  reformed  churches."  He  had  been  trained  in 
Calvinistic  theology  and  was  still  sympathetic  with  the  doctrinal 
side  of  Calvinism. 

His  attitude  toward  Calvinism,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Catholicism,  on  the  other,  underwent  a  remarkable 
change  at  about  this  time.  His  desire  for  the  marriage 
of  his  son  Charles  to  the  Spanish  Infanta  caused  him  to 
refuse  support  to  his  son-in-law,  Frederick,  in  his  war 
with  Ferdinand  for  the  Bohemian  crown,  and  also  to 
treat  Roman  Catholicism  in  England  with  some  consid- 
eration. 

He  now  promised  the  king  of  Spain  "that  no  Roman  priest  or 
other  Catholic  should  henceforth  be  condemned  upon  any  capital 
law  ;  and  although  he  could  not  at  present  rescind  the  laws  inflict- 
ing only  pecuniary  mulcts,  yet  he  would  so  mitigate  them  as  to 
oblige  his  Catholic  subjects  to  him." 

/.  The  Rise  of  Laud.  Archbishop  Abbot  was  no  longer 
in  favor.  A  new  ecclesiastical  adviser  now  appeared 
(1521)  in  the  person  of  John  Williams,  who  made  terms 
with  the  corrupt  Buckingham  and  became  Lord  Keeper 
in  succession  to  Francis  Bacon,  who  had  been  convicted 
of  the  most  shameful  venality  and  degraded  along  with 
others  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  Parliament  for  reform, 
without  the  sacrifice  of  Buckingham,  the  king's  favorite. 
Williams,  though  not  distinctively  a  High  Churchman 
himself,  soon  brought  to  the  front  William  Laud,  the 
typical  High  Churchman,  who  was  to  be  almost  omnipo- 
tent under  Charles  1.,  and  the  author  of  his  many  woes. 
Parliament,  already  bitterly  antagonistic  to  the  king  be- 
cause of  his  lawless  methods  of  raising  money  (sale  of 
offices  and  monopolies,  forced  benevolences,  etc.)  and 
the  shamelessness  of  the  lives  of  his  courtiers,  now  be- 
came alarmed  at  the  favor  shown  to  Romanists  and 
clamored  for  war  with  Spain. 

High  Churchmen,  like  Montague  and  Laud,  along  with  their  ad- 
vocacy of  extreme  ritualism  and  of  the  divine  right  of  bishops 
and  kings,  now  began  to  promulgate  a  type  of  theological  teach- 
ing which  because  of  its  coincidence  with  that  of  the  Remon- 
strants of  the  Netherlands  was  denominated  Arminianism,  but  which 


28o  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

was  in  reality  the  semi-Pelagianism  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
The  visit  of  Charles  to  Spain  in  1623  aroused  Puritan  England  to 
anti-papal  fury,  which  was  somewhat  allayed  when  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  Spanish  match  was  announced.  As  an  offset  to  the 
bitter  opposition  of  Parliament  to  the  royal  policy,  Convocation, 
which  was  now  strongly  anti-Puritan,  voted  the  king  a  subsidy  of 
four  shillings  in  the  pound  for  four  years  (1624). 

g.  Nonconformity  under  James.  During  the  early  years 
of  James'  reign  large  numbers  of  Nonconformists  and 
Separatists  followed  those  who  had  already  taken  refuge 
in  the  Netherlands  and  had  formed  congregations  there. 
About  1602,  John  Smyth,  a  Cambridge  graduate,  after  a 
long  struggle  felt  compelled  to  separate  from  the  estab- 
lishment and  gathered  a  little  congregation  of  Separatists 
at  Gainsborough.  To  this  congregation  and  its  out-of- 
town  adjunct  at  Scrooby  Manor  belonged  a  number  of 
men  who  were  to  become  famous  in  the  New  World  as 
well  as  the  Old,  such  as  William  Brewster,  William  Brad- 
ford, Richard  Clyfton,  John  Robinson,  Thomas  Helwys, 
and  John  Murton.  About  1604,  John  Robinson  became 
pastor  of  the  Scrooby  congregation.  Persecution  caused 
the  emigration  of  Smyth  and  his  people  to  Amsterdam 
(about  1606),  Robinson  and  his  flock  followed  a  year  or 
two  later  and  settled  at  Leyden.  Smyth  and  his  associ- 
ates soon  found  themselves  at  variance  with  Johnson 
and  Ainsworth,  pastors  of  the  older  Congregational 
church  at  Amsterdam. 

h.  An  English  Auti-pedobaptist  Movement.  By  1608 
Smyth,  Helwys,  Murton,  and  a  number  of  their  asso- 
ciates, had  reached  the  conviction  that  their  baptism, 
church  order,  and  the  ordination  of  their  minister,  hav- 
ing been  received  in  an  apostate  church,  were  invalid, 
and  that  infant  baptism  was  without  scriptural  author- 
ization and  was  inconsistent  with  regenerate  church- 
membership.  Accordingly  they  repudiated  their  church 
organization,  baptism,  and  ordination,  and  introduced 
believer's  baptism  anew,  Smyth,  it  is  said,  baptizing 
first  himself  and  then  others  and  the  newly  baptized 
congregation  organizing  itself  anew  with  Smyth  as  its 
pastor. 

Smyth  and  a  majority  of  his  company  soon  became 
convinced  that  they  had  made  a  mistake  in  introducing 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  281 

baptism  and  church  order  anew  when  a  body  of  baptized 
believers  that  claimed  apostolic  succession  (the  Menno- 
nites)  could  have  given  them  a  legitimate  introduction  to 
apostolic  ordinances  and  order.  They  were  disfellow- 
shiped  by  Helwys,  Murton,  and  a  few  others  who  in- 
sisted upon  the  legitimacy  of  their  proceedings  and  re- 
garded with  great  disfavor  Smyth's  craving  for  apostolic 
succession.  Smyth  and  his  followers  sought  admission 
into  a  Mennonite  church.  Exceedingly  cautious  and 
fearful  of  disturbing  their  own  fellowship,  the  church 
postponed  their  final  admission  until  1614,  three  years 
after  Smyth's  death. 

hi  161 1  Helwys,  Murton,  and  their  associates,  encour- 
aged no  doubt,  by  the  comparatively  tolerant  administra- 
tion of  Archbishop  Abbott  and  convinced  that  duty  re- 
quired them  to  propagate  their  principles  at  home,  re- 
turned to  England,  where  within  the  next  fifteen  years 
they  published  several  noble  pleas  for  liberty  of  con- 
science. 

In  1526  they  had  five  congregations  in  different  parts  of  England. 
Controversy  had  arisen  among  them  regarding  the  deity  of  Christ 
and  other  matters  and  both  parties  earnestly  sought  the  countenance 
and  support  of  the  Mennonites  in  Holland.  Socinianism,  which  had  by 
this  time  greatly  influenced  the  Mennonite  body  and  in  which  Smyth 
had  become  deeply  involved,  was  evidently  dominant  in  the  teach- 
ings of  the  English  Anti-pedobaptists  of  this  time. 

/.  The  Pilgrim  Fathers.  Robinson's  congregation  set- 
tled at  Leyden,  where  the  pastor  established  intimate  re- 
lations with  the  university  and  became  recognized  as  a 
stanch  defender  of  Calvinism  against  Arminianism,  which 
was  disturbing  the  life  of  the  institution  and  city.  By 
1618  they  found  the  conditions  of  life  at  Leyden  so 
severe  as  to  make  their  gradual  diminution  and  ultimate 
extinction  imminent,  and  they  began  to  cast  about  for 
some  means  of  extricating  themselves,  it  was  finally 
arranged  through  friends  in  England  that  they  should 
emigrate  to  New  England.  Their  poverty  was  such  as 
to  make  it  impracticable  for  them  all  to  go  at  once.  It 
required  the  greatest  sacrifices  on  the  part  of  all  to  ar- 
range for  the  transportation  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  their 
new  home,  it  was  arranged  that  the  pastor  would  go  or 
stay  with  the  major  part,  and  as  the  major  part  remained 


282  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER  V. 

behind  he  finished  his  life  at  Leyden,  After  suffering 
untold  hardships  the  party  landed  at  Plymouth,  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1620,  and  nearly  half  of  these  succumbed  to 
the  severity  of  the  winter  and  lack  of  proper  food  and 
housing.  Thus  was  laid  the  foundation  for  the  Congre- 
gational life  of  the  New  World. 

j.  A  Mother  of  Congregational  and  "Baptist  Chnrclies. 
In  1616  Henry  Jacob,  a  highly  educated  Puritan  minis- 
ter who  had  been  pastor  of  an  exiled  congregation  at 
Middelburg,  felt  it  his  duty  to  adventure  his  life  in  an 
effort  to  establish  a  pure  church  in  the  neighborhood  of 
London.  This  congregation  suffered  much  persecution, 
but  became  the  mother  of  most  of  the  Congregational 
and  Baptist  churches  in  England. 

The  arbitrariness,  corruption,  and  untrustworthiness 
of  James  in  his  political  and  ecclesiastical  administration 
had  provoked  a  mighty  reaction  in  favor  of  civil  liberty 
and  ecclesiastical  reformation.  Puritanism  and  civic  re- 
form had  joined  hands  for  the  overthrow  of  despotism. 
James  had  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  High  Church  advocates 
of  the  divine  right  of  kings  and  the  divine  right  of  bishops, 
a  policy  that  was  to  lead  to  a  revolution  in  the  next 
reign.  Separatism  which  had  begun  under  Elizabeth  was 
greatly  fostered  by  James'  tyranny.  The  settlement 
of  Virginia  for  purposes  of  exploitation  had  been  effected 
(1609  onward)  and  Anglican  worship  had  been  estab- 
lished in  this  part  of  America.  With  the  Pilgrim  Fathers 
the  principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  suppressed  in 
England  for  the  time,  were  transplanted  to  the  New 
World,  where  they  were  to  have  a  marvelous  develop- 
ment. 

(6)  Charles  I.  {162^-1649).  a.  Character  and  Policy 
of  the  King.  Charles  simply  perpetuated  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  policy  of  his  father.  With  far  less  educa- 
tion and  devoid  of  the  thorough  grounding  in  Calvinism 
that  James  had  enjoyed,  more  deeply  assured  than  his 
father  had  been  of  the  absoluteness  of  his  authority  as 
a  matter  of  divine  right,  and  persuaded  by  his  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  advisers  that  policy  lay  in  the  line  of  un- 
swerving assertion  of  irresponsible  authority,  the  disre- 
gard of  Parliament  and  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  people,  and  the  use  of  force  for  the  overcoming  of 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  285 

all  opposition,  he  goaded  the  Puritans  and  the  advocates 
of  civil  liberty  into  revolt  that  resulted  in  his  overthrow 
and  execution  and  in  the  disestablishment  of  the  church 
with  the  abolition  of  the  hierarchy. 

Charles'  mother  was  a  Roman  Catholic  at  heart,  and 
he  had  married  a  Roman  Catholic  French  princess,  if 
he  had  been  free,  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  that  he 
would  have  avowed  himself  a  Romanist.  From  the  be- 
ginning William  Laud  was  his  chief  counselor  in  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  matters. 

b.  The  Laudian  Regime. 

Born  in  1573,  while  still  at  Oxford  Laud  became  deeply  imbued 
with  High  Church  principles,  and  defended  baptismal  regeneration 
in  a  thesis.  He  became  Bishop  of  St.  Davids  (1621),  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells  (1626),  Bishop  of  London  (1628),  and  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  (1633).  In  1627  he  was  made  a  privy  councilor, 
and  was  promoted  from  stage  to  stage  in  the  civil  administration 
until  he  became  Lord  Chancellor  in  1628.  Till  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War  in  1641,  he  was  the  power  behind  the  throne.  He  was 
completely  dominated  by  the  idea  of  the  divine  right  of  kings  and 
bishops.  The  type  of  his  theological  teaching  was  throughout  Ro- 
man Catholic.  He  attached  the  utmost  importance  to  the  minutiae 
of  ecclesiastical  furniture  and  its  arrangement,  ecclesiastical  vest- 
ments and  the  manner  of  putting  them  on  and  wearing  them,  eccle- 
siastical festivals,  the  radical  distinction  between  clergy  and  laity, 
the  magical  efficacy  of  priestly  functions  and  especially  of  the  sacra- 
ments, and  could  not  tolerate  the  slightest  deviation  from  the  estab- 
lished forms.  The  Star  Chamber  and  the  Court  of  High  Commis- 
sion became  in  his  hands  a  veritable  Inquisition.  Spies  were  sent 
out  into  all  parts  of  the  country  to  detect  any  violation  of  the  Act  of 
Uniformity,  and  those  who  were  proved  guilty  of  disobedience  to 
the  ecclesiastical  laws  or  censured  through  the  press  the  corrupt  and 
tyrannical  ecclesiasticism  that  prevailed  were  seized,  tried,  tortured 
(sometimes  shamefully  mutilated),  and  thrust  into  prison.  The 
reign  of  Laud  has  been  characterized  as  a  reign  of  "Thorough." 
It  might  well  be  called  also  a  reign  of  terror. 

The  forces  of  opposition  that  had  been  developed 
under  Elizabeth  and  James  grew  stronger  and  stronger 
in  proportion  as  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  administra- 
tion became  more  and  more  despotic. 

While  Laud  did  not  see  his  way  clear  to  restore  England  to  the 
papacy,  he  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  his  essential  agreement  with 
the  Church  of  Rome.  "  The  religion  of  the  Church  of  Rome  and 
ours  is  all  one."  He  laid  much  stress  on  "  the  beauty  of  holiness," 
meaning  thereby  elaborate  church  decoration  and  elaborate  and  sol- 
emn ritual.      He  promoted    the  restoration   of    religious  pictures. 


284  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

crosses,  and  altars.  He  regarded  the  altar,  which  must  be  set 
against  the  east  end  of  the  church  within  the  chancel,  as  "  the 
greatest  place  ot  God's  residence  upon  earth,  greater  than  the  pul- 
pit, for  there  'tis  *  This  is  my  body  '  ;  but  in  tlie  other  it  is  at  most, 
but  'This  is  my  word.'  "  His  idea  of  the  Supperwas  the  Romanist, 
namely,  that  of  a  sacrifice.     Hence  the  altar. 

c.  The  Scotch  in  1{cbcllion.  James  had,  in  1610,  at- 
tempted to  enforce  Episcopacy  upon  the  Scotch,  and  had 
provided  a  fully  equipped  hierarchy.  Late  in  his  reign 
he  had  been  accompanied  by  Laud  to  Scotland,  and  the 
two  had  discussed  plans  for  the  uprooting  of  Presbyte- 
rianism  and  the  assimilation  of  the  Scottish  to  the  Eng- 
Hsh  church.  Once  in  full  authority  as  the  trusted  coun- 
selor of  Charles,  he  proceeded  to  enforce  the  Angli- 
can ceremonies  upon  the  Scotch  by  drastic  measures, 
in  1635  canons  were  imposed  upon  the  Scotch  which  in- 
volved recognition  of  the  royal  supremacy  and  the  use 
of  an  edition  of  the  English  liturgy  specially  prepared 
by  Laud,  which  included  consecration  formula?,  the  cere- 
monial blessing  of  the  baptismal  water,  and  intercession 
for  the  dead.  His  thought  seems  to  have  been,  that  as 
force  would  have  to  be  employed  in  any  case,  a  little 
additional  Romanizing  would  make  little  difference.  The 
result  was  the  signing  of  a  new  covenant  by  the  Scot- 
tish Presbyterians  (1638),  and  a  general  uprising  against 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  tyranny. 

d.  Calvinistic  Preaching  Prohibited.  With  a  view  to 
crippling  the  Puritans^  who  were  found  preaching  the 
doctrines  of  Calvinism,  Charles  (Laud)  appended  to  the 
Prayer  Book  a  prohibition  of  "all  further  curious 
search  "  about  the  great  questions  that  divided  Calvin- 
ists  from  Arminians.  As  the  rank  and  file  of  the  clergy 
were  ignorant  and  vicious  and  incapable  of  preaching  to 
edification,  many  Puritan  communities  had  employed 
able  ministers  to  preach  or  lecture  at  hours  different 
from  those  required  for  the  prescribed  services.  Laud 
strictly  prohibited  all  services  that  were  not  conducted 
in  the  prescribed  manner  and  with  the  use  of  prescribed 
portions  of  Scripture,  and  required  of  all  regular  attend- 
ance on  the  church  services.  Certain  church  endow- 
ments had  been  so  far  under  the  control  of  individuals 
that  Puritan  preaching  could  be  fostered  despite  kings 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  285 

and  bishops.  Laud  put  an  end  to  such  irregularities, 
and  completed  the  centralization  of  control  in  the  crown. 
James  had  sought,  in  1618,  by  issuing  a  "Book  of 
Sports  "  for  Sundays  and  compelling  all  the  clergy  to  an- 
nounce the  sports  from  the  pulpits,  to  destroy  the  Puri- 
tan Sabbath.  Charles  and  Laud  were  equally  bent  on 
the  promotion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  view  and  use  of 
the  Lord's  Day. 

e.  The  Short  Parliament  and  the  Longer  Convocation. 
\\\  1640  Charles  thought  it  wise  to  convoke  Parliament, 
after  ruling  for  years  without  consulting  the  people,  in 
order  to  secure  aid  in  suppressing  the  religious  upris- 
ing in  Scotland.  Parliament  was  so  clamorous  for  re- 
form and  so  outspoken  in  its  protest  against  the  further 
trampling  on  constitutional  liberty,  that  it  was  dissolved 
after  sitting  for  three  weeks  (Short  Parliament).  Con- 
vocation, against  all  precedent,  was  allowed  to  continue 
its  sessions  after  the  dissolution  of  Parliament,  and 
under  Laud's  guidance  adopted  seventeen  canons,  which 
asserted  the  unlimited  power  of  the  king  as  a  matter  of 
divine  right  and  as  in  accord  with  the  very  nature  of 
things,  and  the  right  of  the  crown  to  the  possessions  of 
subjects  without  their  consent,  and  imposed  on  the 
clergy  an  oath  never  by  counsel  or  act  "  to  alter  the 
government  of  this  church  by  archbishops,  deans,  and 
archdeacons,  etc."  This  "etcetera  oath,"  which  bound 
the  clergy  to  they  knew  not  what,  aroused  such  a  furor 
that  Charles  felt  compelled  to  suspend  its  operation. 

it  was  inevitable  that  Scottish  Covenanters  should 
now  join  hands  with  English  Puritans  against  their  com- 
mon enemies. 

/.  The  Long  Parliament  and  the  Civil  War.  Parlia- 
ment was  again  convoked  in  November  (the  famous 
Long  Parliament).  From  the  beginning  the  relations 
between  king  and  Commons  were  exceedingly  strained, 
and  the  result  was  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  the 
conviction  of  Strafford,  Charles'  chief  civil  adviser,  and 
Laud,  of  high  treason  (the  former  was  executed  May, 
1641,  the  latter  January,  1645),  and  in  the  overthrow 
and  execution  (1649)  of  the  king,  in  1641  the  prelates 
were  excluded  from  the  House  of  Lords,  and  the  Epis- 
copal Establishment  was  virtually  abolished. 


286  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

g.  The  Grand  Remonstrance.  As  early  as  December  i, 
1641,  Parliament  had  passed  a  "  Grand  Remonstrance," 
in  wliich  it  had  expressed  a  desire  for  the  caUing  of  a 
"general  synod  of  the  most  grave,  pious,  learned,  and 
judicious  divines  of  this  island,  assisted  by  some  from 
foreign  parts  professing  the  same  religion  with  us,  who 
may  consider  of  all  things  necessary  for  the  peace  and 
good  government  of  the  church."  The  co-operation  of 
the  Scotch  Presbyterians  and  of  the  Calvinists  of  the 
continent  was  evidently  in  mind.  The  Scotch  would 
co-operate  only  on  condition  that  Parliament  on  behalf 
of  England  should  accept  the  Solemn  League  and  Cove- 
nant, which  involved  the  preservation  of  Presbyterian- 
ism  in  Scotland,  its  adoption  in  England  and  Ireland, 
and  uncompromising  "endeavor"  for  "the  extirpation 
of  popery,  prelacy,  .  .  superstition,  heresy,  schism,  pro- 
faneness,  and  whatsoever  shall  be  found  to  be  contrary 
to  sound  doctrine  and  the  power  of  godliness  .  .  .  and 
that  the  Lord  may  be  one  and  his  name  one  in  the  three 
kingdoms."  This  document  was  accepted  by  the  English 
Parliament  (1643). 

/;.  The  Westminster  Assembly.  On  June  i,  1643,  the 
Commons  voted  "  for  the  calling  an  assembly  of  learned 
and  godly  divines  "  to  meet  "at  Westminster  ...  on 
the  first  day  of  July."  They  were  instructed  to  confer 
regarding  "the  liturgy,  discipline,  and  government  of 
the  Church  of  England,  or  the  vindicating  and  clearing 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  same  from  all  false  aspersions  and 
misconstructions,  .  .  and  to  deliver  their  opinion  and 
advices  ...  to  both  or  either  of"  the  houses  of  Parlia- 
ment. 

Manv  moderate  Episcopalians  were  invited,  but  only  a  few- 
attended.  A  large  number  of  conforming  Puritans,  including  some 
of  the  greatest  scholars  of  the  land  (Lightfoot,  Coleman,  Selden, 
etc.),  participated.  A  number  of  independents  (most  of  wliom  had 
been  in  exile,  but  had  returned  under  the  encouragement  of  the 
Long  Parliament:  Goodwin,  Nve,  Bridge,  Burroughs.  Simpson) 
and  two  independent  iavmen,  Sir  Henry  Vane  and  the  Viscount 
Save  and  Seal,  also  participated.  A  considerable  number  of  able 
Scotch  theologians  (including  Gillespie.  Henderson,  Baillie,  Ruther- 
ford, and  Edwards)  were  active  participants.  Several  New  Eng- 
land theologians  (Cotton,  Davenport,  and  HocUer)  were  invited, 
but  did  not  attend,  it  was  the  avowed  aim  of  the  assembly  to 
enforce  absolute   uniformity  throughout    England,   Scotland,  and 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  287 

Ireland,  no  regard  being  had  to  the  consciences  of  Episcopalians, 
Roman  Catholics,  Independents,  or  Baptists.  Toleration  was  de- 
nounced by  leading  members  of  the  assembly  as  the  "  last  and 
strongest  hold  of  Satan."  By  1648  it  had  produced  a  Longer  and 
Shorter  Catechism  and  a  Confession  of  Faith,  which  rank  among 
the  ablest  symbolical  works  of  the  Reformed  churches,  a  Directory  of 
Church  Government  and  Discipline,  and  a  Directory  for  Worship. 
It  was  the  aim  of  the  Presbyterian  Parliament  to  enforce  the  system 
of  doctrine  and  church  order  elaborated  by  the  assembly  upon  the 
entire  population,  and  to  this  end  it  was  decided  that  house  to  house 
visitation  should  be  made  and  that  every  responsible  individual 
should  be  compelled  to  sign  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant. 

/.  New  England  Puritanism.  During  the  early  years 
of  Charles'  reign,  thousands  of  Puritans  emigrated  to 
New  England,  having  secured  charters  more  liberal  than 
such  a  ruler  might  have  been  expected  to  grant.  In 
1628  a  colony  of  nonconforming  Puritans  settled  at 
Salem,  Mass.  It  was  largely  reinforced  in  1629.  A  far 
larger  and  more  important  colony  was  planted  in  1629 
on  Massachusetts  Bay,  which  in  a  few  years  had  several 
thousand  members,  including  such  leaders  as  Winthrop, 
Saltonstall,  Dudley,  Noel,  Johnson,  and  Pynchon,  and 
was  soon  equipped  with  such  highly  educated  ministers 
as  John  Cotton,  Hugh  Peter,  Thomas  Hooker,  John 
Wilson,  and  Richard  Mather. 

The  Massachusetts  Bay  colonists  claimed  to  be  loyal  churchmen 
and  esteemed  it  an  honor  to  call  the  Church  of  England  their  dear 
mother.  Even  the  Salem  men  declined  to  be  regarded  as  Separat- 
ists ;  but  they  were  soon  brought  by  the  influence  of  the  Plymouth 
colonists  and  the  force  of  circumstances  to  such  pronounced  Sep- 
aratism that  they  would  not  administer  the  ordinances  to  members 
of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Colony  because  they  belonged  to  no 
reformed  church.  The  Massachusetts  Bay  colonists  soon  became 
as  pronounced  as  any  in  their  opposition  to  the  forms  and  cere- 
monies of  the  English  church  and  proceeded  to  establish  a  theocracy 
like  that  of  Geneva,  in  which  citizenship  was  made  dependent  on  fel- 
lowship in  a  church,  fellowship  in  a  church  on  a  personal  profession 
of  saving  faith,  and  the  validity  of  a  church  organization  on  the 
sanction  of  the  churches  already  organized. 

Similar  colonies,  strongly  Presbyterian  in  sentiment, 
were  formed  in  Connecticut,  chiefly  by  Puritans  from 
Massachusetts  Bay  (1633  onward),  and  in  New  Haven, 
chiefly  by  a  company  of  London  Puritans,  under  the 
leadership  of  John  Davenport  (1637). 


2S8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

j.  The  FoundUig  of  Providence  and  Liberty  of  Conscience. 
Providence  was  founded  in  1636  by  Roger  Williams,  a 
zealous  Separatist,  who  had  so  irritated  the  Massachu- 
setts authorities  by  his  objections  to  the  charter,  his 
denunciation  of  the  government  for  requiring  the  citi- 
zens' oath  of  allegiance,  his  extreme  Separatism,  and  his 
opposition  to  the  theocratic  government,  with  its  inher- 
ent intolerance  and  disregard  of  the  consciences  of  its 
subjects,  that  his  banishment  had  come  to  be  regarded 
as  a  matter  of  necessity.  The  colony  was  formed  on 
the  basis  of  absolute  liberty  of  conscience,  the  land  hav- 
ing been  purchased  from  the  aborigines,  who  alone,  in 
Williams'  opinion,  had  a  right  to  dispose  of  it.  He  be- 
came convinced  soon  after  his  settlement  at  Providence 
(if  not  before)  that  infant  baptism  was  without  scriptural 
warrant,  and  with  a  company  of  others  introduced  bap- 
tism anew  and  organized  the  fust  Baptist  church  in 
America  (1639). 

In  1638  a  number  of  men  and  women,  who  had  been 
forced  to  leave  Massachusetts  because  of  their  disagree- 
ment with  the  Standing  Order  (Antinomians,  etc.),  set- 
tled on  Rhode  Island,  and  under  the  guidance  of  Wil- 
liam Coddington  and  John  Clarke  drew  up  a  constitution 
of  a  somewhat  theocratic  character,  God's  word  being 
made  law.  In  1641  they  declared  their  government  a 
democracy  and  proclaimed  anew  the  principle  of  liberty 
of  conscience  which  had  been  earlier  adopted.  Williams 
and  Clarke  succeeded  in  securing  from  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment a  most  liberal  charter  for  the  union  of  Providence 
and  the  Rhode  Island  towns  as  Providence  Plantations. 
Again  we  have  democracy  and  liberty  of  conscience 
embodied  in  explicit  terms  in  the  new  constitution.  This 
community  was  to  furnish  to  the  world  an  object-lesson, 
demonstrating  the  practicability  of  the  great  principles 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  and  of  absolute  voluntary- 
ism in  religion.  By  1644  (probably  earlier)  John  Clarke 
was  pastor  of  a  Baptist  church  at  Newport. 

k.  Calvinistic  Baptist  Churches  in  England.  In  1633 
a  portion  of  the  congregation  that  had  been  minis- 
tered to  by  Henry  Jacob,  and  of  which  John  Lathrop, 
soon  to  be  driven  to  America  by  persecution,  was  at  the 
time  pastor,  adopted  Anti-pedobaptist  views,  and  partly 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  289 

on  this  account  and  partly  because  of  the  inconvenience 
of  meeting  in  large  companies  during  the  Laudian  regime, 
withdrew  peaceably  and  formed  a  new  congregation. 
There  had  been  native  Anti-pedobaptists  of  the  Armin- 
ian  type  in  England  since  161 1  at  least;  but  the  lines 
were  very  closely  drawn  at  that  time  between  Calvinists 
and  Arminians  and  agreement  on  the  baptismal  question 
was  not  likely  to  form  a  basis  of  fellowship.  Several 
other  groups  of  Anti-pedobaptists  withdrew  from  the 
mother  church  before  1640.  At  this  time  the  question 
of  immersion  came  to  be  much  discussed. 

it  appears  that  Henry  Jessey,  who  was  at  this  time  pastor  of  tlie 
Jacob  church,  was  already  convinced  of  the  importance  of  immersion. 
Those  Anti-pedobaptists  who  believed  immersion  to  be  the  only  valid 
form  of  baptism  and  who  considered  it  important  in  restoring  correct 
baptism  to  have  a  properly  baptized  administrator,  sent  one  of  their 
number,  Richard  Blacklock,  who  knew  Dutch,  to  Holland,  where 
they  had  been  informed  immersion  obtained  by  succession  was 
available.  He  probably  secured  immersion  from  the  Rhynsburg 
Collegiants,  a  small  party  that  combined  Socinian  and  Mennonite 
elements  and  may  have  derived  its  immersion  from  the  Polish  Anti- 
trinitarian  Anti-pedobaptists  (Socinians).  On  Blacklock's  return 
large  numbers  were  immersed  (1641).  For  some  years  John  Spils- 
bury,  a  well-educated  minister,  had  been  pastor  of  one  of  the  Cal- 
vinistic  Anti-pedobaptist  congregations.  He  repudiated  with  great 
earnestness  the  theory  that  baptizedness  is  essential  to  the  adminis- 
trator of  baptism,  maintaining  that  it  was  popish  in  its  tendency.  It 
is  very  possible  that  Spilsbury  had  introduced  immersion  independ- 
ently some  time  before  its  importation  from  Holland.  The  idea  of 
the  necessity  of  apostolic  succession  in  the  matter  of  baptism  was 
soon  generally  abandoned  ;  but  the  belief  that  immersion  is  the  apos- 
tolic form  of  baptism  from  which  those  who  would  be  obedient  to 
Christ  and  follow  his  example  have  no  right  to  depart,  when  it  had 
once  laid  hold  upon  the  English  and  American  Anti-pedobaptist  con- 
science rapidly  gained  general  acceptance  and  in  a  few  vears  was  a 
marked  feature  of  the  teaching  and  practice  of  the  Particular  ( Calvin- 
istic)  and  General  (Arminian)  Baptists. 

After  the  breach  between  king  and  Parliament  (1641) 
both  parties  multiplied.  By  1643  there  were  in  and 
around  London  at  least  seven  congregations  of  the  for- 
mer, who  united  in  drawing  up  and  subscribing  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  which  is  in  accord  with  the  views  of  the 
great  mass  of  modern  Baptists,  in  1645  Henry  Jessey 
himself  became  a  Baptist  and  continued  for  some  time  as 
pastor  of  the  original  Jacob  church,  part  of  whose  mem- 
bers were  still  Pedobaptist. 

T 


290  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

/.  Congregationalists  and  Baptists  control  the  Anny. 
Congregationalists  and  Baptists  had  by  1648  become  pre- 
dominant in  the  parHamentary  army.  After  the  battles 
of  Marston  Moor  (1644)  and  Naseby  (1645),  the  impor- 
tance of  the  Scotch  Presbyterians  as  a  military  factor  was 
greatly  diminished  and  dissatisfaction  with  the  high- 
handed measures  of  the  Presbyterian  Parliament  and  the 
Westminster  Assembly  in  seeking  to  foist  Presbyterian- 
ism  upon  England  became  more  and  more  outspoken. 
Cromwell,  Fairfax,  Fleetwood,  Ireton,  Overton,  Des- 
borough,  Lilburne,  Harrison,  Fiennes,  Hutchinson,  and 
most  of  the  other  officers  in  the  parliamentary  army, 
were  Independents  (several  of  them  Baptists). 

m.  Execution  of  the  King  and  the  Inauguration  of  the 
Commonwealth.  In  December,  1648,  the  army,  encouraged 
by  the  Independent  minority  in  Parliament,  occupied  Lon- 
don, expelled  the  Presbyterian  members  of  Parliament, 
and  compelled  the  remnant  of  Parliament  to  execute  the 
king  (January  30,  1649),  who  had  been  held  for  some 
years  prisoner.  Cromwell,  as  head  of  the  army,  now 
assumed  authority,  which  was  of  necessity  strongly  mil- 
itary ;  but  he  sought  to  give  religious  equality  to  the 
chief  evangelical  parties  so  far  as  they  were  not  sus- 
pected of  disloyalty  to  the  government,  and  Congrega- 
tionalists, Presbyterians  and  evangelical  Churchmen 
were  eligible  for  the  pastorates  of  the  parish  churches, 
if  they  were  loyal  and  intellectually  and  morally  quali- 
fied and  were  wanted  by  the  parishioners. 

In  1644  Roger  Williams,  then  in  England  on  the  busi- 
ness of  his  colony,  published  his  "  Bloody  Tenet  of  Per- 
secution," the  most  telling  exposure  of  the  enormity  of 
efforts  to  force  conscience  that  had  ever  been  made.  It 
was  bitterly  attacked  by  New  England  Congregational- 
ists (Cotton,  et  al.)  and  by  Scotch  and  English  Presby- 
terians. Not  all  of  the  English  Independents  were  will- 
ing to  go  as  far  as  Williams  in  his  assertion  and  vindica- 
tion of  absolute  liberty  of  conscience.  But  he  went  no 
further  than  Hubmaier  had  gone  in  the  early  Reforma- 
tion time  or  than  the  English  Arminian  Anti-pedobaptists 
had  gone  (1614-1624). 

Thus  the  period  closes  in  England  with  the  overthrow 
of  monarchy  and   episcopacy,   which   had   overreached 


CHAP.  1.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  29I 

themselves  by  asserting  their  divine  right  and  trampling 
on  the  civil  and  religious  liberties  of  the  people,  the  over- 
throw of  Presbyterian  government,  which  was  seeking 
to  establish  a  Presbyterian  theocracy  by  an  equal  disre- 
gard of  the  rights  of  conscience,  and  the  temporary 
triumph  of  Independency. 

VIII.  THE  REFORMATION  IN  OTHER  LANDS. 

The  spread  of  evangelical  life  and  thought  beyond  the 
great  centers  where  it  became  dominant  must  be  bri^efly 
treated  here. 

I.  Ita/y.^  (i)  'Religions  Condition  of  Italy  at  the  Be- 
gitming  of  the  Protestant  Revolution.  Italy  was  unspeak- 
ably corrupt  during  the  later  medieval  time.  The 
papal  court  had  set  the  exapiple  of  shameless  licentious- 
ness, venality,  and  devotion  to  secular  interests.  The 
Renaissance  had  undermined  faith  in  the  dogmas  of  the 
church  and  created  a  strong  aversion  to  scholasticism 
with  its  barbarous  Latin  and  its  fruitless  methods  ;  but 
in  only  a  few  minds  had  it  produced  sane  theological 
thinking  with  a  return  to  the  primitive  and  inspired 
sources  of  Christianity  and  to  a  genuine  faith  in  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Savonarola's  fervid  denunciations 
of  the  social  and  civic  vices  of  the  time  and  of  the  fear- 
ful corruptions  of  the  ecclesiastical  administration  did 
not  have  in  them  the  note  of  genuine  evangelical  re- 
form, but  were  simply  the  utterances  of  enthusiastic  as- 
ceticism. 

(2)  z/lttcmpted  Catholic  Reforms.  Luther's  early  re- 
formatory utterances  and  proceedings  awakened  consid- 
erable interest  in  Italy,  and  in  1523  fifty  or  sixty  cler- 
gymen, earnestly  desirous  of  a  religious  revival,  united 
to  this  end  in  '*  The  Oratory  of  the  Divine  Love." 
Among  the  members  of  the  Oratory  were  Caraffa,  after- 
ward Pope  Paul  IV.,  Thiene,  who  with  Caraffa  was  to 
found  the  order  of  the  Theatines  (1524),  Sadoleto,  who 

^  See  Gerdesius,  'Specimen  Ital.  Refor»mtionis."  1765;  Erdmann,  "Die  Reforma- 
tion II.  thre  fMartvrer  in  Italicn,"  1855  :  Sixf,  "  Telrtis.  'Paiiliis  l^ergertus,"  1855  ; 
McCrie,  "Progress  and  Surpression  of  the  Reformation  in  Italy."  1833 ;  Cantu, 
"  Cli  Eretici  d'  Italia,"  1865-1867  ;  Comba.  "  Stona  della  Riforma  in  Italia,"  1881,  and 
"/  noitn  Protestanti."  Vol.  II..  1807;  Benrath.  "Bernardino  Ochino  of  Siena," 
1876;  Young-.  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Aonio  Paleario,"  i860;  Duruy,  "Carlo 
Caraffa,"  1882;  Symonds.  "  The  Catholic  Reaction"  (in  "The  Renaissance  in 
Italy  "),  1887  ;  articles  on  the  various  persons  concerned,  by  Hauck-Herzog. 


292  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

as  cardinal  was  to  contend  unsuccessfully  with  Calvin 
for  the  possession  of  Geneva,  and  Carnasecchi,  who 
after  serving  as  papal  secretary  became  a  disseminator 
of  evangelical  opinions  and  a  victim  of  the  Inquisition 
(1567).  This  movement  also  was  devoid  of  the  true 
evangelical  spirit.  Whether  or  not  Contarini  belonged 
to  the  Oratory  he  was  likeminded  with  its  members,  and 
earnestly  strove  to  promote  ascetical  piety  among  clergy 
and  monks. 

(3)  Citculation  of  Lutheran  and  Rcfuvmcd  Literature. 
The  invasion  of  Italy  and  the  sacking  of  Rome  by  a 
Lutheran  army  in  the  service  of  Charles  V.  (1527),  left 
multitudes  of  German  Lutherans  in  Italy  who  found 
means  of  diffusing  Lutheran  influence.  Several  of  Lu- 
ther's writings,  as  well  as  those  of  Melanchthon,  Zwin- 
gli,  and  Bucer,  were  reprinted  in  Italy  (for  the  most  part 
anonymously  or  pseudonymously),  and  were  widely  cir- 
culated. The  writings  of  Augustine  now  received  in- 
creased attention.  A  new  translation  of  the  Bible  into 
Italian  (i 530-1 532)  greatly  stimulated  Bible  study.  This 
translation  seems  to  have  been  made  at  Venice  by 
Bruccioli. 

(4)  Some  Friends  of  the  Reformation.  In  Ferrara,  the 
Duchess  Renata,  who  was  a  French  princess,  was  a 
friend  of  the  Reformation,  and  gave  protection  and  en- 
couragement to  evangelical  teachers.  In  Naples,  Juan 
de  Valdes,  secretary  to  the  Spanish  viceroy,  was  strongly 
evangelical  in  sentiment,  and  brought  a  large  number  to 
a  knowledge  of  the  truth  (i 526-1 533).  Valdes  and  his 
followers  were  not  avowed  Protestants,  but  were  sym- 
pathetic with  Protestant  teaching. 

(5)  Caraffa,  the  Theatines,  and  the  Jesuits.  Up  to  1541 
the  promoters  of  evangelical  life  and  thought  in  Italy 
had  enjoyed  considerable  freedom.  The  failure  of  Con- 
tarini to  reconcile  Protestants  and  Catholics  at  the 
Regensburg  Conference,  led  to  a  change  of  policy  on  the 
part  of  the  papacy.  Caraffa,  who  had  spent  some  years 
in  Spain  and  become  thoroughly  imbued  with  the  fierce 
and  uncompromising  spirit  of  Spanish  Catholicism,  now 
succeeded  (1542)  in  securing  the  reorganization  of  the 
Inquisition.  Ignatius  Loyola,  who  had  just  gained  papal 
recognition  for  his  new  order  (Jesuits),  was  also  influ- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  293 

ential  in  bringing  about  this  change  of  policy.  The 
Theatines,  before  the  Jesuits  had  fully  entered  upon 
their  reactionary  work,  were  the  chief  agents  under  Ca- 
raffa,  in    the   searching   out   and   the   extermination  of 

heresy.  .     , 

Italian  Protestantism  had  neither  the  numerical 
strength  nor  the  heroic  devotion  to  the  truth  that  would 
have^enabled  it  to  withstand  the  fierce  and  determined 
onslaught  to  which  it  was  now  subjected.  Most  of  the 
leaders  escaped  to  Protestant  lands,  where  they  usually 
developed  liberalistic  types  of  teaching  that  sometimes 
involved  denial  of  the  deity  of  Christ.  Some  suffered 
martyrdom  at  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition.  Mention 
has  already  been  made  of  the  circle  of  Anti-trinitarian 
Anti-pedobaptists  that  had  its  chief  center  in  the  province 
of  Venice,  and  delegates  from  whose  churches  met  at 
Vicenza  in  1550,  and  of  Biandrata  and  the  Sozzini, 
whose  names  are  intimately  associated  with  the  Anti- 
trinitarian  movement  in  Poland.  Among  the  more  emi- 
nent of  the  other  anti-Catholic  leaders  the  following  are 
worthy  of  special  notice  : 

(6)  Italian  Evangelical  Leaders. 

a.  Bernardino  Ochino,  vicar-general  of  the  Capuchins,  and  one  of 
the  most  eloquent  preachers  of  his  time,  had  been  won  to  the  gospel 
by  Valdes,  and  had  labored  with  apostolic  zeal  for  more  than  ten 
years,  when  he  was  charged  with  heresy  by  the  promoters  of  the 
Inquisition.  Warned  by  Contarini,  he  escaped  to  Switzerland. 
After  laboring  for  some  years  in  Geneva,  Strasburg,  and  Augs- 
burg, as  a  pastor  of  fugitive  Italian  evangelicals,  he  removed  to 
England  under  Cranmer's  patronage  (1547),  and  for  seven  years 
made  his  influence  powerfully  felt  as  a  preacher  and  writer  in  Lon- 
don, where  he  ministered  to  an  Italian  congregation.  On  the  acces- 
sion of  Marv  he  returned  to  Zurich.  Like  most  of  the  Italian  evan- 
gelicals of  his  time  he  became  more  liberal  in  his  thinking  than  the 
current  orthodoxy  approved,  and  was  suspected  of  Anti-trinitarian 
and  even  Anti-pedobaptist  views.  An  expression  in  a  dialogue  that 
seemed  to  implv  an  approval  of  polygamv  led  to  his  banishment 
from  Zurich  (1563).  Discredited,  aged,  and  homeless,  he  died  about 
December,  1564. 

b.  Somewhat  similar  was  the  career  of  Peter  Martyr  Venmglt,  a 
Florentine  noble,  who,  as  prior  of  a  monastery,  came  under  the  in- 
fluence of  Valdes  and  his  associates.  He  had  been  for  some  time 
earnestly  engaged  in  evangelical  work  (1541  as  prior  in  Lucca), 
when  he  was  obliged  to  flee  for  his  life  from  the  Inquisition  (1542). 
He  also  took  refuge  in  Zurich,  and  passed  thence  to  Geneva  and 
to  Strasburg,  where  he  was  made  professor  of  Hebrew.    He  also 


294  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

was  invited  by  Cranmer  to  England,  where  he  was  professor  in 
the  University  at  Oxford  till  Mary  came  to  the  tlirone.  He  spent 
the  remainder  of  his  days  in  ZUrich,  dying  in  1562. 

c.  To  the  same  circle  belonged  Gjlea{{o  Caraccioli,  Marquis  of 
Vico  and  nephew  of  Carafta.  Born  in  1517,  he  was  early  brought 
to  a  knowledge  of  the  truth  under  the  influence  of  the  evangelism 
of  Valdes  and  Peter  Martyr.  In  1551  he  fled  to  Geneva,  where,  till 
his  death  in  1586,  he  ministered  to  the  Italian  population  and  was 
one  of  the  stanchest  of  Protestants.  Few  in  that  age  gave  up 
more  for  the  gospel  than  did  Caraccioli. 

d.  Of  still  more  significance  was  the  conversion  of  Vergerio,  a 
learned  jurist,  who,  when  thirty-two  years  of  age,  had  entered  the 
church  (1530).  He  soon  gained  great  distinction  as  papal  secretary 
and  diplomatist,  and  was  rewarded  with  tiie  bisiiopric  of  Capodis- 
tria  (1536).  In  1544,  while  engaged  in  writing  a  work.  "  Against 
the  Apostates  in  Germany,"  he  was  converted  to  evangelical  views. 
In  1549,  after  he  had  long  been  under  suspicion,  he  was  deposed  by 
the  pope  as  a  lieretic.  Escaping  the  Inquisition  by  fliglit,  he  went 
to  Switzerland  and  then  to  Germany,  where  he  became  counselor  to 
the  Duke  of  VVurttemberg. 

e.  Aouio  Pjliurio,  the  evangelical  humanist,  is  also  worthy  of 
mention.  Born  in  1500,  educated  in  Rome  ( 1 520-1 527),  he  was  for 
many  years  professor  at  Siena  and  at  Lucca.  In  1542,  he  was  ar- 
raigned for  heresy  because  of  the  publication  of  a  work  on  "  The 
Fullness,  Sufficiency,  and  Satisfaction  of  the  Suffering  of  Christ"  ; 
but  his  defense  was  so  brilliant  as  to  lead  to  his  acquittal.  After 
many  years  he  was  again  charged  with  heresy  and  died  at  the  stake 
(July  3,  1570). 

As  has  already  been  said,  the  later  anti-Catholic  religious  life  of 
Italv  during  the  second  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  tinged 
with  Anti-trinitarianism,  combined  in  many  cases  with  Anti-pedobap- 
tism.  The  Inquisition  succeeded  in  a  few  years  in  freeing  Italy  from 
all  kinds  of  heresy  and  giving  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  an 
excliisiveness  of  authority  that  it  liad  never  enjoyed  even  in  the 
mediaeval  time. 

2.  Spain. ^  (i)  Catholic  Reformation  Before  the  Protes- 
tant Revolution.  The  political  and  reli<];ioiis  condition  of 
Spain  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Protestant  Revolution  has 
already  been  briefly  sketched  (p.  13).  A  little  additional 
emphasis  should,  perhaps,  be  given  to  the  great  Catholic 
awakening  in  Spain  that  preceded  the  Lutheran  Reforma- 
tion.    The  zeal  that  had  been  fostered  by  centuries  of 

•See  Wilkens,  "  Gtsch.  d.  Span.  Prntahintismus,"  i8q6  (also  English  tr..  1807); 
Lea.  "Chapters  from  the  Relifjious  History  of  Spain";  Ticknor.  "History  of 
Spanish  Liter.-ture  "  :  Robertson.  "Charles  V.,"  ed.  Prescott ;  Prescott.  "History 
of  the  Reiffn  of  Philip  II."  ;  McCrie.  "  Historv  of  the  Progress  anJ  Suppression  of 
the  Reformation  in  Spain,"  1820  ;  Boehmer.  "  Bihliolheca  Wtffeniau^  " — "  Spanish  Re- 
formers from  1520,"  i87*-i885;  Betts,  "Translation  of  Works  of  Spanish  Reform- 
ers." i86q-i  88?  :  Stoughton,  "The  Spanish  Reformers."  i88i;  Mevrick,  "The 
Church  in  Spam,"  1891  ;  "  Rcfnnmsta$  Antigvos  EfpjTioUs,"  20  vols.,  1848-186}  ; 
Llorente,  "  Htsl.  de  I' Inquisition  d'Espagyu."  1817.  i8i8. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  2Q5 

contact  and  conflict  with  Mohammedanism  and  had  been 
brought  to  a  white  heat  by  the  final  struggle  that  re- 
sulted in  the  expulsion  of  all  the  Moors  who  would  not 
accept  the  Catholic  faith,  had  produced  in  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  rulers  an  earnest  desire  to  eliminate  from 
the  national  church  all  elements  of  weakness  and  to 
make  of  Spain  the  greatest  and  most  aggressive  of  the 
political  forces  of  Europe,  the  model  Catholic  State. 
The  national  spirit  was  at  this  time  peculiarly  strong. 
Neither  sovereigns  nor  prelates  had  much  sympathy 
with  the  Renaissance  or  with  the  popes  of  the  latter  part 
of  the  fifteenth  and  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
turies, who  subordinated  religion  to  luxury  and  private 
interests  and  were  far  more  concerned  about  the  fine 
arts  than  they  were  about  orthodoxy.  There  was  no 
intention,  however,  to  overthrow  the  papacy.  It  was 
desired  only  to  reawaken  it  to  the  necessity  of  devoting 
itself  undividedly  to  the  promotion  of  unity  and  har- 
mony throughout  Christendom  and  the  extension  of  the 
Catholic  faith  throughout  the  world.  It  is  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  this  fanatical  zeal  for  the  universal  dominion 
of  the  Catholic  faith  was  accompanied  by  any  great 
amount  or  wide  diffusion  of  learning  or  by  any  particu- 
larly exalted  ideas  of  morality.  The  masses  of  the  peo- 
ple and  even  of  the  priests  were  densely  ignorant. 
There  was  little  regard  for  truth-telling  or  honesty.  Li- 
centiousness abounded,  and  a  disregard  for  human  suffer- 
ing and  life  unsurpassed  by  that  of  the  most  savage  peo- 
ples was  general. 

The  chief  ecclesiastical  promoter  and  the  finest  exam- 
ple of  the  Catholic  reformatory  movement  in  Spain  at 
the  close  of  the  fifteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  six- 
teenth centuries  was  Ximenes  de  Cineros,  who,  born  in 
poverty,  attained  to  the  greatest  eminence  in  the  Span- 
ish church.  As  confessor  to  Queen  Isabella,  he  inspired 
her  and  King  Ferdinand  with  his  ideals.  Having  been 
appointed  provincial  of  the  Franciscan  order  and  having 
been  armed  with  a  papal  bull  procured  by  his  royal 
patrons,  he  introduced  such  rigor  into  the  administration 
of  monastic  life  as  to  drive  more  than  a  thousand  monks 
from  the  country.  As  Archbishop  of  Toledo  he  was  un- 
merciful in  his  discipline  of  the  clergy.     The  Complu- 


296  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

tensian  Polyglot  Bible  is  a  monument  to  his  interest  in 
the  promotion  of  biblical  learning.  He  devoted  himself 
zealously  to  improving  the  instruction  in  the  universities, 
seeking  to  avail  himself  of  the  good  elements  of  human- 
ism without  introducing  its  skepticism  and  indifferent- 
ism.  The  revival  of  the  study  of  the  writings  of  Thomas 
Aquinas  was  one  of  the  most  marked  features  of  his  re- 
form in  the  realm  of  theological  education.  To  complete 
the  extirpation  of  heretical  modes  of  thought  that  sur- 
vived the  expulsion  of  Mohammedans  and  Jews  the  In- 
quisition, that  had  been  established  by  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  with  papal  consent  (about  1478),  was  vigorously 
maintained,  Ximenes  himself  serving  for  many  years  as 
Grand  Inquisitor  of  Castile.  The  Spanish  Inquisition 
was  quite  as  much  a  political  as  a  religious  agency,  and 
it  became  a  means  of  building  up  a  civil  and  ecclesias- 
tical despotism  almost  unexampled  in  Europe. 

Thus  it  appears  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Protestant 
Revolution  Spain  was  far  better  fortified  against  at- 
tempted innovations  than  any  other  of  the  European 
States,  and  it  was  Spanish  Catholicism  that  gave  tone 
and  policy  to  the  Counter-Reformation. 

(2)  T)issemination  of  Lutheran  Teaching.  The  anti- 
Catholic  spirit  was  first  disseminated  by  humanism, 
which  had  obtained  some  currency  in  Spain  during 
the  thirty  years  preceding  the  Reformation.  A  consid- 
erable number  of  persons  came  under  the  influence  of 
Lutheranism  while  attending  the  Emperor  Charles  V. 
during  his  various  sojourns  in  Germany.  In  the  Neth- 
erlands also,  where  old  evangelical  thought  and  life, 
humanism,  Lutheranism,  and  Zwinglianism  had  greatly 
weakened  the  hold  of  the  Roman  hierarchy,  many  Span- 
iards were  led  to  adopt  evangelical  views.  Among  the 
imperial  court  officials  who  became  more  or  less  Protest- 
ant in  their  sympathies  were  the  twin  brothers  Alphonso 
and  Juan  de  Valdes.  Of  the  highly  influential  evangel- 
ical activity  of  the  latter  during  his  residence  at  Naples 
we  have  already  had  some  account.  Alfonso  served  as 
Secretary  of  State  from  Charles'  coronation  to  the  Peace 
of  Nuremberg  (1532)  and  participated  in  several  of  the 
most  important  Diets  in  which  negotiations  with  Prot- 
estants found  place.     The  independence  of  Charles  in 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  297 

relation  to  the  papacy  and  his  conciliatory  attitude  to- 
ward the  Protestants  was  no  doubt  due  in  some  measure 
to  Valdes'  influence. 

(3)  Spanish  Evangelical  Leaders.  The  two  chief  cen- 
ters of  evangelical  influence  in  Spain  were  Seville  and 
Valiadolid. 

a.  The  first  to  awaken  interest  in  Protestant  teaching  in  Seville 
was  Roderigo  de  Valero,  who,  as  a  street  preacher,  denounced  the 
corruptions  of  the  church  with  such  violence  and  preached  the  gos- 

?el  with  such  enthusiasm  that  he  was  imprisoned  as  a  madman, 
et  he  had  won  to  tlie  evangelical  cause  Juan  Gil,  the  chief  cathe- 
dral preacher  of  the  city,  who  became  a  mighty  proclaimer  of  evan- 
gelical truth,  and  Ponce  de  la  Fuente,  an  imperial  chaplain. 

h.  Gil  promulgated  evangelical  views  in  Valiadolid  (1555)  and 
brought  his  influence  to  bear  powerfully  upon  Domingo  Derojas 
and  Agostino  Cazalla,  who  had  been  eminent  among  the  priests  of 
the  city. 

c.  The  Spanish  version  of  the  New  Testament  that  had  been 
made  by  Francisco  Enemas  (1543)  was  a  chief  agency  in  the  diffusion 
of  evangelical  light.  Enzinas  (Dryander)  early  left  Spain  for  the 
Netherlands  and  afterward  visited  Wittenberg,  where,  in  Melanch- 
thon's  house  and  with  his  aid  and  encouragement,  he  prepared  his 
translation  of  the  New  Testament,  the  publication  of  which  in  Ant- 
werp led  to  his  imprisonment.  Having  escaped  in  1545  he  was 
thenceforth  homeless,  spending  some  time  in  Wittenberg,  Strasburg, 
Switzerland,  and  England,  and  dying  in  Strasburg  (1552). 

d.  Mention  was  made  in  an  earlier  section  oi  Juan  Du^,  an  earnest 
and  able  Spanish  Protestant,  who  was  assassinated  in  1546  through 
the  procurement  of  his  fanatical  brother  Alfonso,  an  official  in  the 
Roman  Curia. 

e.  Juan  Pere{,  who  embraced  evangelical  views  at  Seville,  fled  to 
Geneva,  where  he  published  (1556)  a  new  Spanish  version  of  the 
New  Testament  and  afterward  a  catechism  and  a  translation  of  the 
Psalms. 

/.  Bartholomew  Carran^a,  archbishop  of  Toledo,  who  had  assisted  in 
the  persecution  of  Protestants  in  England  under  A'lary,  became  im- 
bued to  some  extent  with  evangelical  principles.  The  publication 
(1558)  of  a  new  catechism  brought  upon  him  the  charge  of  heresy. 
The  Council  of  Trent  pronounced  the  catechism  orthodox,  but  Philip 
insisted  on  subjecting  him  to  the  Inquisition.  He  was  sent  to  Rome 
for  trial  and  required  to  abjure  sixteen  heretical  statements.  He  died 
almost  immediately  after  sentence  had  been  pronounced.  A  number 
of  monasteries  in  Seville  and  Valiadolid  were  considerably  in- 
fluenced by  evangelical  teaching.  From  the  south  of  France  Prot- 
estantism spread  into  Aragon. 

It  is  probable  that  about  1556  there  were  as  many  as 
two  thousand  Protestants  in  Spain  widely  scattered  and 
meeting  secretly  in  small  groups. 


298  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(4)  Exterminating  Measures  of  Philip  II.  Charles  V. 
was  too  much  occupied  with  imperial  interests  outside  of 
Spain  to  give  the  attention  that  was  needful  for  the  ex- 
tirpation of  heresy.  Philip  II.,  1556  onward,  had  been 
educated  under  Jesuit  influence  and  was  full  of  fanatical 
zeal  against  heresy.  From  this  time  onward  the  Inquisi- 
tion proceeded  with  all  vigor  to  crush  out  the  new  teach- 
ing, and  in  1570,  as  a  result  of  numerous  atitos  da  fe  at 
Valladolid  and  Seville,  those  who  were  not  burned  at  the 
stake  had  been  compelled  to  abandon  tiieir  faith  or  had 
been  driven  from  the  country. 

Most  of  the  Spanish  evangelicals  seem  to  have  been 
Lutheran  in  their  sympathies,  but  those  of  Aragon  were 
Calvinistic. 

The  Protestant  movement  in  Spain  is  of  interest  as 
showing  how  much  could  be  accomplished  by  a  few  zeal- 
ous and  determined  men  in  the  face  of  the  fiercest  and 
most  unrelenting  opposition,  and  the  impossibility  of  con- 
tinuing the  work  after  its  extirpation  had  been  seriously 
taken  in  hand  by  the  Inqnisition  urged  onward  in  its 
work  by  the  fanatical  king. 

3.  Scandinavian  Lands}  (i)  Union  and  Disunion — 
Swedish  Independence.  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden 
had  been  united  in  1397,  but  Sweden  had  withdrawn 
from  the  union  in  1448.  Christian  I.  had  forcibly  re- 
stored the  kingdom  in  1457  and  had  added  Schleswig- 
Holstein  in  1457.  Sweden  again  rebelled  under  the 
powerful  leadership  of  Sten  Sture.  Supported  by  the 
archbishop,  Gustav  Troll,  Christian  II.,  an  energetic  and 
ferocious  ruler,  made  a  determined  effort  to  subjugate 
Sweden  (15 18-1520).  In  the  latter  year  the  Swedes 
were  forced  to  yield,  but  secured  a  promise  of  universal 
amnesty.  In  violation  of  his  promise.  Christian  pro- 
ceeded to  slaughter  the  Swedish  leaders  ("  Stockholm 
bath  of  blood,"  November,  1520). 

(2)  Gustavus  Kisa  and  the  Sivedish  Reformation.  This 
act  of  treachery  aroused  the  patriotism  of  the  Swedes 
and  under  the  leadership  of  Gustavus  Vasa  (April,  1521- 
1523),  they  were  able  to  gain  a  glorious  independence. 

>  See  Weidlinc.  "  Schwed.  Cescb.  im  Zeitaltcr  d.  Ref."  1882;  Butler,  "The  Ref. 
In  Sweden,"  1885;  Fryxell,  "  Lehen  u.  Thalen  Gtntavus  l^asa,"  i8?i  :  Munter, 
"  Ktrchcn  Cescb.  von  D'ancmark  u.  Norwegcn,"  1821-1834  ",  Lives  of  Tausen,  by  Rou 
(1757),  and  Suvh  (i8j6) ;  and  Boyesen,  "  Hist,  of  Norway,"  1890. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  299 

Gustavus  had  formed  Luther's  acquaintance  some 
time  before,  while  a  fugitive,  and  had  been  deeply  im- 
pressed by  his  personality  (15 17-15 19).  When  fully 
established  in  authority  he  demanded  of  the  Roman 
Curia  a  recognition  of  his  right  as  king  freely  to  deal  with 
all  ecclesiastical  and  religious  matters  in  his  lands,  and 
refusing  longer  to  permit  his  people  to  serve  under  a 
foreign  yoke.  He  entered  at  once  into  close  relations 
with  the  Saxon  Protestant  movement,  secured  the  serv- 
ices of  Andrea,  a  leading  Lutheran  divine,  had  a  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible  into  Swedish  made  (N.  T.  by  Andreas, 
1526),  and  in  every  way  sought  to  promote  the  dissemi- 
nation of  the  Lutheran  teaching  and  to  discourage  Cath- 
olic effort. 

The  rupture  between  emperor  and  pope  (1527)  fur- 
nished a  suitable  occasion  for  the  formal  disowning  of 
papal  authority.  A  public  disputation  was  held  by  royal 
authority,  in  which  Olaf  Petersen,  who  had  studied  at 
Wittenberg,  triumphantly  defended  the  Lutheran  cause 
and  the  king  threatened  to  abdicate  (which  would  have 
been  disastrous  to  Swedish  independence)  unless  the 
national  Diet  would  place  at  his  disposal  all  ecclesiasti- 
cal property  and  the  revenues  to  be  derived  from  it, 
grant  freedom  in  preaching  "  God's  pure  word  and  gos- 
pel," and  allow  the  nobles  to  take  back  all  property  they 
had  alienated  to  the  church  since  1454.  He  proceeded  to 
divide  up  the  larger  bishoprics  and  to  bestow  them  upon 
Lutheran  ministers,  Lars  Petersen  was  made  Arch- 
bishop of  Upsala  (1531)  without  judicial  authority  over 
the  other  bishops.  A  Lutheran  liturgy  and  a  Lutheran 
hymn  book  were  prepared  by  Olaf  Petersen.  An  insur- 
rection with  which  Catholic  sympathy  had  much  to  do 
(i 537-1 543),  was  effectually  suppressed.  Under  John 
ML  ( 1 568-1 592),  who  had  come  under  Jesuit  influence, 
an  unsuccessful  effort  was  made  to  re-establish  Roman 
Catholicism. 

(3)  Christian  II.  and  the  Danish  Reformation.  In  Den- 
mark as  well  as  in  Sweden  the  power  and  wealth  of  the 
nobles,  and  especially  of  the  bishops,  greatly  interfered 
with  the  establishment  of  strong  royal  authority.  Chris- 
tian IL,  who  was  a  nephew  of  Frederick  the  Wise,  of  Sax- 
ony, had  been  led  to  consider  favorably  the  adoption  of 


300  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Lutheranism  as  a  means  of  overcoming  the  power  of  the 
bishops  and  strengthening  and  enriching  the  crown.  On 
his  conquest  of  Sweden  (1520),  he  requested  his  uncle 
to  send  a  Lutheran  preacher  for  Copenhagen.  Martin 
Reinhard  was  sent,  but  proving  inefficient  was  soon 
allowed  to  return.  Christian  now  made  a  strong  effort 
to  secure  Luther  himself.  Carlstadt  came  and  labored 
for  a  while,  but  was  discredited  by  Luther  and  had  to  re- 
tire. Without  waiting  for  any  considerable  instruction 
of  his  people  in  evangelical  truth  the  king  made  a  public 
breach  with  Rome  by  forbidding  all  appeals  to  Rome, 
permitting  the  clergy  to  marry,  limiting  the  temporal 
power  of  the  bishops,  and  reforming  the  monasteries. 
These  innovations  aroused  much  opposition  and  Chris- 
tian was  driven  from  his  kingdom  in  1523.  His  uncle, 
Frederick  L,  succeeding  him,  was  obliged  to  swear  al- 
legiance to  the  old  faith  and  to  burn  the  statute  book 
of  his  predecessor.  Yet  Lutheranism  once  introduced 
made  rapid  headway.  Hans  Tausen,  the  "  Danish 
Luther,"  returned  from  Wittenberg  in  1524  and  pro- 
claimed the  new  faith  with  great  zeal.  Persecuted  for  a 
time,  he  at  last  gained  the  royal  favor  (1529)  and  was 
made  royal  chaplain  and  pastor  of  one  of  the  principal 
churches  in  the  capital.  The  king  had  become  a 
Lutheran,  and  in  1530  authorized  the  preparation  of  a 
Confession  of  Faith.  Frederick  died  in  1533.  Christian 
II.,  supported  by  the  chief  commercial  cities,  sought  to 
regain  the  crown,  and  Frederick's  sons.  Christian  and 
John,  the  one  as  a  Protestant  supported  by  the  nobles, 
the  other  as  a  Catholic  supported  by  the  bishops,  con- 
tended for  the  succession.  The  former  triumphed  and 
as  Christian  111.  devoted  his  energies  (1533-1559)  to  the 
completion  of  the  work  of  reformation.  Joh.  Bugen- 
hagen,  one  of  Luther's  trusted  colleagues,  was  sent 
from  Wittenberg  to  crown  him  (August,  1537)  and  to 
assist  in  the  organization  of  the  Danish  church.  Bugen- 
hagen  ordained  seven  Protestant  bishops  in  place  of 
those  who  had  been  deposed  and  the  episcopal  form  of 
government  has  continued  in  Denmark  to  the  present 
time. 

(4)  Notivay  and  Icelaiid.     Norway,  which  had   for   a 
time  supported  Christian  II.  and  resisted  the  introduction 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  301 

of  Lutheranism,  soon  fell  into  line  with  the  Danish  move- 
ment and  the  highly  influential  archbishop  of  Trondhjem 
was  compelled  to  yield.  Iceland  resisted  with  still  more 
determination,  but  Lutheranism  was  introduced  in  1539 
by  Gisser  Einarsen,  who  had  studied  at  Wittenberg  and 
who  was  made  bishop  of  Skalholt.  A  violent  Catholic 
uprising  under  Bishop  Arasen  (1548)  was  finally  sup- 
pressed in  1554. 

In  all  these  Scandinavian  lands  the  nobles  were  conciliated  by  be- 
ing allowed  to  participate  largely  in  the  spoliation  of  the  church. 

4.  Poland.'^  (i)  Variety  of  Faiths  and  Toleration.  The 
religious  and  political  situation  of  Poland  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Reformation  was  peculiar.  A  large  part  of  the 
population  of  Lithuania  professed  the  Greek  Catholic 
faith.  Multitudes  of  Jews  banished  from  Germany  had 
taken  refuge  there.  Considerable  numbers  of  Hussites 
and  Bohemian  Brethren  were  present  as  a  result  of  im- 
migration and  evangelizing  effort  from  the  neighboring 
Hussite  States.  Long  before  the  Reformation  a  spirit  of 
toleration  had  resulted  from  the  presence  of  a  variety  of 
faiths,  each  represented  by  nobles  or  other  influential 
personages.     The  royal  authority  was  relatively  weak. 

(2)  Introduction  of  Lutheranism  and  Opposition  of  Sigis- 
mund  I.  Lutheranism  found  early  entrance  and  for  a 
time  made  rapid  headway.  In  1523,  King  Sigismund 
sternly  prohibited  the  sale  and  possession  of  Lutheran 
writings  ;  but  the  rapid  progress  of  Protestantism  in  the 
neighboring  Prussia,  close  intercourse  with  the  cities  of 
Germany,  attendance  of  a  number  of  young  noblemen 
at  the  University  of  Wittenberg,  and  a  general  popular 
desire  for  reform  made  this  prohibition  ineffective. 

The  municipal  authorities  of  Dantzig  promoted  the  in- 
troduction of  the  new  faith.  Other  cities  followed  this 
example  and  the  peasantry  began  to  agitate  violently  for 
social  and  religious  reform.  The  efforts  of  Sigismund  I. 
to  suppress  heresy  by  violent  means  (1526)  were  only 
temporarily  successful.     The  prohibition  of  attendance 

•  See  Krasinski,  "Historical  Sketch  of  the  Rise,  Progress,  and  Decline  of  the 
Reformation  in  Poland,"  1858;  Lucaszewicz,  "  Gcsch.  d.  1{efoimation  in  K.  in 
Lithuanten, "  i8ii  ;  Theiner,  "  IV/cn:  Documenta  Polotiio'  et  LtthuanitF,"  1861-1863  ; 
Dalton,  "job.  a  Lasco,"  1881  (Eng.  tr.,  1886)  ;  and  Henschel,  'Job.  Laskt,"  1890 


302  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

at  heretical  universities  was  disregarded  by  the  nobles, 
and  Polish  students  were  to  be  found  at  Wittenberg, 
Strasburg,  and  (somewhat  later)  at  Zurich  and  Geneva. 
From  1540  onward,  Calvinism  made  rapid  headway  at 
the  expense  of  Lutheranism. 

(3)  Sigismiind  11.  a  Friend  of  the  Reformaiion.  Sigis- 
mund  11.  (i 545-1 572)  gave  free  course  to  the  Reforma- 
tion and  corresponded  with  Calvin  and  Melanchthon. 

(4)  Measures  for  Evangelical  Union,  in  1555  the  various 
evangelical  parties  held  a  conference  at  Kozminek  and 
the  leaders  of  the  Bohemian  Brethren  made  a  strong 
effort  to  induce  the  rest  to  unite  with  them  as  the  older 
party  and  to  accept  their  church  order.  A  number  of 
evangelical  nobles  met  at  Petrikau  and  proposed  that  the 
king  should  call  a  national  council  to  which  Calvin,  Beza, 
Melanchthon,  and  John  a  Lasco  (a  learned  Polish  noble- 
man who  had  for  years  labored  in  the  evangelical  cause 
in  the  Netherlands  and  in  England)  should  be  invited 
and  which  should  determine  the  religious  future  of  the 
kingdom. 

(5)  1{ise  and  Spread  of  Anti-tri7iitarianism.  Reference 
has  been  made  in  an  earlier  section  to  the  rapidity  with 
which  from  this  time  onward  Anti-trinitarianism  and 
Anti-pedobaptism,  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  Italian 
refugees,  spread  in  Poland.  Racov  became  the  center  of 
the  Unitarian  (Socinian)  propaganda.  A  university  with 
four  hundred  students,  many  of  them  sons  of  noblemen, 
and  a  liberally  supported  printing  press,  diffused  the  So- 
cinian influence  not  only  throughout  Poland,  Siebenblir- 
gen,  and  Hungary,  but  less  intensely,  throughout  the 
Netherlands,  Germany,  and  Switzerland.  In  1570  the 
Bohemian  Brethren,  the  Lutherans,  and  the  Reformed 
joined  forces  against  the  rapidly  growing  Anti-trinitarian- 
ism, but  witli  little  effect,  in  1573  Catholic  and  Prot- 
estant nobles  were  placed  upon  a  basis  of  equality  by 
the  Diet  at  Warsaw,  each  having  the  right  to  determine 
the  religion  of  his  subjects.  The  Jesuits  availed  them- 
selves of  the  opportunity  offered  by  this  arrangement 
and  were  soon  able  to  inspire  the  Catholic  nobles  with 
persecuting  zeal  and  gradually  to  win  other  nobles  to 
their  faith.  Socinianism  proved  no  match  for  Jesuitism, 
the  former  tending  to  produce  religious  indifferentism, 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  303 

the  latter  promoting  a  fiery  enthusiasm  that  made  its 
subjects  willing  to  sacrifice  everything  to  secure  the 
triumph  of  its  principles. 

5.  'Bohemia  and  [Moravia.'^  Bohemia  and  Moravia  had 
remained  Hussite  in  sentiment  until  the  Reformation 
time.  Bohemian  Brethren  abounded  in  both  countries 
and  had  many  supporters  among  the  nobles.  Luther's 
views  were  acceptable  to  a  large  proportion  of  the  Hus- 
sites (Utraquists).  The  Bohemian  Brethren  found  his 
doctrine  of  the  real  presence  in  the  Eucharist  difficult  of 
acceptance.  We  have  already  noticed  the  rapidity  with 
which  the  Anabaptist  movement  spread  in  Moravia  under 
the  fostering  care  of  some  of  the  nobles  (1526  onward). 
This  growth  was  largely  from  immigration  ;  but  it  is 
probable  that  several  thousands  of  the  older  evangelicals 
embraced  the  faith  of  Hubmaier  and  Luther.  Up  to 
1535  the  Bohemian  Brethren  had  themselves  rebaptized 
such  as  came  to  them  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
When  to  escape  the  application  to  themselves  of  the 
sanguinary  Edict  of  Speier  they  repudiated  Anabap- 
tism,  it  is  probable  that  many  who  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  decision  of  the  majority  united  with  the  more 
consistent  Anabaptists. 

From  1555  onward  Moravian  and  Bohemian  nobles 
claimed  the  right  to  protect  their  subjects  in  their  pro- 
fession of  Protestantism  by  virtue  of  the  provisions  of 
the  Augsburg  treaty.  As  the  Augsburg  Confession  was 
the  only  standard  for  tolerated  Protestantism,  most  of 
the  evangelicals  soon  became  nominally  Lutherans  ; 
though  many  no  doubt  still  scrupled  at  Luther's  doctrine 
of  the  Supper.  Maximilian  II.  was  devoid  of  persecuting 
zeal,  if  not  sympathetic  with  Protestantism,  and  evan- 
gelical teaching  had  free  course  during  his  reign  (1564- 
1576).  There  was  so  much  in  common  between  Utra- 
quist  Hussitism  and  Lutheranism  that  Hussites  had  little 
difficulty  with  the  Augsburg  Confession.  German-Bo- 
hemian and  German-Moravian  Hussites  became  and  re- 
mained for  the  most  part  ardent  Lutherans.  But  during 
the  latter  part  of  the  century   Calvinism,  everywhere 

1  See  Pescheck,  "  The  Ref.  and  the  Anti-Ref.  in  Bohemia,"  1845  (from  the  Germ., 
1844);  Gindely,  "  Cesch.  d.  Ccgenreformatton  in  Bbhmen."  1894,  "  Gesch.  d.  Bohm. 
Bruder,"  1857-1858 :  De  Schweinitz,  "  The  Hist,  of  the  Church  known  as  the  Umtas 
Fratrum,"  1885;  and  Vickers,  "  Hist,  of  Bohemia,"  iSys. 


304  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

aggressive,  made  rapid  strides,  especially  among  the 
Slavic  and  Magyar  populations  and  among  the  Bohemian 
Brethren,  with  whose  view  of  the  Supper  Calvinism  was 
in  substantial  accord.  To  protect  themselves  against 
the  machinations  of  the  Jesuits,  the  Protestants  of  Bo- 
hemia formed  a  union  in  1575  on  the  basis  of  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith  in  which  it  was  sought  to  harmonize  the 
Lutheran  and  Reformed  systems.  So  powerful  were  the 
Protestant  interests  that  Rudolph  II.,  though  a  bitter 
enemy  of  the  evangelical  faith,  felt  obliged  in  1609  to 
grant  full  toleration  to  the  adherents  of  the  Bohemian 
Protestant  Confession  and  to  grant  the  Protestants  a 
charter  with  the  right  to  have  in  connection  with  the 
royal  court  a  Board  of  Defensors  to  look  after  the  en- 
forcement of  its  provisions.  The  violation  of  the  pro- 
visions of  this  charter  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War. 

6.  Austria^  In  the  upper  and  inner  Austrian  Provinces 
(Tyrol,  Saltzburg,  Styria,  Gorz,  Carinthia,  Carniola, 
etc.),  Lutheranism  had  early  entrance.  For  some  years 
(1526  onward)  the  Anabaptist  form  of  evangelical  life 
and  thought  was  by  far  the  most  energetic  and  widely 
accepted.  After  the  promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Speier 
(1529),  and  especially  after  the  Anabaptist  name  had  be- 
come doubly  odious  on  account  of  the  Miinster  Kingdom, 
Lutheranism  increased  in  relative  importance,  a  large 
proportion  of  the  nobility  becoming  supporters  of  the  new 
faith  and  refusing  to  obey  the  mandates  of  the  Hapsburg 
rulers  for  its  suppression.  After  the  treaty  of  Augsburg 
they  claimed  the  right  to  protect  on  their  estates  the  ad- 
herents of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  the  Haps- 
burgers,  who  required  their  assistance  against  Turkish 
invasion,  were  obliged  to  recognize  the  validity  of  their 
claim. 

The  way  in  which  the  flourishing  Protestantism  of  this  region  was, 
toward  the  close  of  tlie  sixteenth  century,  overcome  by  Jesuits  and 
Hapsburgers,  must  be  narrated  in  the  chapter  on  the  Counter-Re- 
formation. 

7.  Hungary  and  Siebenhiirgen?  (i)  Introduction  of  Evan- 

'  Loserth  "  D.  Get^nreformation  m  hincr-oesterreich,"  i8q8. 

'  See  Krasinski,  "  Religious  History  of  the  Slavonic  Natiors."  1851  ;  Fabo  Andras. 
"  Monumenta  Evangeltcorum  ...  in  Hun^atta."  1861-1873;  Lampe,  "Hist.  Eccl.  Ref. 


CHAP.  1.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  305 

gelical  Teaching.  Evangelical  teaching  was  early  intro- 
duced into  Hungary  and  Siebenburgen  by  native  students 
returning  from  Wittenberg,  by  merchants  who  visited  the 
great  trade  fairs,  etc.  The  efforts  of  Ludwig  11.  to  sup- 
press its  early  diffusion  proved  ineffective.  The  battle 
of  Mohacz,  in  which  the  king  fell,  turned  the  tide  in 
favor  of  Protestant  teaching.  Zapolya  opposed  the  Ref- 
ormation, but  he  was  soon  driven  to  Poland  and  the 
evangelicals  had  a  free  hand. 

(2)  Joh.  Honter  cmd  his  'Reformatory  Work  in  Sieben- 
bilrgen.  The  cause  of  reform  here  was  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Joh.  Honter,  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Vi- 
enna and  a  man  richly  gifted  in  literature,  art,  pedagogic 
skill,  and  the  capacity  for  enthusiastic  and  successful 
leadership.  After  spending  some  time  in  Germany  and 
Switzerland  he  returned  to  his  native  Kronstadt  (1533), 
and  by  1542  had  brought  the  city  and  the  surrounding 
regions  to  the  evangelical  faith.  He  introduced  the  first 
printing  press  into  this  region  and  gave  much  attention 
to  the  establishment  of  schools  and  to  the  training 
(1523)  of  ministers.  In  1523  and  1525  rigorous  impe- 
rial laws  were  promulgated  against  the  spread  of  the 
new  doctrine.  "All  Lutherans  are  to  be  extirpated  from 
the  kingdom,  and  wherever  they  may  be  found  are 
to  be  freely  seized  and  burned,  not  only  by  ecclesi- 
astical but  also  by  secular  persons  "  (Diet  of  Pesth, 
1525).  Five  free  cities  of  Upper  Hungary,  Kaschau, 
Leutschau,  Seben,  Bartfeld,  and  Eperies,  at  a  synod  held 
at  the  latter  place,  now  declared  in  favor  of  Lutheran- 
ism.  Honter's  work  in  establishing  and  organizing  evan- 
gelical work  in  Siebenbtirgen  was  professedly  Lutheran, 
but  with  a  strong  leaning  toward  the  Reformed  doctrine. 

(3)  Devay  and  the  Hungarian  Reformation.  A  life  of 
similar  magnitude  was  accomplished  in  Hungary  by 
Matthias  Biro  Devay,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  who  had 
studied  at  Krakau  and  had  as  a  member  of  a  monastic 
order  labored  earnestly  for  some  years  before  he  was  led 

in  Hungaria  et  Tramylvama,"  1728;  St.  Linberger,  "  Gesch.  d.  Evg.  tn  Ungarn  sammt 
Siebenburgen,"  iSSo;  Brod,  "  Histona  Hungarorum  Ecclestastica,"  zSSS-iSgo  (written 
about  1756)  ;  Haner,  "Hist.  Ecclesiarum  Transyl-vanicarum,"  r6q4  ;  Teutsch,  "  Urkun- 
denbuch  d.  evang.  Landeskirckc  tyl.  B.  tn  Siebenburgen,"  i862->883,  "Gesch.  d.  Siebcn- 
burg.  Sachsen,"  1874,  and  "  Ref.  tn  Stebenb.  Sachsenland,"  1886  ;  Wolf,  "Joh.  Honterur," 
1894;  Hochsmann,  "J.  Honter,  der  Reformator  Siebenburgens,"  iZqt;  articles  on  Hon- 
ter, Devay,  etc.,  in  Hauck-Herzog. 

U 


306  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

to  embrace  the  new  faith.  In  1529  he  entered  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wittenberg  in  order  to  fit  himself  for  the  theo- 
logical combats  in  which  he  was  to  engage.  For  a  year 
and  a  half  he  was  hospitably  entertained  by  Luther  and 
in  1 531  he  returned  to  Hungary  full  of  enthusiasm  and 
thoroughly  equipped.  After  preaching  for  some  time  at 
Ofen  and  at  Kaschau,  he  was  cast  into  prison  and  sub- 
jected to  prolonged  inquisitorial  proceedings  in  Vienna. 
Having  escaped,  he  returned  to  a  part  of  the  country  that 
supported  the  cause  of  Zapolya  ;  but  he  was  again  appre- 
hended and  this  time  was  held  for  nearly  three  years 
(15 32-1 5 34).  Once  more  at  liberty  he  carried  on  an  ex- 
tensive evangelizing  activity  under  the  protection  of  the 
educated,  wealthy,  and  liberal  Count  Nadasdy.  With 
the  co-operation  of  Joh.  Sylvester,  who  afterward  be- 
came professor  in  the  University  of  Vienna,  and  with  the 
financial  and  moral  support  of  Nadasdy,  he  published  a 
Hungarian  version  of  the  New  Testament,  a  large  body 
of  evangelical  literature,  and  a  number  of  secular  text- 
books. In  1 541,  as  a  result  of  a  Turkish  invasion,  the 
enemies  of  the  Reformation  gained  the  upper  hand  in  this 
region,  Devay's  school  and  printing  establishment  were 
destroyed,  and  he  was  compelled  to  fly.  He  visited  Wit- 
tenberg and  was  befriended  by  Melanchthon.  But  a  visit 
to  Switzerland  led  to  his  rejection  of  Luther's  view  of 
the  Supper  and  from  this  time  onward  he  aligned  himself 
with  the  Reformed  theologians.  Luther  became  his  bit- 
ter enemy  and  sought  to  guard  the  evangelicals  of  Hun- 
gary against  the  turncoat.  Devay  was  able  after  a  year 
or  two  to  return  to  his  work  and  from  this  time  onward 
the  evangelical  cause  went  forward  with  irresistible  en- 
ergy. Several  Roman  Catholic  dignitaries,  the  Provost 
Joseph  Hervat,  of  Zipser,  and  the  bishops  of  Neitra  and 
Weszprim,  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  evangelicals.  Ferdi- 
nand felt  obliged  to  tolerate  them  after  requiring  of  them 
a  Confession  of  Faith.  They  presented  on  this  occa- 
sion (1549)  an  extract  from  the  Augsburg  Confession; 
but  they  were  already  much  divided  respecting  doctrine. 
Controversy  arose  between  Lutherans  and  Reformed, 
the  latter  (chiefly  Magyars)  putting  forth  a  Reformed 
Confession  at  Zenger  (1557),  the  former  (representing 
the  mountain  cities  and  being  chiefly  Saxons)  publishing 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  3O7 

a  counter  Confession  (1558).  In  1567,  at  a  synod  at 
Debreczin,  the  Magyar  Protestants  adopted  the  Second 
Helvetic  Confession.  Bullinger's  influence  had  by  this 
time  come  to  be  predominant  among  the  Reformed  of  this 
region.  In  1563  the  synod  of  Tarczal  adopted  Beza's 
Confession  of  Faith,  which  represented  extreme  Calvin- 
ism. 

A  colony  of  Saxons  had  been  invited  into  the  Siebenbiirgen  region 
in  the  twelfth  century  with  large  privileges.  The  Saxons  still  held 
together  in  civil  and  religious  matters,  and  their  adoption  and  main- 
tenance of  the  Lutheran  faith  can  be  readily  understood. 

(4)  Faction  and  DestnicUon.  From  1567  onward  the 
country  was  in  a  state  of  turmoil  caused  by  religious 
faction.  Not  only  were  Reformed  arrayed  against  Lu- 
theran, but  Reformed  and  Lutheran  factions  were  arrayed 
agamst  each  other.  Anti-trinitarianism  and  Anti-pedo- 
baptism,  combined  and  separate,  soon  became  important 
factors  in  the  religious  life  of  the  country,  which  became 
assimilated  to  Poland  as  a  seat  of  religious  strife.  Like 
Poland,  Hungary,  and  Siebenbiirgen,  it  fell  an  easy  prey 
to  the  Jesuits,  who  from  1560  onward  were  carefully 
laying  their  plans  for  the  crushing  of  all  forms  of  evan- 
gelical teaching  and  the  restoration  of  papal  authority. 

IX.  THEOLOGICAL  CONTROVERSIES. 

LITERATURE:  Corner,  "History  of  Protestant  Theology"; 
Heppe,  "  Gesch.  d.  deutscheu  ProtestauUsnms  in  den  Jahren  i ^s^-i 581  ■i'^ 
1852-1858  ;  Gaiinich,  "  Kampf  u.  Untergang  d.  (Melanchthomsmiis  \n 
Kursachsen  tn  d.  Jahre  1570-1^74,''  1866;  Seehauer,  ''  Zur  Lehre  von 
"Branch  d.  Geset{es  u.  ^tir  Gesch.  d.  spateren  ^utinomismns  ;  pertinent 
sections  in  the  works  on  Ch.  Hist,  and  Hist,  of  Doctrine,  and  arti- 
cles on  controversies  and  leaders  in  Hauck-Herzog,  Lichtenberger, 
and  iVlcClintock  and  Strong. 


I. 


General  Characteristics  of  the  Protestant  Theology. 


(i)  The  formal  element  of  the  Protestant  theology  of  the 
Reformation  period  was  adherence  to  the  Scriptures  as 
the  only  and  sufficient  guide  of  faith  and  practice.  This 
was  held  to  at  first  unconditionally,  in  opposition  to  the 
papal  theory,  which  gives  to  tradition  a  place  side  by 
side  with  Scripture,  while  making  Scripture  and  tradition 
alike  deoendent  for  their  authority  on  the  church.    Most 


308  A  AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

of  the  Reformers  came  to  make  a  distinction  between 
tradition  in  doctrine  and  tradition  in  practice.  In  argu- 
ing with  the  Papists  they  rejected  papal  practices,  not 
so  mucii  because  they  were  without  scriptural  authoriza- 
tion (though  they  usually  insisted  upon  this),  as  because 
they  rested  upon  and,  in  turn,  promoted  false  (anti- 
scriptural)  doctrine.  In  arguing  with  the  radical  re- 
formers, however,  they  defended  such  practices  as  they 
had  chosen  to  perpetuate,  although  without  scriptural 
precept  or  example,  on  the  ground  that  they  were  not 
contradictory  of  tlie  teachings  of  Scripture  ;  that  they 
were  good  in  themselves  ;  and  that  they  were  matters 
of  immemorial  usage.  In  iiis  tract  on  "Vows,"  written 
while  he  was  at  the  Wartburg  (i  521-1522),  Luther  con- 
demns, unconditionally,  whatever  falls  short  of,  is  apart 
from,  or  goes  beyond  Christ  {vel  citra,  vel  prceter,  vel 
ultra  Chrisium  incedW),  and  gives  the  lie  to  the  papal 
proposition,  "  that  all  things  have  not  been  declared  and 
instituted  by  Christ  and  the  apostles,  but  that  very 
many  things  were  left  to  the  church  to  be  declared  and 
instituted."  He  declared  moreover,  "  that  whatever  is 
without  the  word  of  God  is,  by  that  very  fact,  against 
God  "  (eo  ipso  contra  Deiim,  quod  sine  verbo  IDei).  He 
frequently  cited,  in  support  of  his  position,  the  passage 
in  Deut.  4:2:  "Ye  shall  not  add  unto  the  word  which 
1  command  you,  neither  shall  ye  diminish  aught  from 
it."  Such  citations  might  be  multiplied.  But  when  he 
saw  what  radical  changes  in  ecclesiastical  practice  were 
likely  to  result  from  so  thorough-going  an  adherence  to 
Scripture  authority,  he  promptly  modified  his  view  in 
thiswise:  "Nothing  [that  is,  no  ecclesiastical  practice] 
ought  to  be  set  up  without  scriptural  authority,  or  if  it  is 
set  up,  it  ought  to  be  esteemed  free  and  not  necessary" 
{extra  Scripturas  nihil  esse  statucndnm,  ant,  si  statiiitiir, 
librttm  et  non  necessarium  habendum).  Still  later,  when 
hard  pressed  by  the  consistent  advocates  of  the  scrip- 
tural principle  on  the  positive  and  the  negative  sides, 
Luther  allowed  himself  to  write  :  "  What  is  not  against 
Scripture  is  for  Scripture,  and  Scripture  for  it."  How- 
ever inconsistently  held  to  by  the  Reformers,  the  doc- 
trine of  the  supreme  authority  of  Scripture  must  still  be  re- 
garded as  the  formal  principle  of  the  Protestant  theology. 


CHAP.  I]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  309 

(2)  The  material  element  of  the  Protestant  theology  was 
the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  alone,  maintained  in 
opposition  to  the  doctrine  of  justification  by  faith  and 
works — the  works  meaning,  with  the  Papists,  ceremonial 
observances,  almsgiving,  the  purchasing  of  indulgences, 
masses,  etc.,  and  the  giving  of  money  for  the  building 
and  endowment  of  churches,  monasteries,  etc.  Thus  doc- 
trine of  justification  by  faith  alone  exerted  a  molding  in- 
fluence upon  Protestant  theology.  Held  to  this  polemi- 
cally, in  opposition  to  the  mediseval  system  of  works 
for  merit  {opera  operata),  it  could  hardly  escape  a  dis- 
torted development,  and  was  sure  to  lead,  in  some  in- 
stances, to  Antinomianism.  The  absolute  rejection  of 
the  efficacy  of  works  in  securing  salvation  assumed  in 
some  minds  the  form  of  denial  of  any  freedom  of  will 
whatsoever  in  man  ;  and  some  advanced  to  the  Mani- 
chean  position,  declaring  that  original  sin  is  the  very 
essence  of  human  nature.  The  maintenance  of  justifica- 
tion by  faith  alone  was  sure  to  lead  to  controversy  as  to 
the  manner  in  which  Christ's  redemptive  work  is  applied 
to  man.  Some  held  that  justification  is  a  mere  judicial 
act,  conditioned  on  man's  belief  in  the  Redeemer  ;  others, 
that  through  belief  man  is  transformed  in  character,  and 
that  his  justification  occurs  only  in  connection  with,  and 
in  consequence  of,  his  sanctification.  But  what  is  the 
nature  of  faith,  the  medium  through  which  the  redemp- 
tive work  of  Christ  is  applied  to  man  .-*  Some  held  that 
it  is  chiefly  an  assurance  of  justification  through  the 
merit  of  Christ  ;  others,  that  it  involves  a  complete  sur- 
render of  the  subject  to  Christ,  a  radical  turning  away 
from  sin  and  the  love  of  it,  and  an  inward  appropriation 
of  Christ  as  the  controlling  principle. 

Again,  if  justification  is  by  faith  alone,  what  place  is 
to  be  assigned  to  the  sacraments  ?  The  seven  Roman 
Catholic  sacraments  rest  upon  the  doctrine  of  justifica- 
tion by  works,  which,  in  turn,  rests  upon  sacerdotalism. 
The  number  of  the  sacraments  was  reduced  by  the 
Protestants  to  two,  baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  How 
were  these  to  be  looked  upon  'i  As  mere  symbols  of 
spiritual  facts  or  as  possessing  in  themselves  mystical 
efficacy  from  their  connection  with  the  spiritual  facts  ? 
Does  the  believer  in  submitting  to  baptism  receive  re- 


310  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

mission  of  sins  in  the  outward  act,  or  is  baptism  a  mere 
symbol  of  the  cleansing  and  the  consecration  which  are 
mediated  by  faith  ?  In  the  Lord's  Supper  does  the  be- 
liever actually  partake  of  the  material  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,  or  does  he  partake  spiritually  of  Christ's  body 
and  blood,  or  is  the  eating  and  the  drinking  of  the  bread 
and  the  wine  merely  symbolical  of  the  believer's  spirit- 
ual appropriation  of  Christ's  merits,  the  bread  and  the 
wine  commemorating  the  incarnation  and  the  death  of 
Christ  ?  Controversy  on  these  questions  could  not  easily 
have  been  avoided.  So,  also,  the  relation  of  the  children 
of  Christian  parents  to  the  church  and  to  these  ordi- 
nances had  to  be  determined.  How  could  the  baptism  of 
infants  be  reconciled  with  the  doctrine  of  justification 
by  faith  alone,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  doctrine  of 
mystical  and  immediate  efficacy  in  the  rite,  on  the  other  ? 
This  question  led  to  much  confusion  and  controversy. 

Again,  if  it  be  maintained  that  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  are  materially  present  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  and 
the  power  of  the  priest  to  transform  the  bread  and  wine 
into  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  be  denied,  how  is  this 
real  presence  to  be  accounted  for  ?  Those  who  advocated 
the  real  presence  defended  it  by  the  doctrine  of  the 
ubiquity  of  Christ's  human  nature,  which  they  based 
upon  the  doctrine  of  the  communication  of  idioms,  in  ac- 
cordance with  which  the  divine  nature  in  Christ  communi- 
cates all  of  its  attributes  to  tlie  human,  and  the  human  its 
attributes  to  the  divine.  Is  the  divine  nature  ubiquitous  ? 
So  must  the  human  be.  Hence  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ,  everywhere  potentially  present,  are  actually  and 
efficaciously  present  in  the  Supper.  Those  who  denied 
the  real  presence  denied  also  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's 
human  nature. 

The  Reformers  were  in  general  highly  conservative. 
They  rejected,  without  hesitancy,  manifest  corruptions 
in  doctrine  and  in  practice  ;  but  they  were  slow  to  call 
in  question  the  doctrinal  statements  of  the  Councils  and 
Fathers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  The  leading 
Reformers  regarded  with  sufficient  (possibly  with  ex- 
cessive) reverence  the  theological  results  of  the  Micene 
and  post-Nicene  age.  To  speak  more  definitely,  if  they 
erred  in  this  matter  at  all  it  was  not  in  tJie  fact  that  they 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  311 

zealously  maintained  the  Nicene  and  Athanasian  formu- 
laries, but  in  the  spirit  in  which  these  creeds  were  ad- 
hered to.  If  they  be  maintained  because  they  most  per- 
fectly harmonize  the  various  elements  of  Scripture  teach- 
ing, it  is  well  ;  if  they  be  regarded  as  possessing  inde- 
pendent authority,  the  case  is  entirely  different.  The 
latter  was  probably  too  much  the  case  with  many  of  the 
Protestant  theologians. 

On  the  matters  of  anthropology  the  writings  of  Au- 
gustine were  looked  upon  as  containing  an  almost  per- 
fect exposition  of  the  teachings  of  Scripture.  As  with 
the  schoolmen  Aristotle  was  ranked  next  to  the  inspired 
writers  in  matters  of  philosophy  and  of  formal  reasoning, 
and  became  virtually  the  authoritative  interpreter  of  the 
Scripture  teachings,  so  with  the  Protestant  theologians 
was  Augustine.  Such  was  the  reverence  of  the  Protest- 
ant leaders  for  post-apostolic  antiquity  ;  but  such  submis- 
sion to  human  standards  was  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  Prot- 
estantism. There  were  not  wanting  those  who  recognized 
this  fact,  and  controversies  arose  on  what  have  long 
been  regarded  as  fundamental  doctrines  of  Christianity 
— the  trinity,  the  divinity  of  Christ,  the  hereditary  guilt 
of  man,  etc. 

Apart  from  Confessions  of  Faith  and  catechisms  which 
abounded,  most  of  the  theological  discussions  of  this 
period  took  the  form  of  polemical  tracts  on  particular  doc- 
trines. Printing  was  already  common  and  cheap,  and 
theological  tracts  were  circulated  to  an  extent  not  greatly 
surpassed  since.  Pamphleteering  subserved,  in  part,  the 
ends  of  the  modern  newspaper.  During  several  years 
of  his  life  Luther  must  have  written,  on  an  average, 
more  than  a  pamphlet  a  week,  and  many  other  writers 
were  scarcely  less  prolific.  The  medieval  system  of 
discussion  by  theses  was  likewise  still  employed.  Luther 
abhorred  Aristotle  and  the  schoolmen,  and  had  little 
esteem  for  philosophy  or  systematic  theology  in  general. 
His  mind  was  creative  rather  than  organizing,  and  while 
he  furnished  materials  for  systems  (the  plural  is  used 
advisedly)  of  doctrine,  he  himself  wrote  no  "  Summa 
Theologice."  The  great  systematizers  of  the  age  were 
Melanchthon  and  Calvin.  These  writers  (the  former  in 
his  "  Loci  Communes,"  the  latter  in  his  "  Institutiones  "), 


312  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

while  they  treat  systematically  the  doctrines  emphasized 
by  the  Protestants,  and  systematically  refute  the  oppos- 
ing views  of  the  Papists,  impress  us  with  the  fact  that 
the  system  is  for  the  sake  of  the  doctrine  and  not  for  its 
own  sake.  No  greater  degree  of  completeness  is  aimed 
at  than  is  demanded  by  the  practical  end  in  view.  The 
theology  of  this  period  was  intensely  practical  in  its  aim, 
and  the  form  adapted  itself  to  the  practical  needs.  Yet 
before  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  freshness 
and  the  elasticity  of  the  new  theology  had  disappeared, 
and  in  its  place  had  come  a  scholasticism  almost  as  for- 
mal and  lifeless  as  that  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

2.  Controversies  between  Lutherans  and  Reformed. 

(i)  On  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  maybe  regarded  as 
the  great  subject  of  controversy  between  Lutherans 
on  the  one  hand,  and  Zvvinglians  and  Calvinists  on  the 
other.  Nothing  has  been  so  influential  in  preventing 
Lutherans  and  Reformed  from  heartily  co-operating 
against  their  papal  enemies  as  persistent  divergence  of 
views  with  respect  to  the  meaning  of  Christ's  words  : 
"  This  is  my  body."  "This  is  my  blood  of  the  cove- 
nant, which  is  shed  for  many  unto  remission  of  sins." 

It  has  been  well  remarked  (by  Dorner  and,  after  him, 
by  Schnff  and  others)  that  Luther  and  Zwingli  assailed 
the  Roman  Catholic  system  on  entirely  different  sides. 
Luther  had  had  bitter  experience  of  the  Judaistic  legalism 
of  the  mediaeval  system,  and  it  was  against  this  that  he 
first  of  all  directed  his  blows.  The  immoralities  fostered 
by  the  system  called  forth  in  him  far  less  of  resentment 
than  the  enslavement  of  conscience  through  sacerdotal- 
ism, etc.  His  realism,  combined  with  other  influences, 
led  him  to  take  a  very  conservative  position  with  regard 
to  ecclesiastical  practices.  Zwingli,  on  the  other  hand, 
had  experienced  most  keenly  the  evils  of  the  heathen 
clement  in  the  medi^Eval  system.  In  his  anxiety  to  get 
rid  of  idolatry  he  not  only  cast  down  the  idols,  but  he 
also  made  haste  to  purge  the  ordinance  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  of  any  idolatrous  element.  Luther  and  the 
Lutherans  kept  closer  to  the  mediaeval  theology  in  their 
views  of  the  person  of  Christ.  The  exaltation  of  the 
human  in  Christ  to  infinity,  and  the  practical  denial  of 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  313 

the  persistence  of  the  properly  human  element,  was 
characteristic  of  Lutheranism.  In  other  terms,  Lutherans 
approximated  Eutychianism.  Zwinglians,  on  the  other 
hand,  among  whom  humanism  was  more  influential, 
dwelt  more  upon  the  human  element  in  Christ,  and  so 
approximated  Nestorianism.  Luther,  as  a  realist,  could 
see  no  meaning  in  an  ordinance  in  which  only  the  sign 
was  present.  The  things  signified  must  also  be  present. 
Hence,  while  rejecting  transubstantiation,  as  realists 
usually  did,  on  philosophical  grounds,  he  still  held  firmly 
to  the  real  presence  of  the  body  and  blood  along 
with  the  bread  and  wine.  This  view  was  closely  con- 
nected with  Luther's  view  on  the  mystical  union  of  the 
believer  with  Christ,  and  was  made  easily  credible  by 
his  view  of  the  exaltation  of  Christ's  human  nature  to 
ubiquity.  If  Christ  be  present  in  the  sacrament  at  all, 
his  body  and  blood  must  be  present,  for  Christ  is  never 
separated  from  his  body  and  blood.  The  body  and  blood 
of  Christ,  according  to  the  theory,  are  received  not  only 
by  the  pious,  but  even  by  the  impious,  if  such  partake 
of  the  consecrated  elements.  Zwingli,  in  accordance 
with  his  humanistic  view  of  the  person  of  Christ,  his 
aversion  to  mysticism,  and  his  detestation  of  idolatry, 
maintained  that  the  Lord's  Supper  is  a  simple  memorial 
or  sign  of  the  spiritual  partaking  of  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ. 

Bucer,  and  afterward  Calvin,  partly  because,  from 
their  geographical  relation  to  the  two  parties  and  their 
subjection  to  the  influence  of  both,  they  sympathized 
with  both  parties  and  had  elements  common  to  the  two, 
and  partly  because  they  were  irenically  disposed  and 
felt  the  necessity  of  harmonizing  Lutherans  and  Zwingli- 
ans, assumed  an  intermediate  position — namely,  that  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  partaken  of  really,  but 
spiritually,  by  the  believer. 

Such  was  the  breach,  such  was  the  chief  attempt  to 
heal  it.  From  1528  onward  various  public  attempts  were 
made  to  bring  Lutherans  and  Zwinglians,  if  not  into  com- 
plete harmony,  at  least  into  the  attitude  of  mutual  tolera- 
tion. The  Marburg  Conference  (October,  1529)  was  the 
first  occasion  on  which  the  leaders  of  the  German  Ref- 
ormation and  the  leaders  of  the  Swiss  Reformation  met 


314  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

each  other  face  to  face.  Encouraged  by  the  divisions 
among  the  Protestants,  and  being  in  the  majority  in  the 
Diet,  the  Catholic  electors  had  voted  at  Speier  (March, 
1529)  to  prohibit  all  further  aggressive  work  on  the  part 
of  the  Protestants.  Later  in  the  same  year  the  emperor 
had  concluded  a  peace  with  the  pope  and  with  the  king 
of  France.  The  position  of  the  Protestants  was  now 
critical,  for,  to  all  appearances,  it  had  been  due  to  the 
foreign  engagements  that  the  execution  of  the  Edict  of 
Worms  hud  been  kept  in  abeyance,  and  that  the  Prot- 
estant cause  had  been  saved  from  utter  overthrow.  The 
crisis  has  come.  How  is  it  to  be  met  ?  With  solid  or 
divided  ranks  on  the  Protestant  side  .-'  The  Pr(  •lestant 
ranks  are  in  sad  disorder,  how  are  they  to  be  unit'^'d  and 
strengthened  ?  The  landgrave,  Philip  of  Hesse,  on  the 
one  hand,  and  Martin  Bucer,  on  the  other,  earnestly 
sought  to  form  a  Protestant  league  for  mutual  defense 
against  the  impending  attacks  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
powers,  under  the  leadership  of  the  emperor,  Charles  V. 
To  this  end  the  Marburg  Conference  was  called.  Luther, 
Melanchthon,  Brentz,  Jonas,  etc.,  were  confronted  by 
Zwingli,  CEcolampadius,  etc.  Bucer  acted  as  mediator. 
The  two  parties  agreed  upon  fourteea  and  a  half  of  fif- 
teen articles  embracing  tlie  fundamental  doctrines  of 
Protestantism.  On  the  remaining  half  article  they  could 
not  agree — namely,  as  to  whether  the  body  and  blood  of 
Christ  are  corporeally  in  the  bread  and  the  wine.  Luther 
and  CEcolampadius  conferred  together  for  three  hours, 
the  chief  result  being  to  convince  the  Basel  Reformer 
that  in  him  of  Wittenberg  he  had  fallen  upon  another 
Eck.  Zwingli  and  Melanchthon  discussed  the  point  at 
issue  for  six  consecutive  hours,  in  which  Zwingli  became 
more  than  ever  convinced  of  the  lubricity  of  Philip,  who, 
Proteus-like,  transformed  himself  into  all  things.  Luther 
stood  firmly  upon  the  Scripture,  "  This  is  my  body," 
and  refused  to  recognize  as  brethren  those  who  inter- 
preted these  words  otherwise  than  literally.  It  was 
Luther's  private  opinion  that  God  blinded  Zwingli  and 
CEcolampadius  so  that  they  were  not  able  to  bring  for- 
ward any  arguments  worthy  of  notice,  and  thus  gave 
him  an  easy  victory.  He  thought  that  these  foolish  men, 
so  little  skilled  in  disputing,  must  have  been  convinced 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  315 

by  the  weight  of  his  arguments,  but  refused  to  yield, 
rather  from  fear  and  shame  than  from  malice.  So  little 
capable  was  Luther  of  putting  himself  in  the  place  of  an 
antagonist  and  estimating  the  weight  of  arguments  from 
any  other  point  of  view  than  his  own.  He  was  so  fully 
convinced  of  the  invincibleness  of  his  own  position,  that 
the  failure  of  another  to  be  convinced  by  the  full  pre- 
sentation of  his  arguments  was  to  him  inconceivable.  It 
was  finally  agreed  that,  although  Luther  would  not  rec- 
ognize the  Swiss  as  brethren,  the  two  parties  should 
manifest  Christian  love  one  toward  the  other,  as  far  as 
the  conscience  of  each  would  allow. 

The  Lutherans  soon  afterward  came  to  feel  that  they 
had  compromised  themselves  in  even  so  far  agreeing  to 
differ  on  the  eucharistic  question,  and  they  made  haste 
to  set  forth  their  own  views  clearly  and  unequivocally  in 
the  "  Swabach  Articles." 

Bucer,  by  no  means  discouraged,  continued  to  labor 
for  conciliation.  About  1531  he  won  Melanchthon,  here- 
tofore uncompromisingly  Lutheran  in  his  view  of  the 
Supper,  to  his  own  mediating  position.  Bucer  now  pro- 
fessed belief  in  the  real  presence,  but  insisted  that  the 
body  and  blood  of  Christ  are  partaken  of  only  by  be- 
lievers. Luther  persistently  maintained  that  they  are 
partaken  of  by  believers  and  unbelievers  alike.  The 
position  of  Bucer  was  an  exceedingly  embarrassing  one. 
Luther  was  uncompromising.  Most  of  the  Swiss  were 
just  as  firmly  attached  to  the  original  Zwinglian  view. 
Yet  Bucer  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  make  the  two  parties 
believe  that  they  were  in  substantial  agreement,  in 
conference  with  the  Swiss,  therefore,  he  represented  the 
views  which  he  was  seeking  to  make  the  basis  of  union 
as  excluding  the  corporeal  presence  of  the  body  and  blood, 
which  he  and  they  believed  to  be  locally  in  heaven. 
When  he  would  gain  the  good  graces  of  Luther,  as  we 
shall  see,  his  representation  was  very  different. 

From  this  time  onward  Melanchthon  co-operated  ear- 
nestly with  Bucer  in  these  mediating  efforts,  and  with  a 
view  to  inducing  the  Swiss  to  subscribe  the  Augsburg 
Confession  he  made  various  changes  in  the  document. 
These  modifications  culminated  in  the  "Augsburg  Va- 
riata  "  (1540). 


3l6  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

The  "  Wittenberg  Concordia  "  (1536)  marks  the  next 
stage  in  the  efforts  to  harmonize  Lutherans  and  Reformed. 
Luther  never  had  much  faith  in  the  success  of  these  com- 
promising measures,  hi  his  view  the  two  positions  were 
so  distinct  and  so  antagonistic  that  harmony  could  be 
secured  only  by  utterly  abolishing  one  of  them.  Up  to 
1535  he  persistently  discouraged  the  mediating  efforts  of 
Bucer,  Capito,  and  Melanchthon.  He  now  expressed  a 
faint  hope,  and  in  1536,  after  preliminary  negotiations, 
held  a  conference  with  Bucer  and  Capito.  For  the  time 
he  was  in  a  conciliatory  mood,  a  thing  altogether  un- 
usual with  Luther.  Bucer  and  Capito  professed  belief 
in  the  real  presence,  yet  refused  to  allow  that  the  body 
and  blood  of  Christ  are  partaken  of  by  the  impious. 
Luther  relented  so  far  as  to  admit  that  the  impious  were 
not  worth  quarreling  about,  and  saluted  Bucer  and  Capito 
as  "  dear  brethren  in  the  Lord."  A  moment  of  supreme 
joy  this  to  Bucer.  What,  for  years,  he  had  been  devot- 
ing all  his  energies  of  heart  and  brain  to  bring  to  pass  he 
saw  accomplished  before  his  eyes !  The  unyielding 
Luther  had  yielded.  The  greeting  that  he  had  haughtily 
refused  seven  years  earlier  to  Zwingli  he  had  at  last 
brought  himself  to  accord  to  these  disciples  of  peace. 
We  do  not  wonder  that  Bucer  shed  tears  of  joy. 

Bucer  had  gained  his  point  with  Luther  ;  but  he  had 
made  concessions  far  beyond  what  the  Swiss  had  author- 
ized him  to  make.  The  Swiss  must  now  be  induced  to 
ratify  the  transaction.  This  was  by  no  means  an  easy 
task.  But  Bucer  believed  it  could  be  done,  and  he  did 
it  in  a  measure.  Yet  those  of  the  Swiss  who  accepted 
the  Wittenberg  Concord  did  so  in  a  sense  very  different 
from  Luther's.  Many  refused  to  accept  it  at  all.  Con- 
troversy was  suspended  for  a  few  years,  only  to  be  re- 
newed with  more  than  pristine  bitterness  in  1544,  when 
Luther,  now  in  his  dotage,  published  his  "  Sliort  Con- 
fession on  the  Supper,"  in  which  he  dishonored  the 
memory  of  Zwingli,  and  set  forth  his  own  views  in  the 
sharpest  antagonism  to  those  of  the  Swiss.  From  this 
time  onward,  for  many  generations,  the  antagonism  of 
Lutherans  and  Reformed  was  scarcely  less  bitter  than 
that  between  Protestants  and  Catholics.  The  annals  of 
succeeding  controversies  give  but  a  sorry  view  of  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  317 

spirit  of  Protestantism,  and  Romanists  may  well  have 
taken  courage.  The  growing  degeneracy  of  Protestant- 
ism accounts  in  large  measure  for  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  Romanists  retrieved  their  losses  from  1555  to  1618. 

(2)  0?i  the  Ubiquity  of  Christ's  Human  Nature.  The 
points  involved  in  this  controversy  have  been  already 
stated  at  sufficient  length.  Perhaps  we  may  say  that 
here,  more  than  elsewhere,  lies  the  root  of  the  antagonism 
between  Lutherans  and  Reformed.  Upon  the  positive 
or  the  negative  answer  to  the  question  as  to  the  ubiquity 
of  Christ's  human  nature  depends,  in  large  measure,  the 
answer  to  the  question  whether  Christ  is  corporeally 
present  in  the  Supper.  If  all  could  have  agreed  as  to 
the  ubiquity,  all  could  probably  have  agreed  as  to 
the  real  corporeal  presence.  They  have  never  agreed 
on  either  the  one  or  the  other. 

3.  Controversies  zAmong  the  Lutherans. 

It  is  remarkable  that  almost  all  of  the  great  doctrinal 
controversies  arose  among  the  Lutherans.  The  vehe- 
mence of  Luther  and  the  illogical  constitution  of  his  mind 
led  him  frequently  to  express  himself  extravagantly  and 
inconsistently.  His  writings  abound  in  contradictions, 
and  it  was  exceedingly  easy  for  his  disciples,  by  laying 
hold  upon  extreme  statements  in  this  or  that  direction, 
and  by  attempting  to  formulate  such  statements  into 
systems,  to  create  an  indefinite  number  of  divergent 
systems.  Calvin,  on  the  other  hand,  was  above  all 
things  else,  logical  and  clear.  There  was  no  mistaking 
his  meaning.  Whatever  appeared  in  a  given  treatise 
might  be  unreservedly  taken  as  his  mature  opinion,' 
which  the  next  treatise  turned  to  would  not  contradict. 
Controversy  could  occur  here,  therefore,  only  by  way  of 
sheer  contradiction  to  the  system  as  a  whole,  such  as  we 
see  in  Arminianism.  We  shall  have  space  at  present 
only  for  a  brief  account  of  the  more  important  Lutheran 
controversies. 

(i)  On  the  Law — the  Antino^nian  and  the  Majoristic 
Controversies.  In  his  intense  hostility  to  the  Judaistic 
element  in  the  mediseval  Christianity,  Luther  had  em- 
ployed the  strongest  language  in  disparagement  of  the 
law  :  "  Christ  is  not  harsh,  severe,  biting  as  Moses.  .  . 


3l8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Therefore,  away  with  Moses  forever,  who  shall  not  terrify 
deluded  hearts."  "  The  gospel  is  heavenly  and  divine, 
the  law,  earthly  and  human  ;  the  righteousness  of  the 
gospel  is  just  as  distinct  from  that  of  the  law  as  heaven 
from  eartli,  as  light  from  darkness.  The  gospel  is  light 
and  day,  the  law  darkness  and  night."  Pages  of  such 
expressions^might  be  easily  collected  from  Luther's  earlier 
writings. 

The  evil  effects  of  such  disparagement  of  the  law  soon 
became  manifest  to  Melanchthon  who,  in  his  "  Visitation 
Articles"  (1527),  urged  upon  pastors  the  importance  of 
teaching  repentance  and  remission  of  sins,  after  the  ex- 
ample of  Christ.  The  common  method,  he  asserts,  is  to 
vociferate  about  faith,  which,  without  repentance,  with- 
out tiie  doctrine  of  the  fear  of  God,  without  the  doctrine 
of  the  law,  accustoms  the  people  to  a  certain  carnal 
security  worse  than  all  papal  errors.  Melanchthon  was 
promptly  assailed  by  John  Agricola,  yet  controversy  was 
repressed  for  the  time  through  Luther's  influence.  But 
ten  years  later  Agricola  put  forth  his  Antinomian  views 
in  eighteen  theses,  which,  in  the  course  of  their  secret 
circulation,  came  into  the  hands  of  Luther.  Luther  pub- 
lished these  theses,  and  in  six  disputations  refuted  them. 
Agricola  held  that  "  repentance  must  be  taught,  not  from 
the  Decalogue  or  any  law  of  Moses,  but  through  the  gos- 
pel. Without  anything  whatsoever  the  Holy  Spirit  is 
given,  and  men  are  justified  .  .  .  without  the  law,  solely 
through  the  gospel  concerning  Christ.  The  law  of  Moses 
need  not  be  taught  either  for  the  beginning,  the  middle, 
or  the  end  of  justification.  The  law,  without  the  Holy 
Spirit,  convicts  unto  damnation  ;  the  gospel  not  only  con- 
demns but  at  the  same  time  saves."  He  was  accused, 
moreover,  of  using  still  more  objectionable  language, 
which  could  not  but  have  a  licentious  tendency. 

In  opposing  Agricola,  Luther  defined  his  attitude  toward 
the  law,  guarding  against  the  irreverent  disparagement 
in  which  he  had  formerly  indulged.  He  now  maintained 
that  the  law  is  really  from  God,  planted  by  God  in  our 
hearts,  and  imparted  by  God  to  Moses  ;  that  it  is,  there- 
fore, essentially  good  and  holy.  He  now  insisted  that 
only  tiirough  the  law  is  that  contrite  and  penitent  state 
of  mind  induced  which  eagerly  lays  hold  upon  Christ  as 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  319 

a  Saviour.  Agricola  was  silenced  for  a  time  through  the 
influence  of  Luther  and  of  the  civil  authorities  ;  but 
many  years  afterward  he  reasserted  his  views. 

Through  this  controversy  with  Agricola  and  the  ob- 
served evil  effects  of  Antinomianism,  Melanchthon  be- 
came more  and  more  decided  in  his  teaching  with  regard 
to  the  importance  of  the  law  and  the  necessity  of  practi- 
cal morals  in  the  Christian  system.  He  made  good 
works  a  condition,  or  causa  sine  qua  non,  of  salvation, 
and  insisted  upon  a  certain  degree  of  freedom  of  will  in 
man. 

Under  Melanchthon's  influence  George  Major  declared, 
in  opposition  to  Nicholas  Amsdorf  (1552),  that  "good 
works  are  necessary  to  salvation,"  that  "  no  one  will  be 
saved  through  evil  works  or  without  good  works  ";  that 
"  while  good  works  do  not  merit  salvation,  they  are  the 
necessary  fruit  of  faith,  their  absence  being  a  sure  sign 
that  faith  is  dead." 

Amsdorf  maintained,  in  opposition  to  Major  and  Me- 
lanchthon, that  "good  works  are  hurtful  to  salvation." 
Musculus,  a  disciple  of  Agricola,  asserted  that  "those 
that  teach  that  we  must  do  good  works  belong  to  the 
devil,  with  all  that  follow  them."  This  controversy  was 
an  exceedingly  bitter  one,  yet  Melanchthon  and  his  party 
maintained  a  large  measure  of  moderation. 

(2)  On  Justification — the  Osiandrian  and  Stancarist  Con- 
troversies. The  nature  of  justification  by  faith  and  the 
relation  of  justification  to  sanctification  furnished  the  sub- 
ject-matter of  these  controversies.  Does  justification 
mean  to  make  righteous  or  simply  to  declare  righteous  .-' 
This  was  the  chief  question  at  issue. 

In  the  writings  of  Luther  two  classes  of  expressions 
with  regard  to  justification  may  be  distinguished — those 
in  which  he  represents  justification  as  a  forensic  act  on 
the  part  of  God  in  consideration  of  faith,  and  without  any 
regard  to  the  character  of  the  subject,  and  those  in  which 
he  represents  the  Christian  as  transformed  in  character 
through  the  Holy  Spirit.  Luther  himself  thus  formally 
distinguished  "  two  parts  of  justification."  The  forensic 
element,  however,  was  most  emphasized  and  naturally 
made  most  impression  upon  Luther's  followers. 

Osiander,  learned,  profound,  mystical,  regarded  this 


320  A   AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

theory  of  forensic  imputation  of  Christ's  righteousness  as 
"more  frigid  than  ice."  True  righteousness  must  be 
something  positive.  It  is  not  merely  immunity  from  pun- 
ishment, but  essentia!  goodness.  This  essential  good- 
ness can  be  communicated  to  man  only  through  the  in- 
carnation of  God.  Through  the  mediation  of  humanity 
divinity  comes  into  us.  By  faith  we  take  Christ  into 
our  hearts  and  become  members  of  Christ.  Ciirist  must 
be  our  righteousness,  not  by  being  in  heaven,  but  by 
being  in  us.  The  gospel,  he  maintained,  has  two  parts : 
the  first,  that  Christ  has  satisfied  the  justice  of  God  ; 
the  second,  that  he  cleanses  and  justifies  us  by  dwell- 
ing in  us.  According  to  Osiander  we  are  saved  solely 
by  the  divine  nature  in  Christ,  although  without  the 
human  nature  we  should  not  have  been  able  to  discover, 
seek  for,  and  apprehend  the  divine. 

Most  of  these  views  Osiander  expressed  as  early  as 
1524,  yet  Luther  was  able  to  suppress  controversy 
thereon,  hi  1549,  three  years  after  Luther's  death, 
having  been  appointed  professor  at  Kbnigsburg,  he  set 
forth  his  views  polemically  and  inaugurated  one  of  the 
fiercest  controversies  of  the  age.  The  Konigsburg  dis- 
putants became  so  madly  pugnacious  as  to  carry  firearms 
into  their  lecture  rooms.  Osiander's  enemies  caused  it 
to  be  believed  that  the  devil  wrote  his  books  for  him 
while  he  was  enjoying  his  meals. 

Among  the  most  noted  opponents  of  Osiander's  views, 
were  Melanchthon,  Brentz,  Moerlin,  Bugenhagen,  and 
Staphylus,  who  sought  to  make  clear  the  distinction  be- 
tween justification  and  sanctification,  which  Osiander, 
in  their  opinion,  practically  obliterated,  and  to  maintain 
the  efficacy  of  the  divine  and  the  human  in  the  salvation 
of  men. 

in  extreme  opposition  to  the  Osiandrian  view,  that  the 
divine  nature  in  Christ  is  the  chief  element  in  man's  sal- 
vation, Francis  Stancarus  (1551)  advanced  the  view  that 
not  the  divine  but  the  human  in  Christ  is  our  righteous- 
ness ;  arguing  that,  as  no  one  can  be  a  mediator  of  him- 
self, Christ,  being  one  God  with  the  Father  and  the  Holy 
Ghost,  cannot  be  a  mediator  between  God  and  man  ac- 
cording to  his  divine  nature.  He  fortified  his  view  by 
those  passages  of  Scripture  in  which  "  the  blood  of  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  32 1 

cross  "  and  "the  death  "  of  Christ  are  represented  as 
securing  our  peace  and  reconciliation  with  God.  Es- 
pecially did  he  lay  stress  on  i  Tim.  2:5:  "There  is 
one  God  and  one  mediator  between  God  and  man,  the 
man  Christ  Jesus."  He  strangely  appealed  to  the 
medieval  theologian,  Peter  Lombard,  who,  in  his  estima- 
tion, was  worth  more  than  one  hundred  Luthers,  two 
hundred  Melanchthons,  three  hundred  Bullingers,  and 
four  hundred  Calvins,  all  of  whom,  beaten  up  together 
in  a  mortar,  would  not  yield  an  ounce  of  true  theology. 
Osiander,  though  a  mystic,  was  not  exceptionally  meek, 
and  took  a  very  lively  interest  in  current  affairs.  It  is  no 
cause  for  wonder  that  the  hot-blooded  Italian  soon  found 
Konigsburg  an  undesirable  place  of  residence.  He  asked 
to  be  relieved  of  his  professorship,  on  the  ground  that  he 
could  not  safely  walk  the  streets  on  account  of  the 
bloodhounds  Osiander  and  Aurifaber. 

And  were  these  fighting  Lutherans  disciples  of  the 
meek  and  lowly  Jesus  ?  Surely  they  manifested  the 
minimum  of  his  Spirit.  And  yet  no  one  of  these  men 
transcended  Luther  himself  in  violent  denunciation.  But 
Luther  was  a  violent  polemicist,  and  much  more  ;  some 
of  these  disciples  of  Luther  were  fierce  controversialists, 
and  little  besides. 

(3)  Controversy  on  the  Communication  of  Idioms.  In 
close  connection  with  the  Osiandrian  and  Stancarist 
controversies  other  controversies  arose,  especially  on 
Christology  (1561  onward).  The  doctrine  of  the  com- 
miinicatio  idiomatum  was  warmly  discussed  between  the 
Melanchthonian  Martin  Chemnitz,  on  the  one  hand,  who 
denied  the  capacity  of  human  nature  for  divinity,  and 
the  strictly  Lutheran  Brentz  and  Andreae,  who  taught 
that  Christ's  humanity  possessed,  from  the  very  moment 
of  its  origin,  absolute  majesty  and  exaltation  to  the 
right  hand  of  the  Father.  In  his  mother's  womb  the 
body  of  Christ  was  already  omnipresent.  Not  only  was 
there  a  communication  of  all  divine  attributes  to  the 
human  nature,  but  also  a  communication  of  all  human 
attributes  to  the  divine.  God  makes  the  passion  his  own, 
undergoes  it  as  a  person,  is  not  otherwise  affected  thereby 
than  if  it  befell  himself.  As  already  stated,  Luther  him- 
self maintained  as  a  fundamental  doctrine  this  commu- 

V 


322  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

nication  of  attributes,  and  made  it  the  basis  of  his  doc- 
trine of  the  Lord's  Supper. 

(4)  Controversies  on  Free  Will  and  Original  Sin — the 
Synergistic  and  Flacian  Controversies.  \n  his  controversy 
with  Erasmus,  Luther  had,  at  an  early  period,  committed 
himself  to  an  absolute  denial  of  the  freedom  and  asser- 
tion of  the  slavery  of  the  human  will.  From  this  posi- 
tion he  never  withdrew,  but  continued  to  the  close  of 
his  life  to  regard  his  "  De  Servo  <^rbitrio  "  as  his  mas- 
terpiece, and  the  very  truth  of  God. 

Melanchthon  adopted  Luther's  views  on  the  will,  and 
emphasized  them  in  his  early  writings,  especially  in  his 
notes  on  the  "  Epistle  to  the  Romans  "  and  his  "  Hypo- 
typoses."  hifluenced  partly  by  Erasmus'  arguments,  and 
partly  by  the  observed  licentious  tendency  of  Luther's 
views,  Melanchthon  gradually  and  quietly  withdrew 
from  this  extreme  position,  in  the  "  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion," drawn  up  by  Melanchthon  (1530),  while  it  is 
taught  "that  men  cannot  be  justified  before  God  by 
their  own  powers,  merits,  or  works,  but  are  justified 
gratuitously,  for  Christ's  sake,  through  faith,"  it  is  not 
asserted  that  faith  is  involuntary,  or  even  that  prevenient 
grace  is  necessary  to  faith.  Moreover,  free  will,  in  civil 
matters,  is  distinctly  recognized. 

in  1532  Melanchthon  disowned  his  early  annotations 
on  Romans,  and  published  a  completely  transformed 
edition.  In  this  he  asserts  that  "  not  all  obtain  the  bene- 
fits [of  redemption  through  Christ],  because  many  re- 
sist the  Word.  And  it  is  manifest  that  to  resist  belongs 
to'the  human  will,  because  God  is  not  the  cause  of  sin." 
In  his  "  Loci  Communes  "  (1535)  he  ascribes  conversion 
to  three  causes  :  the  Word,  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  the 
human  will.  In  1545  he  writes  :  "  There  is  in  us  some 
cause  of  discrimination,  why  Saul  is  rejected  and  David 
accepted." 

Tiuis  Meianchtlion  came  gradually  to  the  position 
known  as  Syn^ergism.  He  was  reluctant  to  antagonize 
Luther,  and  refrained,  during  Luther's  lifetime,  from 
stating  his  views  polemically  ;  but  he  was  forced  by  the 
power  of  argument  and  by  his  sense  of  the  practical  needs 
of  men  to  reject  the  almost  fatalistic  views  of  his  master. 

Controversy   on   Synergism   first   became   vehement 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  323 

and  general  when  Pfejpnger,  of  Leipzig,  maintained  po- 
lemically in  a  disputation  (1550),  and  in  a  published 
treatise  (1555),  the  views  that  Melanchthon  had  quietly 
and  cautiously  advanced. 

Matthias  Flacius  Ulyricus  and  Nicholas  Amsdorf  en- 
tered the  lists  against  Pfeffinger.  At  Jena  the  contro- 
versy reached  its  greatest  intensity.  Flacius,  who  was 
regarded  as  the  great  representative  and  champion  of 
the  old  Lutheranism,  was  called  to  Jena  (1557)  to  oppose 
doctrinal  innovations.  He  promptly  announced,  upon 
his  arrival,  that  he  was  not  afraid  to  maintain  his  views 
against  any  and  all  that  might  be  disposed  to  call  them 
in  question.  This  challenge  called  forth  a  manifesto  from 
the  Wittenberg  theologians. 

hi  the  University  of  Jena  itself  Flacius  found  deter- 
mined opposition  in  the  persons  of  Strigel  and  Schnepf.- 
In  1559  Flacius  prepared  and  Duke  John  Frederick  pro- 
mulgated a  confutation  and  condemnation  of  the  various 
forms  of  error  that  had  been  introduced  into  the  Lutheran 
body,  including  Synergism  and  Calvinism.  Jena  now 
became  the  scene  of  the  most  violent  and  indecent  po- 
lemics. The  house  of  Flacius  was  stormed  by  students. 
Strigel's  house  was  broken  open  by  a  mob,  and  he  him- 
self taken  prisoner,  etc.  With  a  view  to  securing  peace, 
Duke  John  Frederick  arranged  a  colloquy  between  Flacius 
and  Strigel  (1560).  Flacius  was  now  led  by  the  pressure 
of  his  antagonist  to  declare  that  "  man  has  been  trans- 
formed into  the  image  of  Satan,  marked  with  his  stamp, 
and  thoroughly  infected  with  poison,  so  that  he  is  neces- 
sarily or  inevitably  always  and  vehemently  in  antagon- 
ism to  God  and  to  true  piety  ";  nay,  that  "original  sin 
is  the  very  substance  of  human  nature."  This  view  of 
Flacius  is  essentially  Manicji^an,  as  was  pointed  out  by 
his  opponents. 

The  Flacians  were  victorious  at  Weimar  ;  but  they 
employed  their  victory  in  so  tyrannical'a  way  at  Jena 
that  the  right  of  excommunication  was,  by  civil  author- 
ity, withdrawn  from  the  preachers.  The  Flacian  party 
denounced  this  action  as  an  unwarranted  subjection  of 
the  church,  a  suppression  of  pure  doctrine,  etc.  The 
duke  in  turn,  thoroughly  exasperated,  deposed  the  tur- 
bulent Flacian  professors,  and  filled  their  places  with 


324  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

Wittenbergers  (1561).  So  little  fidelity  to  principle  did 
the  civil  rulers  in  that  day  manifest,  and  so  prone  were 
they  to  favor  the  party  that  showed  itself  most  sub- 
servient !  These  Wittenbergers,  in  turn,  were  supplanted 
by  ultra-Lutherans  in  1568.  The  proceeding  of  1561 
was  repeated  in  1573,  and  that  of  1568  in  1574.  (See 
below.) 

The  followers  of  Flacius  went  far  beyond  Flacius  him- 
self in  his  most  objectionable  features.  For  example, 
Saliger,  of  Rostock,  taught  that  "  original  sin  is  the  very 
substance  of  the  body  and  soul  of  man,"  and  that  Christ 
assumed  "flesh  of  another  species"  (iTepiwunia),  thus 
following  the  extreme  type  of  Eutychianism,  with  which 
ultra-Lutheranism  had  much  in  common.  So,  also,  he 
held  to  a  view  of  the  Lord's  Supper  differing  little  from 
transubstantiation  (1568). 

Several  other  important  colloquies  occurred,  the  aim 
of  which  was  to  settle  the  questions  involved  in  this  con- 
troversy :  another  at  Weimar  (July,  1571),  one  at  Stras- 
burg  (August,  1 571),  others  at  Jena  and  Mansfeld  (1572). 
The  Flacians  were  usually  worsted,  most  of  the  strict 
Lutherans  having  revolted  against  the  sheer  Manichaeism 
of  the  Flacians. 

(5)  TJie  Encharisiic  or  Crypto-Calvhiist  Controversy. 
We  have  seen  that  at  an  early  period  Melanchthon  came 
to  regret  the  divisions  of  Protestants  on  the  nature  of 
the  Lord's  Supper.  In  the  "Augsburg  Variata  "  (a  re- 
cension of  the  Augsburg  Confession,  published  by  Me- 
lanchthon in  1540)  he  expressed  himself  on  this  subject 
harmoniously  with  the  view  of  Bucer  and  Calvin.  The 
"  Augsburg  Variata  "  was  assailed  by  the  strict  Luther- 
ans, Luther  himself  expressing  his  dissatisfaction.  From 
this  time  onward  two  great  parties  may  be  said  to  have 
existed  in  tlie  Lutheran  body — the  strict  Lutherans  and 
the  Philippists.  These  party  lines  became  more  definite 
after  the  death  of  Luther  (1546),  and  Melanchthon's 
leadership  became  more  pronounced.  Wittenberg  be- 
came the  stronghold  of  Philippism,  while  Jena  became 
the  rallying  point  of  ultra-Lutheranism. 

The  controversy  between  Westphal  of  Hamburg  and 
Calvin  (1552)  enhanced  the  bitterness  of  ultra-Lutherans 
against  the  Calvinistic  view  of  the  Supper  and  all  who 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  325 

sympathized  with  Calvinists.  From  this  time  onward 
the  followers  of  Melanchthon  were  stigmatized  as  Crypto- 
Calvinists. 

The  antagonism  of  Philippists  and  Lutherans  was  still 
further  intensified  by  the  Synergistic  and  Flacian  con- 
troversies (see  above). 

In  1 561,  after  Melanchthon's  death,  a  collection  of  his 
confessional  writings  {''Corpus  'TDoctrince  Philippicum  ") 
was  published  by  Melanchthon's  son-in-law,  Caspar 
Peucer,  sustained  by  the  authority  of  the  elector.  This 
collection  embraced  the  "  Augsburg  Variata,"  the  "  Apol- 
ogy "  for  the  Augsburg  Confession,  the  "Saxon  Con- 
fession," the  "  Loa  Communes"  of  1543,  a  treatise  on 
"  The  Examination  of  Candidates  for  Ordination,"  the 
"Refutation  of  Servetus,"  and  the  "  Response  Concern- 
ing the  Controversy  of  Stancarus."  All  of  these  docu- 
ments, prepared  by  Melanchthon,  represented  Philippism 
as  opposed  to  Lutheranism. 

The  elector,  though  an  uncompromising  Lutheran,  as 
he  supposed,  was  led  by  Peucer,  his  court  physician,  tc 
believe  that  this  collection  represented  true  Lutheranism 
as  opposed  to  the  ultra-Lutheranism  of  the  Jena' theolo- 
gians. The  turbulence  of  the  Flacian  theologians  at  Jena 
and  their  resistance  to  the  civil  authority  (see  above), 
and  the  comparative  gentleness  and  peaceableness  of 
the  Wittenbergers,  predisposed  him  in  favor  of  the  latter. 
Accordingly  he  gave  symbolical  authority  to  the  "  Cot- 
pus  Doctrince  Philippicum."  Thus  the  fury  of  the  ultra- 
Lutherans  was  still  further  heightened,  and  they  de- 
termined, by  all  means,  to  bring  the  Philippists  to  grief. 
The  Philippists,  be  it  remembered,  were  not  avowed 
Calvinists.  While  they  agreed  with  Calvin  in  his  re- 
jection of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  human  nature  and  his 
denial  of  the  real  presence  in  the  Lutheran  sense,  they 
were,  as  yet,  far  from  avowing  such  divergence  from 
the  views  of  Luther. 

in  1 571  the  elector  was  led  to  suspect  that  his  theolo- 
gians secretly  disbelieved  in  the  real  presence,  but  they 
appeased  him  by  an  ambiguous  statement  ("Consensus 
Dresdensis").  Two  years  later  (1573),  the  elector, 
having  become  regent  of  the  Thuringian  principalities, 
banished  the  remaining  ultra-Lutheran  theologians  (Wi- 


326  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

gand  and  Hesshus)  from  Jena,  together  with  clergy 
within  his  jurisdiction  who  refused  to  subscribe  the 
"  Corpus  Doctriiice  Philippiciim"  Philippism  was  thus 
triumphant  throughout  Saxony.  But  the  glory  of  the 
party  was  destined  to  be  short-lived.  Encouraged  by 
their  successes,  the  Wittenbergers  tiiought  it  no  longer 
necessary  to  mince  matters.  They  avowed  their  sub- 
stantial Calvinism  (1574).  Confidential  correspondence 
between  the  Wittenbergers  and  the  Calvinists  in  the 
Palatinate  was  discovered,  very  compromising  to  the 
former. 

When  the  elector  discovered  that  he  had  been  beguiled 
into  the  support  of  Calvinism  he  became  as  furious  as 
it  is  possible  for  a  German  to  become.  If  a  mine  had 
been  sprung  beneath  the  theologians  the  shock  and  havoc 
could  hardly  have  been  greater.  The  leaders,  Privy 
Councilor  Cracan,  Church  Councilor  Stbssel,  and  Court 
Physician  Peucer,  were  thrown  into  prison.  The  first 
two  died  in  prison  ;  the  last,  a  man  of  remarkable  tal- 
ent and  unsurpassed  heroism,  was  destined,  after  lying 
in  prison  for  twelve  years,  to  write  a  history  of  the 
movement  in  which  he  was  engaged  and  to  spend  an 
honored  old  age  in  comfort  and  quiet.  The  theologians 
and  clergy  were  obliged  to  sign  strictly  Lutheran  articles 
or  go  into  exile.  The  four  theological  professors  in  the 
University  of  Wittenberg  were  banished. 

From  this  time  onward  vigorous  and  persistent  efforts 
were  made  to  secure  harmony  in  the  Lutheran  com- 
munion. Strict  Lutherans,  who  yet  rejected  Antinomian- 
ism  and  Flacian  Manich^ism,  came  most  into  favor. 
The  results  of  these  strivings  for  harmony  appeared  in 
the  "Formula  of  Concord"  (1580),  in  which  Antino- 
mianism,  Flacianism,  Synergism,  Calvinism  (especially 
in  its  denial  of  the  ubiquity  of  Christ's  human  nature 
and  its  rejection  of  the  corporeal  presence  in  the  Supper), 
are  condemned,  and  the  old  Lutheran  doctrines  on  all  of 
these  points  are  emphasized.  Yet  the  effect  of  the  docu- 
ment sadly  belied  its  name.  Controversy  with  Philip- 
pists  and  Calvinists  was  unabated,  if  not  intensified. 

(6)  The  AdiapJioristic  or  Iiitcriiiiistic  Controversy.  A  re- 
sult of  the  Schmalkald  War  between  the  emperor,  Charles 
v.,  and  the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany  was  the  com- 


CHAP  l]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  327 

plete  discomfiture  of  the  latter  (1547).  Protestantism 
seemed  now  in  imminent  danger  of  extermination.  Never 
since  the  Diet  of  Worms  had  the  outlook  of  Protestant- 
ism been  so  gloomy.  The  emperor,  however,  assured 
the  Protestants  that  their  cause  should  be  fairly  adjudi- 
cated in  a  General  Council,  introducing  a  temporary 
ecclesiastical  arrangement  for  the  meantime  (interim). 

The  Augsburg  Interim  (May,  1548)  withdrew  from  the 
Protestants  of  Germany  all  privileges  except  marriage  of 
the  clergy  and  communion  under  both  kinds.  Four  hun- 
dred Protestant  clergy  were  expelled  from  Southern 
Germany.  It  was  not  thought  practicable  to  enforce  the 
Augsburg  Interim  in  Saxony.  In  lieu  thereof  an  arrange- 
ment was  made  between  the  Elector  Maurice,  on  the  one 
hand  (through  whose  treachery  the  Protestants  had  suf- 
fered defeat),  and  Melanchthon,  with  a  number  of  other 
theologians,  on  the  other,  which  is  known  as  the  Leip- 
zig Interim.  On  this  occasion,  more  than  elsewhere, 
Melanchthon  manifested  his  weakness,  and  his  reputation 
never  entirely  recovered  from  the  shock  it  received. 

The  provisions  of  the  Leipzig  Interim  were  as  follows  : 
the  retention  of  the  doctrine  of  justificcilion  by  faith  along 
with  that  of  the  necessity  of  good  works  ;  the  restoration 
of  the  mass,  with  most  of  its  ceremonies,  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  baptismal  and  confirmation  ceremonies,  of  epis- 
copal ordination,  of  extreme  unction,  penance,  fasts,  etc. 
What  Protestants  had  been  struggling  for  during  thirty 
years  was  now  practically  surrendered.  So  much  of 
Protestantism  was  abandoned,  that  had  this  arrangement 
gone  into  effect  it  would  have  been  almost  impossible  to 
prevent  a  complete  relapse  to  popery. 

Melanchthon  was  bitterly  reproached  by  the  strict  Lu- 
therans and  by  Calvin.  He  defended  himself  on  the 
ground  of  necessity,  and  he  made  matters  worse  by 
maintaining  that  the  points  wherein  he  had  yielded  were 
adiaphora  (matters  of  indifference).  The  Interim  was 
never  fully  carried  out  in  either  of  its  forms,  and  was 
abolished  as  a  result  of  a  renewal  of  the  war  against  the 
emperor  by  the  Elector  Maurice,  whose  treachery  had 
not  yielded  him  all  the  advantages  he  had  expected. 

The  Peace  of  Augsburg  (1555)  removed  the  occasion 
of  this  controversy,  in  that  it  gave  to  the  princes  of  Ger- 


328  A   MANUAL    OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

many  the  right  of  choice  between  Roman  Catholicism 
and  the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  provided  that  the  re- 
ligion of  the  subject  should  be  the  same  as  that  of  the 
prince,  Cujiis  regio,  ejus  religio,  was  a  motto  long  insisted 
upon  by  Catholics  and  Protestants  alike. 

The  internal  conflicts  of  Lutheranism  disappear  in  the 
terrible  Thirty  Years'  War  (1618-1648),  but  other  contro- 
versies soon  afterward  took  the  place  of  the  old,  and 
Lutheranism  is  almost  as  far  from  being  harmonious  to- 
day as  it  was  three  hundred  years  ago, 

4.  Controversies  aviong  the  l^eformed. 

The  teachings  of  Calvin  were  so  self-consistent  and 
were  systematized  with  such  logical  rigor  that  there  was 
little  opportunity  for  his  followers  to  be  in  doubt  as  to 
his  meaning  or  to  base  upon  his  teachings  diverse  doc- 
trinal conceptions,  if  controversy  was  to  arise  among 
his  followers  it  must  be  either  by  way  of  a  negation  of 
his  positions  or  by  way  of  reaction  against  the  dogmatiz- 
ing of  those  who  carried  his  teachings  to  extremes. 

The  controversy  with  Servetus  is  hardly  in  point,  as 
Servetus  was  probably  never  in  complete  sympathy  with 
the  Reformed  theology.  But  his  type  of  thinking  doubt- 
less had  more  in  common  with  the  Reformed  than  with 
the  Lutheran  system.  Reference  has  already  been  made 
to  the  irresistible  tendency  among  Italian  Protestants,  who 
were  for  the  most  part  more  profoundly  influenced  by 
the  Reformed  than  by  the  Lutheran  theology,  to  reject 
the  harsher  features  of  the  Calvinistic  system  and  to  go 
to  the  extremes  of  liberalism.  The  preponderance  of 
humanism  in  their  intellectual  and  spiritual  outfit  may 
account  for  the  prevalence  of  rationalism  among  Italian 
reformers. 

(i)  T/ie  Socinian  Controversy}  The  Anti-trinitarian 
Anti-pedobaptist  movements  in   Italy  and   Poland  have 

'  See  " Bibliotbeca  Fratrum  Polonorum"  (contains  the  works  of  Faustus  Socinus, 

Crellius,  Slichtineius,  Woltzogenus.  Przipcovius,  Wissowatius.  et  al.)  ;  Toulmin. 
"Memoirs  of  the  Life.  Character.  Sentiments.  anJ  Writings,  of  Faustus  Socinus," 
1777;  "  Racovian  Catechism"  ("Catechesn  Ecclen.irvm  qua  tn  Kcipio  Polonttr"), 
Eng.  tr.  by  Rees.  with  "  Historical  Introduction."  1818;  Sandius.  "  Btbliolhcca  Ant'- 
Irtmtartorum"  :  Bock,  "Hut.  AnIitrinttjTtorum,"  1774;  Trechsel,  "  D.  Prot.  Anti- 
Irtnilarter  vor.  F.  Socinus,"  18^0-1844  ;  Fock,  "  D.  Socunismui  "  1847  ;  Burnat.  "  Lalio 
Socin."  1804:  Wallace.  "  Antitrinitnrian  Biography."  1850;  Gordon.  "The  Sozzini 
and  their  School"  (in  "  Theol.  Rev.."  1879)  ;  articles  on  the  various  leaders  In 
Bayle,  Hauck-Herzog,  and  Lichtenberger. 


CHAP.  I.]  THE   PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  329 

already  been  briefly  described.  The  anti-Calvinistic 
aspect  of  this  movement  to  which  Faustus  Socirius  gave 
his  name  and  which  was  derived  no  doubt  in  large 
measure  from  the  unpublished  lucubrations  of  his  uncle 
Laelius  Socinus  must  here  be  outlined. 

a.  Characteristics  of  Socinianism.  (^)  In  common  with 
mediaeval  evangelicals  and  Anti-pedobaptists  of  nearly 
all  parties,  the  Socinians  rejected  the  Augustinian 
(Lutheran  and  Calvinistic)  anthropology,  with  its  denial 
of  freedom  of  will,  its  predestination,  election,  irresist- 
ible divine  grace,  necessary  perseverance  of  believers, 
and  unconditional  damnation  of  the  non-elect,  in  other 
terms,  their  anthropology  was  Pelagian. 

(b)  They  went  beyond  most  of  the  mediaeval  evan- 
gelicals and  most  of  the  Anti-pedobaptists  of  the  Reforma- 
tion time  in  the  zeal  with  which  they  opposed  the  Nicene 
and  Athanasian  formula  regarding  the  person  of  Christ 
and  the  doctrine  of  the  co-existence  in  the  Godhead  of 
three  co-equal,  co-eternal,  and  consubstantial  personali- 
ties. The  Italian  and  Polish  Anti-trinitarians  differed 
much  in  their  Christological  conceptions.  Many  (proba- 
bly most  of  the  Italians  as  seen  at  the  Vicenza  confer- 
ence of  1550)  denied  the  deity  of  Christ,  insisting  that 
he  was  "man  and  not  God,"  but  maintaining  that  by 
virtue  of  his  perfect  life  and  divinely  inspired  teachings 
he  was  worthy  of  all  reverence  and  obedience  and  was 
in  an  important  sense  the  Saviour  of  mankind.  The 
Racovian  Catechism,  prepared  in  part  by  Faustus  So- 
cinus, recognizes  the  supernatural  birth  of  Christ,  his 
absolute  holiness  and  righteousness,  his  possession  of  all 
power  in  heaven  and  on  earth  as  a  gift  of  God,  his 
worthiness  to  be  worshiped,  and  his  prophetical,  kingly, 
and  priestly  offices  ;  yet  it  emphatically  denies  his  con- 
substantiality,  co-eternity,  and  co-equality  with  the 
Father,  and  insists  upon  the  absolute  unity  of  the  God- 
head.    Their  Christology  was  thus  essentially  Arian. 

(c)  As  respects  the  ordinances,  the  Racovian  Cate- 
chism regards  the  Lord's  Supper  as  simply  a  memorial 
of  the  incarnation  and  atoning  death  of  Christ,  to  be  par- 
taken of  by  baptized  believers.  Baptism  is  declared  to 
be  the  immersion  of  believers  on  a  profession  of  their 
faith  as  an  act  of  obedience  and  consecration.     Its  appli- 


330  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

cability  to  infants  is  emphatically  denied  and  any  mode 
of  applying  water  other  than  immersion  repudiated  ;  but 
it  does  not  consider  a  mere  external  rite  a  sufficient 
ground  for  a  breach  of  fellowship  with  true  believers 
who  have  not  been  rightly  instructed  in  this  matter. 
Faustus  Socinus  denied  that  baptism  was  meant  to  be  a 
perpetual  ordinance  and,  refusing  to  submit  to  it,  was 
during  most  of  his  life  disfellowshiped  by  the  Anti-trini- 
tarian  churches  of  Poland. 

(ci)  As  regards  the  future  state,  they  maintained  the 
resurrection  of  the  spiritual  body  of  believers  and  the 
annihilation  of  the  ungodly  together  with  the  devil  and 
his  angels. 

(e)  They  were  advocates  in  general  of  toleration  and 
exemplified  it  in  their  practice,  but  they  were  far  from 
having  grasped  in  its  fullness  the  great  principle  of  lib- 
erty of  conscience,  and  instances  of  intolerance  among 
them  are  not  wanting. 

(/)  Their  method  of  propagating  their  views  was  not 
so  much  by  boldly  dogmatizing  as  by  insinuating  doubts 
regarding  the  validity  of  the  doctrines  of  their  opponents. 
There  was  much  in  common  between  their  methods  of 
undermining  faith  in  the  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic  sys- 
tems and  that  of  the  Jesuits. 

(g)  Socinianism  claimed  to  involve  a  complete  res- 
toration of  primitive  Christianity  with  the  abolition  of 
extraneous  elements.  The  inscription  on  Socinus'  tomb 
"  Lofty  Babylon  lies  in  ruins  ;  Luther  destroyed  its  roofs, 
Calvin  its  walls,  but  Socinus  its  foundations  "  {Altd  jacet 
Babylon :  destrnxit  tecta  Luthcrus,  viuros  Ca/vhuis,  scd 
fundamenta  Socinus),  illustrates  their  conception  of  their 
mission. 

b.  The  l^ise  of  Socinianism.  Reference  has  already 
been  made  to  the  Anti-trinitarian  tendencies  of  such  early 
Anti-pedobaptist  teachers  as  Denck,  Hetzer,  Kautz,  Bijn- 
derlin,  and  Servetus,  and  to  the  Italian  Anti-trinitarian 
Anti-pedobaptist  movement  of  the  next  generation  (1546 
onward). 

(j)  La:lius  Socinus  (b.  1536),  son  of  an  eminent  law- 
yer and  himself  destined  to  the  bar,  gave  up  the  law  for 
the  study  of  theology  and  soon  acquired  a  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  Greek,  Hebrew,  and  Arabic  languages, 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  33 1 

and  remarkable  familiarity  with  the  Scriptures  and  with 
the  great  theolcgical  problems  that  were  agitating  men's 
mind  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  In 
1 546-1 547  he  was  closely  associated  with  the  circle  of 
freethinking  religionists  that  centered  at  Vicenza.  Leav- 
ing Italy  in  1547  he  spent  the  next  four  years  in  France, 
Holland,  Germany,  and  Poland,  earnestly  engaged  in 
seeking  a  solution  of  the  multitudinous  questions  that 
thrust  themselves  upon  his  skeptical,  but  deeply  earnest 
mind,  and  entering  into  intimate  association  with  many 
of  the  foremost  theologians  of  the  day.  His  amiability, 
his  remarkable  intelligence,  his  eagerness  for  further  en- 
lightenment, his  freedom  from  dogmatism,  and  his  purity 
of  life,  commended  him  to  all.  Melanchthon  was  so 
deeply  interested  in  him  as  to  use  his  influence  with  the 
Emperor  Maximilian  and  Sigismund  of  Poland  to  get  him 
appointed  ambassador  to  Venice,  which  enabled  him 
safely  to  return  to  Italy  and  settle  his  affairs. 

His  habit  of  prodding  his  theological  friends  with  theo- 
logical questions  early  proved  distasteful  to  Calvin.  In 
January,  1552,  Calvin  wrote  the  young  skeptic  as  fol- 
lows : 

You  must  not  expect  that  1  should  answer  your  shocking  ques- 
tions. If  you  choose  to  soar  among  such  airy  speculations,  leave 
me,  I  beg  you,  like  an  humble  disciple  of  Christ,  to  meditate  on 
those  things  which  will  tend  to  the  confirmation  of  my  faith.  .  .  It 
greatly  grieves  me  that  the  fine  parts  God  hath  given  you  should 
not  only  be  employed  in  things  vain  and  useless,  but  in  pernicious  fic- 
tions. I  again  seriously  warn  you  of  what  I  have  before  declared,  that, 
unless  you  correct  in  season  this  luxurious  inquisitiveness,  it  is  to  be 
feared  you  will  bring  on  yourself  heavy  calamities.  1  should  be  per- 
fidious and  cruel,  if,  under  the  mask  of  tenderness,  1  indulged  what 
appears  to  me  a  most  hurtful  vice.  1  had  rather,  therefore,  you  should 
be  a  little  displeased  with  my  harshness,  than  not  reclaimed  from 
the  curiosity  which  flatters  and  bewitches  you. 

The  remaining  ten  years  of  his  life  were  spent  mostly 
at  Zurich,  though  he  seems  to  have  visited  Poland  a 
second  time  in  1558.  He  was  cautious  enough  to  pub- 
lish nothing  and  to  avoid  committing  himself  orally  to 
anything  that  would  furnish  ground  for  a  charge  of 
heresy  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  exerted  a 
powerful  influence  on  many  minds  in  favor  of  liberal 
theological  thought. 


332  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

{b)  In  i556Pt/^r  Gonesius,  a  native  of  Poland,  returned 
after  a  period  of  study  at  Wittenberg  and  in  Switzerland, 
in  the  latter  country  he  had  doubtless  come  under  the 
influence  of  L^lius  Socinus  and  of  the  teachings  of  Ser- 
vetus.  At  a  synod  of  the  Reformed  churches  at  Secem- 
inum  he  declared  his  rejection  of  the  current  doctrines  of 
the  Trinity  and  of  the  consubstantiality  of  the  Son  with 
the  Father,  of  Luther's  doctrine  of  the  "communication  of 
idioms,  and  of  the  Nicene  and  Athanasian  creeds,  ail  of 
which  he  regarded  as  human  fictions.  Two  years  later, 
at  a  synod  at  Brestia,  he  reiterated  and  emphasized  his 
former  objections  to  the  Calvinistic  and  Lutheran  theol- 
ogy and  presented  a  treatise  against  infant  baptism. 
Jerome  Pieskarski  espoused  his  cause,  which  soon  found 
many  supporters  among  the  nobles. 

{c)  Controversy  on  these  topics  became  more  and  more 
widespread  and  violent  until  1565,  when  Gregorius  Pauliis 
was  able  to  arrange  for  the  thorough  discussion  and  set- 
tlement of  the  issues  involved  in  a  general  assembly  of 
the  Reformed  churches  of  Poland.  Gregorius  had  prom- 
ised to  support  the  Anti-trinitarian  position  by  the  author- 
ity of  the  Fathers,  but  being  somewhat  dilatory  the  Cal- 
vinistic majority  decided  that  further  discussion  would  do 
more  harm  than  good  and  denounced  the  Anti-trinitarian 
minority  as  Arian  heretics.  This  led  to  an  open  schism 
and  the  Anti-trinitarian  faction  soon  effected  a  presby- 
terial  organization  with  synods  and  assemblies  like  those 
of  the  Reformed. 

{d)  Diversity  of  sentiment  soon  appeared  among  the 
Anti-trinitarians  tliemselves,  some  maintaining  the  super- 
natural birth  of  Christ  and  his  pre-existence  as  the  divine 
Logos,  and  led  for  a  time  by  Stanislaus  Famoviiis ;  and 
others,  led  by  Simon  Budna:us,  maintaining  that  Jesus 
was  a  mere  man  and  not  to  be  worshiped  or  adored. 

{e)  One  of  the  most  important  personages  in  connec- 
tion with  this  controversy  was  George  Biandrata  (b. 
1515),  member  of  a  noble  Italian  family  that  had  been 
protectors  of  heretics  in  the  mediaeval  time.  He  went  to 
Poland  about  1550  as  body  physician  to  the  queen,  and 
afterward  served  the  widow  of  Zapolya  in  Siebenburgen  in 
the  same  capacity.  He  returned  to  Italy  for  a  while,  but 
fear  of  the  Inquisition  caused  his  departure  for  Geneva, 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  333 

where  a  large  community  of  Italian  evangelicals  resided. 
Here  he  entered  into  prolonged  discussions  with  the 
Italian  pastor  and  with  Calvin  himself  regarding  the 
Trinity,  alleging  that  the  New  Testament  does  not  teach 
that  God  is  a  single  substance  in  three  persons,  and  ask- 
ing whether  prayer  is  to  be  offered  to  God  or  to  the 
Trinity,  the  meaning  of  the  expressions  "eternal  Word," 
"incarnation,"  etc.,  and  whether  speculation  regarding 
the  relations  of  the  three  divine  persons  is  not  needless. 
Calvin  argued  these  questions  with  him  until  he  was 
satisfied  Biandrata  was  a  confirmed  heretic.  As  a  means 
of  testing  the  Italian  congregation  he  arranged  that  they 
should  all  be  at  liberty  to  declare  their  opinions  without 
fear  of  punishment.  All  but  Biandrata  and  Alciati 
proved  orthodox.  These  thought  it  advisable  to  leave 
the  city.  After  a  short  stay  at  Zurich,  Biandrata  returned 
to  Poland  and  the  next  year  Calvin  published  a  "  Re- 
sponse to  George  Biandrata's  Questions."  Biandrata 
reached  Poland  after  the  Anti-trinitarian  controversy  had 
made  considerable  progress  and  soon  gained  the  confi- 
dence and  support  of  Prince  Radziwil.  Calvin  sought  to 
destroy  his  intluence,  but  his  Confession  of  Faith  :  "I 
believe  in  one  God,  the  Father,  in  one  Lord,  Jesus  Christ, 
his  Son,  and  in  one  Holy  Spirit,  each  of  whom  is  essen- 
tially God.  A  plurality  of  gods  I  reject,  since  we  have 
only  one,  according  to  his  essence  inseparable  God.  I 
confess  three  distinct  hypostases  and  the  eternal  deity 
and  generation  of  Christ,  and  one  Holy  Spirit,  true  and 
eternal  God,  who  proceeds  from  both,"  seems  capable 
of  a  thoroughly  orthodox  interpretation.  Yet  Calvin 
continued  to  denounce  him  as  a  godless  man  and  a 
shameful  pest,  and  finding  his  influence  thereby  impaired 
he  went  to  SiebenbiJrgen  (1563)  as  body  physician  to 
Prince  John  Sigismund.  Here  he  became  an  avowed 
Anti-trinitarian,  won  the  prince  to  his  views,  and  with 
Francis  David  as  his  co-laborer  gained  many  adherents. 
In  1566  they  defended  their  principles  against  the  Re- 
formed ministers  in  a  public  disputation  at  which  the 
court  was  present.  He  had  great  influence  over  Stephen 
Bathori,  a  later  ruler,  and  was  accused  by  Faustus  So- 
cinus  of  abetting  the  latter  in  the  admission  of  the  Jesuits 
and  the  persecution  of  the  Anti-trinitarians. 


334  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

(/)  Faustus  Socimis  (b.  1539),  son  of  an  eminent  pro- 
fessor of  law  at  the  University  of  Padua,  nephew  of 
Laelius  Socinus,  and  connected  on  his  mother's  side  with 
some  of  the  most  noted  families  of  Italy,  had  spent  twelve 
years  in  the  court  of  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  in  honorable 
employ  and  enjoyed  his  favor.  In  1574  he  reached  the 
conviction  that  duty  required  him  to  leave  country, 
friends,  hopes,  and  wealth,  and  to  devote  his  life  to  se- 
curing his  own  salvation  and  that  of  others.  He  went  to 
Basel  and  remained  for  three  years  devoutly  studying 
the  Scriptures  and  evangelical  literature.  The  MSS.  of 
his  uncle  had  fallen  into  his  hands  and  these  no  doubt 
greatly  influenced  his  thinking.  Having  satisfied  him- 
self that  his  conclusions  were  in  accord  with  divine  truth 
and  that  he  had  acquired  the  power  to  defend  them  ef- 
fectively, he  began  (1577)  to  advocate  them  orally  and 
in  writing,  first  at  Basel  and  then  at  ZUrich.  At  this  time 
(1578)  he  completed  his  work,  "Df  Servatore"  ("  Con- 
cerning the  Saviour  "). 

By  this  time  Biandrata  and  Francis  David,  in  Sieben- 
bijrgen,  had  come  into  controversy  regarding  the  honor 
and  power  of  Christ,  the  latter  denying  that  all  power 
in  heaven  and  on  earth  are  his  and  that  he  is  a  fit  object 
of  worship.  Biandrata  invited  Socinus  to  come  to  his 
aid  and  with  a  view  to  winning  David  to  sounder  views 
arranged  to  have  Socinus  board  with  him.  The  failure 
of  this  scheme  and  the  subsequent  imprisonment  of 
David  at  the  instigation  of  Biandrata,  and  on  the  ground 
in  part  of  information  furnished  by  Socinus,  was  injuri- 
ous to  the  reputation  of  the  two  and  Socinus  was  at  much 
pains,  many  years  later,  to  vindicate  himself  from  the 
charge  of  treachery  and  the  abetting  of  persecution. 
Socinus  on  another  occasion  admitted  that  obstinate 
heretics  might  properly  be  restrained  b)'  the  magistrate 
from  spreading  their  errors. 

Removing  to  Poland  the  next  year  (1579)  on  account 
of  an  epidemic,  he  met  with  harsh  treatment  ;  but  was 
hospitably  entertained  by  Christopher  Morsinius,  a  noble- 
man, whose  daughter  he  married.  His  career  in  Poland 
was  stormy  and  distressful.  Changes  in  Italy  deprived 
him  of  his  rents,  his  wife  was  separated  from  him,  the 
Anti-trinitarian  Anti-pedobaptist  churches  would  have  no 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  335 

fellowship  with  him  because  of  his  rejection  of  baptism 
as  a  perpetual  ordinance,  and  the  followers  of  Francis 
David  and  Budn^us  denounced  him  as  responsible  in 
a  measure  for  the  imprisonment  and  death  of  the  former 
and  for  his  too  conservative  views  on  the  Person  of 
Christ.  With  the  Calvinists  too,  he  was  in  perpetual  con- 
troversy. His  life  was  full  of  literary  labors  and  of  suffer- 
ings on  behalf  of  what  he  regarded  as  the  truth.  He  died 
in  1604  at  the  house  of  a  wealthy  disciple,  who  for  six 
years  had  entertained  him.  He  was  undoubtedly  the 
ablest  controversialist  among  the  moderate  Anti-trinitar- 
ians  of  his  time,  and  although  he  was  not  permitted  to 
participate  actively  in  the  synods  and  assemblies  or  in 
the  educational  work  of  his  brethren,  he  gave  his  name 
to  the  type  of  teaching  that  was  characteristic  of  the 
Polish  Anti-trinitarian  Anti-pedobaptists.  The  views  of 
this  party  are  embodied  in  their  most  moderate  and  least 
objectionable  form  in  the  Racovian  Catechism,  of  which 
Socinus  was  the  principal  author.  It  had  been  prepared 
some  years  before  but  was  first  published  in  1605. 

The  writings  of  Socinus  and  other  Anti-trinitarian 
leaders  in  Poland  and  Siebenbiirgen  were  published  for 
the  most  part  in  Latin  and  had  a  wide  circulation  through- 
out Germany  and  Switzerland,  and  especially  in  the  Prot- 
estant Netherlands.  They  called  forth  many  responses 
from  the  Reformed  theologians  during  the  latter  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century  and  the  early  years  of  the  seven- 
teenth, and  directly  and  indirectly  greatly  influenced 
religious  thought  in  these  lands  as  well  as  in  England  and 
America. 

(2)  The  Arminian  Controversy.'^     By  far  the  most  im- 

'  See  "Acta  et  Scnpta  SyiwJiilia  Dordraceiia  Mtntstrorum  Remoiistrantium  in  Federato 
Bctgio,"  1620  (contains  a  remarkably  full  account  of  all  the  transactions  to  the  close 
of  the  Synod  of  Dort  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Remonstrants,  with  many  import- 
ant documents);  "Actn  SyiioJi  Nationalts  .  .  .  Dortrcchti  Halntte  Anno  1618  and  ibig." 
1620  ;  writings  of  Arminlus  (Eng.  tr.  by  Nichols.  Buffalo,  185?),  Episcopius,  Grotius, 
Limborch,  and  other  Remonstrants;  "  Pra-stantium  ac  Eruditorum  yirorum  Eptstola 
Ecclesiasticie  et  Theologico'  varii  argiimentt,  inter  qiiai  eminent  eie,  qute  lac.  Arminio, 
Conr.  yorstio,  Sim.  Episcopio,  Hug.  Grolio,  Cafp.  Barlieo,  conscrtptee  sunt,"  1660  (exceed- 
ingly important  as  giving  the  inmost  th-oughts  of  the  chief  actors  on  the  Remon- 
strant side  in  confidential  correspondence)  ;  Brandt,  "History  of  the  Reformation 
In  and  about  the  Low  Countries  "  (Eng.  tr.),  1720-172?  ;  Motley,  "  Life  and  Times  of 
John  of  Olden  Barneveld  "  ;  Hales,  "  Hist.  Cone.  Dordraceni  ";  Van  der  Tunk,  "Job. 
Biigerman."  i86g  :  Calder,  "Life  of  Simon  Episcopius,"  i8?7  ;  Cunningham,  "Hist. 
Theology, "_  Vol.  M.,  pp.  317-5x3;  Heppe,  "Hist.  Syn.  Nat.  Dord."  (in  "  Zcitschr.  f. 
hist.  Theol."  1853)  ;  articles  in  Hauck-Herzog,  Lichtenberger,  McClintock  and 
Strong,  and  Schaff-Herzog  on  Arminians  (Remonstrants),  Dort  (Dordrecht),  and 
the  leading  personages  on  both  sides. 


336  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

portant  revolt  against  Calvinism  where  it  had  become 
well  establishec"  and  had  control  of  the  State,  during  this 
period,  was  in  the  Netherlands  early  in  the  seventeenth 
century.  The  revolting  party  came  to  be  designated 
"  Arminians,"  from  James  Arminius,  and  "  Remon- 
strants," from  a  document  called  a  "Remonstrance" 
signed  by  the  anti-Calvinist  leaders. 

a.  Antecedents  of  the  Aiminian  Controrersv.  (a)  One 
of  tlie  results  of  the  prolonged  and  heroic  struggle  with 
Spain,  in  which  Calvinists  were  the  defenders  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  against  the  tyranny  and  intolerance 
of  Catholic  Spain,  was  the  development  in  many  minds 
of  a  spirit  of  excessive  liberalism  in  matters  of  religion. 
Intellectual  activity  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  growth 
of  commercial  prosperity,  as  is  evident  from  the  rapid 
founding  and  generous  support  of  universities  and  the 
high  quality  of  published  works  in  every  department  of 
learning.  At  the  beginning  of  this  controversy  the 
Dutch  were  the  most  enlightened  and  intellectually  ag- 
gressive people  in  the  world.  Several  of  the  most 
eminent  men  of  the  age  were  noted  for  their  latitudina- 
rianism.  John  van  Olden  Barueveld,  the  statesman  who 
had  been  the  guiding  spirit  of  the  United  Netherlands  in 
their  struggle  for  freedom,  had  early  taken  as  his  motto  : 
"  To  know  nothing  is  the  highest  wisdom."  His  mind 
became  more  and  more  liberalized  as  time  went  on.  He 
insisted  on  the  utmost  freedom,  not  only  for  Calvinistic 
thought  over  against  Romanism,  but  even  for  types  of 
thought  regarded  by  the  Calvinists  as  in  the  highest 
degree  erroneous  and  dangerous.  He  would  persecute 
neither  Roman  Catholics,  Anabaptists,  nor  Socinians. 
He  did  not  go  so  far,  however,  as  to  advocate  absolute 
liberty  of  conscience. 

Hugo  Grotins,  one  of  the  greatest  scholars  of  his  age, 
who  as  the  founder  of  international  law  was  one  of  the 
greatest  benefactors  of  modern  times,  and  who  was 
equally  at  home  in  statesmanship,  jurisprudence,  the- 
ology, and  classical  learning,  was  so  liberal  in  his  views 
as  to  elicit  from  some  one  the  remark  that  "  Socinus, 
Luther,  Calvin,  Arius,  and  the  pope  contended  for  his 
religion  as  did  the  eight  Greek  cities  for  the  honor  of 
being  the  birthplace  of  Homer." 


CHAP  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  337 

(b)  Castellio's  anti-Calvinistic  dialogues  on  predestina- 
tion, election,  free  will,  etc.,  were  published  posthu- 
mously in  1578  and  exerted  a  considerable  influence  in 
the  Netherlands  in  favor  of  liberal  thought.  The  writings 
of  Socinus  and  other  Polish  Anti-trinitarians  had  their 
circles  of  admiring  readers  among  the  Dutch  at  the  close 
of  the  sixteenth  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  seven- 
teenth. 

(c)  The  Mennonites,  who  were  now  numerous,  wealthy, 
and  influential,  like  Anabaptists  in  general  and  like 
mediaeval  evangelicals,  were  strongly  anti-Augustinian 
in  their  theology.  Determined  efforts  on  the  part  of  the 
Calvinists  to  secure  the  enactment  of  rigorous  laws 
against  them  were  thwarted  by  the  enlightened  liberal- 
ism of  the  statesmen  of  the  time  sustained  by  public 
sentiment.  Considerable  controversy  had  found  place 
with  reference  to  the  toleration  of  these  inoffensive  peo- 
ple. It  may  be  remarked  further,  that  Mennonites  had 
come  to  a  considerable  extent  under  the  influence  of 
Socinianism  and  constituted  one  of  the  channels  through 
which  this  type  of  thought  had  become  so  widely  dif- 
fused throughout  the  United  Netherlands. 

{d)  About  1602  the  Reformed  ministers  at  Delft  set 
forth  in  writing  a  protest  against  Calvin's  and  Beza's 
doctrine  of  predestination,  and  Kroonherts  assailed  not 
only  these  great  teachers  but  the  Heidelberg  Catechism 
and  the  Belgic  Confession  as  well.  Com  ad  l^orstiiis, 
though  not  then  in  the  Netherlands,  had  influenced 
Netherlandish  thought  by  the  publication  (1597)  of  his 
work  on  "  Predestination,  the  Trinity,  and  the  Person 
and  Ofiice  of  Christ,"  which  brought  upon  him  the 
charge  of  Socinianism.  He  was  to  succeed  Arminius  in 
the  University  of  Leyden  (1610)  and  to  become  a  stanch 
defender  of  liberal  theology. 

(e)  Side  by  side  with  the  growth  of  liberal  sentiment 
we  find  about  this  time  a  remarkable  development  of 
extreme  types  of  Calvinistic  teaching.  'Be^a,  Calvin's 
successor  at  Geneva,  had  gone  far  beyond  Calvin  in  the 
harshness  with  which  he  set  forth  the  doctrine  of  pre- 
destination and  the  collateral  doctrine  of  divine  reproba- 
tion. He  wrote  :  "  That  eternal  decree  of  God  concerning 
the  manifestation  of  his  glory  in  saving  some  whom  it 

w 


338  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

has  seemed  fit  to  him  to  save  through  his  mercy  and  in 
destroying  some  by  just  judgment,  precedes  in  the  order 
of  causes  not  only  the  determination  of  man's  corruption, 
but  also  that  of  his  integrity,  and  so  that  of  his  creation 
itself."  John  Piscator,  professor  at  Herborn,  who  by  a 
process  of  violent  reaction  afterward  became  an  Ar- 
minian,  was  even  more  reckless  in  his  assertion  of  the 
arbitrariness  of  God  in  his  dealings  with  his  creatures. 

In  a  controversy  with  Vorstius  (1613)  he  advanced  the  following 
series  of  propositions:  "  i.  Sins  take  place,  God  procuring  and  lie 
himself  willing  that  they  take  place,  nay,  absolutely  so  willing. 

2.  God  wills  tliat  iniquity  be  done,  although  he  does  not  delight  m 
it,  just  as  a  sick  man  wills  to  drink  a  bitter  potion,  though  he  does 
not  delight  in  it.  3.  God  willed  that  Judas  should  betray  Christ 
and  that  the  Jews  should  slav  him,  which  nevertheless  he  pro- 
hibited them  from  doing.  4.  What  is  unjust — i.  e.,  contrary  to  his 
precept — is  consentaneous  to  the  will  of  God.  E.  g.,  that  homicide  of 
the  Jews  and  that  treachery  of  Judas,  etc.  5.  All  things  take  place 
from  God's  decree,  even  'sins  themselves,  and,  indeed,  from  his 
absolute  and  special  decree.  6.  Because  God  wills  to  make  mani- 
fest his  justice  and  mercy,  therefore  also  he  wills  that  sins  take 
place.  7.  Because  God  procures  that  manifestation  of  his  justice 
and  mercy,  therefore  also  he  procures  the  sins  themselves.  8.  God 
procured  that  Absalom  should  debauch  the  wives  of  his  father 
and  that  Siiimei  should  curse  his  king.  q.  God  destined  all  men  to 
sins,  and  this  in  order  that  he  migiit  save  some  out  of  mercy  and 
punish  and  destroy  others  out  of  justice.  10.  Because  God  de- 
creed to  permit  sins,  therefore  it  is  necessary  that  they  take  place, 
because  otherwise  he  would  have  decreed  in  vain  to  permit.  11.  The 
unbelief  of  the  Jews  (and  likewise  that  of  all  unbelievers)  depends 
upon  God's  predestination."  Another  series  of  propositions  may  be 
quoted  from  the  same  work  :  "  i.  God  does  not  wish  individual 
men  as  such,  or  all  men  absolutely,  to  become  saved,  but  onl\-  men 
of  every  race,  i.  c,  some  of  ail.  2.  God  does  not  wish  the  con\'er- 
sion  of  every  sinner,  but  only  of  those  who  in  reality  are  converted. 

3.  God  is  not  under  obligation  to  exercise  benevolence  toward  all 
men  ;  nay,  toward  any  one,  in  any  manner.  4.  God  sometimes 
forgets  his  mercy  in  the  execution  of  his  judgment.  5.  it  depends 
upon  God  whether  or  not  men  that  are  called  believe  in  Christ  and 
become  saved.  6.  The  will  to  save  men  is  in  God  particular,  and 
that  from  an  antecedent  decree  made  absolutely  and  precisely  con- 
cerning particular  individuals.  7.  God  justly  predestined  precistly 
very  many  men  (plerosqtie)  to  eternal  destruction  and  indeed  absolutely 
air  to  sins  themselves.  8.  God  justly  wills  that  sins  be  committed 
by  us,  and  indeed  absolutely  wills  that  thev  be  committed  ;  nay, 
procures  in  time  these  sins  themselves,  q.  God  justiv  punishes  and 
eternally  destroys  men  on  account  of  sins  of  this  kind,  although 
they  are  absolutely  necessarv  and  inevitable.  10.  That  God  more- 
over teaches,  prohibits,  promises,  etc.,  certain  things  which  yet  in 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  339 

reality  he  neither  wishes  to  do  in  us  nor  to  be  done  by  us.  11.  Fur- 
thermore, that  he  justly  exacts  repentance  and  faith  from  those  to 
whom  he  is  unwilling  to  furnish  help  sufficient  and  simply  neces- 
sary to  this  end.  12.  Finally,  that  the  process  of  this  whole  pre- 
destinatory  business  is  just." 

Piscator  taught  "That  whatever  things  God  wishes 
to  tal<e  place  in  time  (in  any  manner),  these  things  in  re- 
ality take  place  in  time,  and  whatever  things  take  place 
in  time  these  tilings  God  precisely  defined  from  eter- 
nity "  ;  "  That  whatever  things  take  place  in  the  world 
(as  well  evil  as  good),  these  things  take  place  from  the 
absolute  decree  and  special  predetermination  of  God." 

Gomar,  the  colleague  and  chief  opponent  of  Arminius, 
taught  that  "God  moves  the  tongues  of  men  to  blas- 
pheme "  ;  that  "  man  cannot  do  more  of  good  than  he 
does";  that  "nobody  maintains  that  God  absolutely 
decreed  to  reprobate  men  without  sin  ;  but  as  he  decreed 
the  end,  so  he  likewise  did  the  means  ;  that  is,  as  God 
predestinated  man  to  death,  so  he  predestinated  him  to 
sin  as  the  only  means  of  death  "  ;  "  that  God  considered 
man  in  the  decree  of  reprobation,  not  as  fallen,  but  as 
before  the  fall,  and  even  that  the  decree  of  reprobation 
preceded  that  of  creation";  that  "those  who  held 
a  reprobation  under  or  below  the  fall,  robbed  God  of  his 
wisdom,  it  being  as  much  as  to  say,  that  the  means  were 
considered  by  him  before  the  end." 

With  such  a  caricaturing  of  Calvinism  as  the  above 
widely  prevalent  and  becoming  more  and  more  reckless 
in  its  almost  blasphemous  utterances  in  response  to  the 
rapid  growth  of  liberal  sentiments  indicated  above,  all 
the  conditions  were  present  in  the  Netherlands  for  the 
outbreak  of  a  bitter  controversy  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

b.  Outbreak  of  the  Controversy,  (a)  James  Arminius 
(b.  1560),  having  been  left  a  destitute  orphan  at  an  early 
age  and  afterward  deprived  of  nearly  all  his  relatives  in 
the  destruction  of  his  native  town  by  the  Spaniards,  was 
cared  for  and  educated  by  various  benevolent  people 
until  his  great  ability  as  a  student  in  the  University  of 
Leyden  led  the  burgomasters  of  Amsterdam  to  bestow 
upon  him  means  for  foreign  study.  In  1582  he  went  to 
Geneva,  where  he  attracted  the  attention  of  Beza  and 


340  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

his  colleagues  and  formed  a  lifelong  friendship  with  his 
fellow-countryman,  Joh.  Uytenbogaert.  Having  of- 
fended one  of  the  professors  in  a  disputation  on  the 
philosophy  of  Peter  Ramus,  he  was  suspended  for  a 
time.  He  removed  to  Basel,  where  he  won  the  high 
esteem  of  Gynorasus,  was  permitted  to  give  courses  of 
lectures,  and  could  have  received  the  doctor's  degree 
if  he  had  been  willing.  After  three  years  of  further 
study  in  Geneva  under  Beza  (i 583-1 586),  he  traveled  in 
Italy,  where  he  heard  the  lectures  of  and  associated  with 
some  of  the  great  Catholic  professors.  It  was  rumored 
in  Amsterdam  that  he  had  become  unduly  familiar  with 
Bellarmine  and  other  Jesuits,  but  he  was  able  to  satisfy  the 
authorities  as  to  his  theological  soundness,  and  in  1588 
entered  upon  his  work  in  Amsterdam  as  pastor  of  one  of 
the  principal  churches.  By  this  time  he  was  recognized 
as  among  the  ablest  and  most  learned  men  of  his  time. 
His  expository  sermons  were  so  lucid,  eloquent,  and  well 
delivered  as  to  attract  large  audiences.  He  was  called 
upon  from  time  to  time  to  write  against  the  opponents  of 
Calvinism,  which  he  did  in  a  moderate  and  satisfactory 
way.  When  pestilence  was  raging  in  1602,  he  distin- 
guished himself  by  heroic  service.  Before  this  time 
his  intimate  friends  had  become  aware  of  the  fact  that 
he  was  no  longer  in  full  sympathy  with  the  extreme  pre- 
destinarianism  of  Beza,  and  he  had  written  an  exposition 
of  Romans  9  in  an  anti-Calvinistic  spirit.  This,  however, 
was  not  published  till  after  his  death.  He  was  sharply 
attacked  by  his  colleague,  Plancius,  but  through  the  good 
offices  of  Uytenbogaert  and  Tassin  the  matter  was  peace- 
ably settled.  The  learned  Junius,  of  the  University  of 
Leyden,  had  fallen  a  victim  to  the  plague  (1602)  and  Ar- 
minius  was  invited  to  succeed  him.  Francis  Gomar,  the 
only  survivor  of  the  Faculty,  earnestly  protested  against 
the  choice  ;  but  Arminius  was  able  to  satisfy  the  author- 
ities of  his  orthodoxy  and  was  duly  installed  (1603).  At 
this  time  he  condemned  explicitly  the  Pelagian  teachings 
regarding  natural  grace,  the  powers  of  free  will,  perfec- 
tion of  man  in  this  life,  predestination,  etc.,  and  ap- 
proved of  all  that  Augustine  and  other  Fathers  had  writ- 
ten against  the  Pelagians,  and  he  promised  that  he  would 
teach  nothing  at  variance  with  the  received  doctrines  of 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  341 

the  Reformed  churches,     hi  his  public  lectures  he  studi- 
ously avoided  anti-Calvinistic  utterances. 

Prompted  by  Gomar,  the  authorities  required  him 
(1604)  to  deliver  a  course  of  public  lectures  on  predesti- 
nation. He  defended  the  doctrine  in  a  way  that  would 
have  been  acceptable  to  moderate  Calvinists  ;  but  Go- 
mar  thought  it  necessary  to  supplement  these  lectures 
with  a  course  of  his  own,  in  which  he  set  forth  the 
supralapsarian  theory  with  a  harshness  that  has  been  par- 
tially indicated  in  the  specimens  given  above. 

The  students  of  the  university  were  soon  arrayed  in  hostile  camps 
and  the  partisanship  rapidly  spread  among  the  pastors  and  churches 
of  Holland.  In  expressing  his  disapprobation  of  the  harsh  views  of 
Gomar  and  his  partisans,  it  is  probable  that  Arminius,  when  among 
his  partisans,  was  soon  led  to  insinuate  doubts  regarding  some  tea- 
tures  of  the  Calvinistic  system  proper.  Doctrinal  tracts  embodying 
his  views  were  privately  circulated  among  his  disciples.  He  was 
charged  with  commending  to  his  scholars  the  reading  of  Socinian 
and  Jesuit  books  that  embodied  semi-Pelagian  teachings  and  to  have 
spoken  contemptuously  of  the  writings  of  Calvin,  Beza,  Martyr, 
etc.  Soon  he  began  to  profess  openly  that  he  had  objections  to  the 
Reformed  symbols  which  he  would  formulate  at  the  proper  time. 

(b)  hi  1605,  deputies  were  sent  by  the  synod  of  the 
South  and  North  Holland  churches  to  confer  with  Ar- 
minius regarding  the  reports  that  had  gained  currency. 
He  denied  that  he  had  given  just  cause  for  disadvan- 
tageous rumors  and  declined  to  discuss  with  them  as 
deputies  the  questions  on  which  he  was  suspected  of 
holding  unsound  views.  He  was  next  admonished  by 
the  Leyden  church  authorities  (July,  1605)  to  declare 
and  discuss  his  views  before  the  Presbytery.  This  also 
he  declined  to  do. 

At  the  synod  of  the  churches  of  North  and  South  Hol- 
land (August,  1605),  the  class  of  Dort  insisted  that  the 
synod  should  take  measures  for  composing  the  contro- 
versy as  commodiously  and  as  expeditiously  as  possible. 
Arminius  sought  to  prevent  unfavorable  action  and  se- 
cured from  his  colleagues  testimony  to  the  effect  that 
while  there  was  more  disputing  among  the  students  on 
these  doctrinal  questions  than  was  agreeable  to  the  pro- 
fessors, among  the  professors  themselves  there  was  no 
dissension  in  fundamentals. 

At  the  synod  of  the  South  Holla.nd  churches  (August 


342  A  Manual  of  church  history        [per.  v. 

30,  1605),  the  deputies  of  the  synod  were  enjoined  to 
make  diligent  inquiry  into  the  state  of  theological  affairs 
at  Leyden  and  to  urge  the  curators  of  the  university  to 
compel  the  professors  to  declare  openly  and  sincerely 
their  views  on  the  questions  that  were  being  agitated,  and 
to  require  all  pastors  to  subscribe  the  Belgic  Confession 
and  the  Heidelberg  Catechism.  The  deputies  drew  up 
nine  questions  which  the  curators  of  the  university  were 
requested  to  submit  to  the  professors.  This  the  curators 
declined  to  do,  on  the  ground  that  this  matter  might  await 
the  assembling  of  the  national  synod,  of  which  there 
was  now  some  hope.  Many  pastors  refused  to  subscribe 
the  symbols. 

(c)  From  this  time  onward  the  Calvinistic  party  bent 
all  its  energies  toward  the  securing  of  a  national  synod, 
being  confident  that  the  party  of  Arminius  would  be 
found  to  constitute  an  insignificant  minority  and  that 
drastic  measures  for  its  suppression  might  easily  be 
adopted  and  executed  by  the  civil  authorities,  under 
whose  auspices  it  would  be  convened,  it  so  happened 
that  the  desire  of  the  Calvinists  for  a  national  synod  was 
in  thorough  accord  with  the  centralizing  policy  of  Maurice 
of  Nassau,  the  son  of  William  the  Silent  and  the  great 
military  leader  of  the  United  Netherlands,  who  had  set 
his  heart  upon  the  transformation  of  the  republic  into  a 
monarchy  with  himself  as  head.  Theologically,  Maurice 
was  in  sympathy  with  the  Arminian  party,  having  been 
much  influenced  by  his  court  preacher,  Uytenbogaert, 
Arminius'  friend.  Against  Maurice  was  arrayed  the 
great  advocate  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,  who 
deprecated  the  policy  of  centralization  and  defended  with 
rare  determination  the  rights  of  the  individual  States  of 
the  confederation.  He  was  thoroughly  sympathetic  with 
the  liberal  theology  of  Arminius,  and  for  this  reason,  as 
well  as  on  political  grounds,  strove  with  all  his  might  to 
prevent  the  calling  by  the  States-General  of  a  national 
synod  with  power  to  legislate  in  religious  matters  for  the 
United  Netherlands,  the  calling  of  the  synod  thus  be- 
came a  political  question  of  prime  importance.  So  long 
as  Barneveld  could  hold  in  check  the  royal  aspirations  of 
Maurice,  so  long  would  the  national  synod  be  postponed 
and  so  long  would  the  rigorous  Calvinists  be  denied  the 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  343 

means  of  effectually  crushing  the  Arminians.  The  Ar- 
minian  sentiment  was  rapidly  spreading  and  the  party 
felt  that  it  had  everything  to  gain  by  the  indefinite  post- 
ponement of  a  synod  the  early  assembling  of  which 
would  inevitably  prove  its  doom. 

id)  An  effort  was  next  made  to  induce  all  pastors 
and  professors  to  declare  in  writing  their  objections  to 
the  Reformed  symbols,  in  order  that  these  might  be 
duly  considered  in  the  classes  and  properly  formulated 
against  the  assembling  of  the  national  synod.  The  Ar- 
minians refused  to  be  beguiled  into  a  formal  declaration 
of  their  views.  Arminius  promised  to  lay  his  views  fully 
before  the  national  synod  when  it  should  assemble.  The 
StateS'General  soon  afterward  called  together  prominent 
representatives  of  both  parties  to  consult  regarding  the 
time,  place,  and  manner  of  holding  a  national  synod.  It 
was  decided  that  it  should  be  held  as  soon  as  practicable, 
and  that  the  place  should  be  Utrecht.  Grievances  were 
to  be  first  considered  in  the  provincial  synods  and  re- 
ferred by  these  to  the  national.  Each  synod  was  to  send 
to  the  national  four  pastors  and  two  elders  with  power 
of  final  action.  The  Scriptures  were  to  be  the  norm. 
Belgian  Reformed  churches  outside  of  the  confederation 
and  all  the  Reformed  governments  of  Europe  were  to  be 
invited  to  send  delegates.  The  States-General  were  to 
be  represented.  Arminius,  Uytenbogaert,  and  the  two 
Utrecht  delegates  objected  to  having  the  power  of  final 
decision  vested  in  the  deputies,  and  insisted  on  the  right 
of  deputies  to  withdraw  for  consultation  with  their  con- 
stituents whenever  they  felt  themselves  aggrieved.  They 
also  urged  the  importance  of  a  revision  of  the  symbols 
and  insisted  on  the  insertion  of  a  clause  on  revision  in 
the  letters  of  convocation.  Another  most  artful  but  un- 
successful attempt  was  made  to  induce  Arminius  to  de- 
clare his  views. 

Further  steps  were  taken  (1607)  for  compelling  the 
pastors  to  declare  their  views  on  the  controverted  points. 
It  was  ascertained  that  the  opinions  of  Arminius  were 
rapidly  gaining  ground  through  the  young  ministers  who 
were  going  forth  from  the  University  of  Leyden,  and 
that  doctrinal  discussi-ons  were  becoming  common  among 
all  classes. 


344  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(<?)  The  Calvinists  next  attempted  to  induce  the  States- 
General  to  convoke  a  provincial  synod  of  North  and 
South  Holland,  with  power  to  deal  with  the  disturbers  of 
ecclesiastical  harmony.  The  preoccupation  of  the  body 
with  the  work  of  arranging  a  truce  with  Spain  prevented 
favorable  action. 

(/)  With  a  view  to  frustrating  the  purposes  of  his  op- 
ponents, Arminius  now  obtained  (1608)  from  the  States- 
General  permission  to  have  his  cause  adjudicated  by  the 
Supreme  Court.  As  the  accused  person  he  compelled 
Gomar  to  take  the  initiative.  Gomar  must  formulate  his 
charges  and  prove  them  ;  it  would  be  sufficient  for  him 
(Arminius)  to  defend  himself  against  specific  charges 
when  made.  Gomar  regarded  his  attitude  as  insolent 
and  objected  strongly  to  the  trial  of  an  ecclesiastical  cause 
before  a  civil  tribunal.  He  was  prepared  before  a  legiti- 
mate synod  to  prove  that  Arminius  had  propounded  doc- 
trines at  variance  with  the  symbols.  Gomar  proposed 
that  both  Arminius  and  himself  write  out  their  views 
upon  the  points  at  issue.  Arminius  refused,  and  ex- 
pressed surprise  that  after  so  much  had  been  said  about 
his  heterodoxy  no  one  could  be  found  who  dared  to  bring 
accusation.  Gomar  was  thus  provoked  into  an  attempt 
to  prove  Arminius'  unsoundness  on  the  doctrine  of  justifi- 
cation. The  court  decided  "  that  the  controversies  which 
had  arisen  between  these  two  professors  are  not  of  great 
moment,  being  occupied  chiefly  with  certain  over-subtle 
disputations  concerning  predestination,  which  may  be 
either  omitted  or  dissimulated  with  mutual  tolerance." 
Gomar  replied  that  the  points  at  issue  were  of  so  great 
moment  that  he  "would  not  dare  to  appear  before  the 
judgment  seat  of  God  with  the  opinions  of  Arminius." 

in  August,  1609,  the  government  made  another  effort 
to  allay  the  strife.  Arminius  and  Gomar,  with  four  other 
ministers,  were  invited  to  discuss  orally  the  questions  at 
issue.  The  discussion  lasted  for  several  days  and  was 
continued  in  writing.  In  the  course  of  it  Arminius  was 
prostrated  with  illness  from  which  he  died  in  October. 

c.  The  Remonstrance  and  the  Contra-Remonstrance.  (a) 
The  death  of  Arminius,  instead  of  allaying  the  contro- 
versy made  the  liberals  more  aggressive  than  ever.  A 
regard  for  his  interests  and  his  own  conciliatory  disposi- 


CHAP.  1]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  345 

tion  had  tended  to  restrain  the  zeal  of  his  followers.  In 
1610  they  set  forth  in  a  carefully  prepared  document, 
called  the  Remonstrance,  their  views  on  the  five  points 
that  had  come  most  prominently  forward  in  the  contro- 
versy. It  was  addressed  to  the  government  and  consti- 
tuted a  plea  for  toleration.  The  first  of  these  articles 
declares  "  that  God,  by  an  eternal  and  immutable  decree 
in  Jesus  Christ  his  son,  before  the  world  was  founded, 
determined  out  of  the  fallen,  sinful  human  race,  to  save 
in  Christ  for  Christ's  sake  and  through  Christ  those  who, 
through  the  grace  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  believe  on  this  his 
Son  Jesus  and  shall  persevere  in  this  faith  and  obedience 
of  faith,  through  this  grace,  even  to  the  end  ;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  leave  the  incorrigible  and  unbelieving 
in  sin  and  under  wrath,  and  to  condemn  them  as  alien- 
ates from  Christ  according  to  the  word  of  the  gospel  in 
John  3  :  36."  The  second  article  declares  that  "Jesus 
Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  died  for  all  men  and  for 
every  man,  so  that  he  has  obtained  for  them  all,  by  his 
death  on  the  cross,  redemption  and  the  forgiveness  of 
sins  ;  yet  that  no  one  actually  enjoys  this  forgiveness  of 
sin  except  the  believer."  The  third  article  declares  that 
apostate  sinful  man  "can  of  and  by  himself  neither 
think,  will,  nor  do  anything  that  is  truly  good  (such  as 
saving  faith  evidently  is)  ;  but  that  it  is  needful  that  he 
be  born  again  of  God  in  Christ,  through  his  Holy  Spirit, 
and  renewed  in  understanding,  inclination,  will,  and  all 
his  powers,  in  order  that  he  may  rightly  understand, 
think,  will,  and  effect  what  is  truly  good."  The  fourth 
article  asserts  that  "this  grace  of  God  is  the  beginning, 
continuance,  and  accomplishment  of  all  good,  even  to  the 
extent  that  the  regenerate  man  himself,  without  pre- 
venient  or  assisting,  awakening,  following,  and  co-ope- 
rative grace,  can  neither  think,  will,  nor  do  good,  nor 
withstand  any  temptations  to  evil  ;  .  .  but  as  respects 
the  mode  of  the  operation  of  this  grace,  it  is  not  irresist- 
ible." In  the  fifth  article,  it  is  taught  "that  those  who 
are  incorporated  into  Christ  by  a  true  faith,  and  have 
thereby  become  partakers  of  his  life-giving  Spirit,  have 
thereby  full  power  to  strive  against  Satan,  sin,  the  world, 
and  their  own  flesh,  and  to  win  the  victory  ;  it  being 
well  understood  that  it  is  ever  through  the  assisting  grace 


346  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

of  the  Holy  Spirit  ;  and  that  Jesus  Christ  assists  them 
through  his  Spirit  in  all  temptation,  extends  to  them  his 
hand,  and  if  only  they  are  ready  for  the  conflict,  and  de- 
sire his  help,  and  are  not  inactive,  keeps  them  from  fall- 
ing so  that  they,  by  no  craft  or  power  of  Satan,  can  be 
misled  or  plucked  out  of  Christ's  hands." 

(b)  The  Calvinists  responded  in  diConira-l^emonstrLince , 
in  which  there  was  far  less  of  moderation  and  far  more 
of  polemical  bitterness.  This  was  followed  by  a  large 
body  of  controversial  literature,  in  which  the  Remon- 
strants mercilessly  exposed  and  condemned  the  harsher 
features  of  the  Reformed  theology  and  the  Calvinists 
made  the  most  of  the  departures  of  their  opponents  from 
the  standards  of  orthodoxy. 

During  eight  years  following  the  publication  of  the 
Remonstrance  the  two  political  forces  referred  to  above 
were  earnestly  striving  for  the  mastery.  The  central- 
izing policy  of  Maurice  gained  more  and  more  the  sup- 
port of  the  patriotic  portion  of  the  nation,  having  the 
entire  military  interest  at  its  back  ;  while  the  party  of 
Barneveld  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  too  friendly  to 
Spain  and  too  tolerant  toward  Roman  Catholicism. 
Barneveld  was  finally  unjustly  accused  of  high-treason 
and  was  executed  May  14,  1619.  Grotius  was  con- 
demned to  perpetual  imprisonment,  but  managed  to 
escape  in  1621.  The  calling  of  the  long-deferred  national 
synod  marked  the  triumph  of  Maurice  and  his  Calvinistic 
supporters. 

It  is  significant  of  the  sense  of  isolation  and  the  earnest  desire  for 
ecclesiastical  sympathy  felt  by  the  Remonstrants,  that  in  1613, 
when  the  controversy  was  ragiiig  and  their  persecution  seemed  immi- 
nent, Uytenbogaert,  on  behalf  of  his  brethren,  entered  into  corres- 
pondence with  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  with  the  evident  desire, 
if  at  all  practicable,  to  symbolize  with  this  ancient  ecclesiastical  or- 
ganization.' 

d.  The  Synod  of  Dort  (November  /^,  16 18  to  May  9, 
i6ig).  The  aim  of  the  States-General,  now  completely 
subservient  to  Prince  Maurice,  the  StadthoKler,  was  to 
unify  the  religious  administration  of  the  United  Nether- 
lands and   to   make  it  a  more  perfect  instrument  of  the 

*  See  letter  from  the  Patriarch  Cyril,  in  "  Pra-stantium  ac  Eruditorum  yirorum  Epls- 
tolee  EccUitaittca  et  Theologicie,"  pp.  369,  seg.,  and  399,  seq 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  347 

centralized  State.  In  many  respects  it  was  the  most 
important  meeting  ever  held  by  the  Reformed  churches. 
There  were  present  eighty-four  theologians  and  eighteen 
secular  commissioners.  The  civil  governments  in  which 
the  Reformed  type  of  Protestantism  was  supposed  to  pre- 
vail were  requested  to  send  at  least  three  or  four  dele- 
gates, each  of  whom  should  have  the  right  to  vote.  James  i 
I.,  of  England,  sent  four  eminent  divines.  Bishops  Carle- 
ton  and  Davenant,  Professor  Ward,  Joseph  Hall  (after- 
ward bishop),  and  Balcanquall,  the  king's  Scotch  chap- 
lain. The  Palatinate,  Hesse,  Switzerland,  and  Bremen, 
were  well  represented  by  their  ablest  theologians.  Dele- 
gates were  appointed  by  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg,  and 
by  the  National  Synod  of  France,  but  failed  to  appear. 
The  expenses  were  borne  on  a  liberal  scale  by  the  States- 
General.  Joh.  Bogerman,  who  had  translated  Beza's 
tract  in  defense  of  the  execution  of  heretics,  was  made 
president.  Only  three  Arminians  were  elected  delegates 
and  these,  having  been  previously  disqualified  by  charges 
of  heresy,  were  compelled  to  surrender  their  seats  to 
delegates  appointed  by  the  orthodox  minority  of  the 
Synod  of  Utrecht  from  which  they  were  appointed. 
Gomar  was  the  chief  upholder  of  Supralapsarianism. 
The  majority  represented  a  high  form  of  Infralapsarian- 
ism. 

Simon  Episcopius,  who  since  the  death  of  Arminius  had 
been  the  theological  leader  of  the  party,  was  summoned, 
along  with  thirteen  others,  to  state  and  defend  the  views 
of  the  Remonstrants.  The  decision  of  the  Synod  was  a 
foregone  conclusion.  The  five  articles  of  the  Remon- 
strance were  unanimously  disapproved,  while  the  five 
articles  of  the  Contra-Remonstrance  were  as  unani- 
mously upheld.  The  Belgic  Confession  and  the  Hei- 
delberg Catechism  were  confirmed  in  their  position  as 
standards  of  orthodoxy.  Provision  was  made  for  a  thor- 
ough revision  of  the  Dutch  Bible. 

Episcopius  made  an  elaborate  and  bold  defense  of  the 
Remonstrants  and  an  earnest  plea  for  toleration  ;  but  the 
members  of  the  Synod  were  in  no  compromising  mood 
and  were  resolved  to  crush  the  Arminian  heresy  while  it 
was  still  controllable. 

The  condemnation  of  the  Remonstrants  as  heterodox 


348  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

involved  their  exclusion  from  fellowship  and  of  course  the 
deposition  of  their  ministers. 

e.  Persecution  of  tlie  Remonstrants.  The  Remonstrant 
ministers  who  had  been  summoned  to  appear  before  the 
Synod  were  kept  in  custody  after  tlie  adjournment  of  the 
body,  although  they  had  come  under  safe-conduct  and 
supposed  they  had  been  guaranteed  the  right  to  return 
safely  to  their  homes.  On  May  20  they  were  sum- 
moned before  the  lay  commissioners,  who  represented 
the  States-General,  and  asked  whether  "seeing  that 
they  had  been  deprived  of  their  ministry,  they  would 
abstain  from  all  ecclesiastical  ministrations,"  and  on  con- 
dition of  their  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  govern- 
ment, they  were  promised  a  competent  support.  A 
promise  not  to  write  letters  or  publish  books  in  the  in- 
terest of  the  Remonstrant  cause  was  exacted  of  Epis- 
copius.  They  promised  to  cease  ministering  in  the  State 
churches,  but  their  conscience  would  not  allow  them  to 
promise  to  abstain  from  any  effort  to  promulgate  what 
they  believed  to  be  God's  truth.  Uytenbogaert  feared 
lest  Episcopius  should  suffer  the  fate  of  Barneveld  and 
advised  him  to  flee.  The  detained  Remonstrants,  fail- 
ing to  satisfy  the  commissioners,  were  taken  to  tiie 
Hague  and  on  July  5  appeared  before  the  government  for 
sentence.  Refusing  to  sign  the  "  Act  of  Cessation," 
they  were  sentenced  to  banishment  and  threatened  with 
severe  treatment  in  case  they  should  return  without  per- 
mission. 

Among  the  coins  handed  to  Episcopius  for  his  expenses  was  one 
from  the  Duchy  of  Braunschweig,  on  one  side  of  which  was  an  image 
of  truth  trampfing  upon  Calumnv  and  Mendacity,  with  the  inscrip- 
tion "  Truth  conquers  all  things";  on  the  reverse,  the  inscription 
"  In  doing  rigiit  fear  no  man.  He  was  so  impressed  with  the  ap- 
plicability of  these  devices  to  his  own  condition  and  that  of  his 
brethren,  that  he  had  the  coin  mounted  for  preservation  in  his  family 
as  an  heirloom. 

A  considerable  number  of  the  banished  Remonstrant 
ministers  were  hospitably  received  and  entertained  by 
tlie  lord  of  Walwick  in  the  Catholic  province  of  Brabant, 
with  the  cordial  consent  and  co-operation  of  the  bishop 
of  Bois-le-duc.  The  latter  may  not  have  been  quite  dis- 
interested in  the  favors  shown  to  these  persecuted  Prot- 


CHAP.  I.]  THE  PROTESTANT  REVOLUTION  349 

estants.  However  this  may  be,  the  following  words  said 
to  have  been  addressed  by  him  to  Episcopius  and  his 
associates  at  the  bishop's  table,  where  they  sat  with 
two  Jesuits  and  two  Dominicans,  are  worthy  of  notice : 

"  I  welcome  you  here,  brethren  ;  I  call  you  brethren,  for  though  we 
differ  in  many  points,  yet  we  all  seek  for  salvation  through  one  and 
the  same  Christ.  Your  oppression  is  a  source  of  heartfelt  grief  to 
me.  The  Duke  of  Alva,  by  his  rigorous  and  cruel  persecutions,  has 
done  great  mischief  to  the  Catholic  religion,  and  seriously  injured 
our  affairs.  And  if  the  States  find  their  advantage  in  imitating  con- 
duct which  has  been  ruinous  to  us,  it  will  be  matter  of  surprise."  The 
bishop  expressed  his  abhorrence  of  those  Reformed  doctrines  to  which 
the  Remonstrants  objected,  and  the  Jesuits  applauded.  The  Do- 
minicans demurred  from  fear  of  favoring  Pelagianism  and  prompted 
one  of  tiie  Catholic  pastors  to  denounce  the  Remonstrants.  The 
bishop  sternly  rebuked  him  and  sent  a  learned  monk  to  make  amends 
in  a  public  discourse  for  this  breach  of  courtesy. 

Episcopius  and  others  published  extensively  against 
the  Synod  of  Dort  and  the  intolerance  of  the  govern- 
ment. They  stigmatized  the  views  of  their  opponents  as 
"the  iron  and  fatal  tables  of  the  Fates,"  "the  most 
present  bane  of  all  religion,"  and  as  " Manichasan 
fatalism."  They  charged  the  Calvinists  with  being 
the  murderers  of  Barneveld,  "that  most  brave  Atlas 
of  Belgium  and  most  prudent  Nestor,"  and  they  were 
declared  to  be  led  by  "  the  spirit  of  Antichrist."  The 
Contra-Remonstrants,  on  the  other  hand,  calumniated 
the  Remonstrants  as  "  haters  of  God,"  "injurious," 
"blasphemers,"  "calumniators,"  "murmurers,"  "quer- 
ulous," "proud,"  "vainglorious,"  "  inventors  of  evil 
things,"  "covenant  breakers,"  "profane,"  "abomina- 
ble wolves,"  "  deriders  of  the  whole  Christian  religion," 
etc.  About  two  hundred  Remonstrant  ministers  were 
deprived  of  their  pastorates  and  those  who  would  not 
agree  to  keep  quiet  were  banished. 

In  1625  toleration  was  granted  to  the  Remonstrants. 
Five  years  later  they  were  accorded  complete  freedom 
to  live  anywhere  in  Holland  and  to  build  and  conduct 
churches  and  schools.  Under  Uytenbogaert's  guidance 
they  effected  a  presbyterial  organization.  They  estab- 
lished a  theological  seminary  at  Amsterdam,  in  which 
such  men  as  Episcopius,  Grotius,  Limborch,  Curcellaeus, 
and  Le  Glare,  gave  instruction,  and  which  still  survives. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   COUNTER-REFORMATION 

I.  ATTITUDE  OF  THE  PAPACY  TOWARD  THE  PROTESTANT 
REVOLUTION   UP  TO  1540. 

I.  Leo  X.  (75/^-/52/)  was  a  son  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici, 
the  Magnificent,  the  famous  patron  of  literature  and  art. 
He  was  brought  up  in  a  humanistic  atmosphere  and  with- 
out religious  advantages  of  any  kind.  Made  archbishop 
of  Aix  by  the  favor  of  the  king  of  France  on  purely  polit- 
ical grounds  at  eight  years  of  age,  and  cardinal  at  thir- 
teen, he  was  taught  to  regard  ecclesiastical  offices  simply 
as  sources  of  revenue,  and  his  education  under  the  most 
noted  humanists  of  the  time  was  purely  secular.  At 
sixteen  he  became  an  active  member  of  the  College  of 
Cardinals  and  a  papal  legate.  A  fugitive  under  Alex- 
ander VI.,  the  licentious,  murderous,  and  despoiling 
Borgia,  he  came  into  favor  again  under  the  warlike 
Julius  II.,  and  was  commander-in-chief  of  his  army  at 
the  battle  of  Ravenna,  where  he  was  defeated  and  cap- 
tured by  the  French.  Escaping  at  Milan,  he  returned  to 
Florence,  and,  Julius  having  died  of  a  loathsome  disease, 
he  was  able  by  shrewd  bargaining  with  his  fellow- 
cardinals  to  gain  the  papal  chair.  He  was  occupied 
almost  exclusively  with  political  measures  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  the  Medici  family  and  with  the  promotion 
of  literature  and  art.  While  he  spent  large  sums  in 
architecture,  sculpture,  and  painting,  employing  such 
masters  as  Raphael  and  Micliael  Angelo,  and  upon  the 
enriching  of  the  Vatican  library,  he  squandered  vastly 
more  upon  the  maintenance  of  the  most  luxurious  and 
licentious  court  of  Europe  and  in  schemes  for  the  political 
advancement  of  his  relatives.  His  financial  exigencies 
led  to  the  shameless  sale  of  indulgences  that  provoked 
the  outbreak  of  the  Protestant  Revolution.  He  died 
deeply  in  debt.  He  regarded  the  Lutheran  protest  as  a 
matter  of  small  importance,  and  was  utterly  incapable  of 
350 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  35 1 

realizing  the  widespread  and  determined  demand  for 
reform  that  Luther's  bold  utterances  immediately  called 
forth,  or  of  devising  any  effective  means  for  the  preven- 
tion of  schism.  His  vacillating  policy  in  relation  to 
France  and  Spain  and  his  opposition  to  the  appointment 
of  either  Charles  or  Francis  to  the  imperial  office  in  15 19 
made  it  impossible  for  him  to  unite  the  great  powers  for 
the  suppression  of  insubordination  in  Germany.  He 
was  completely  out  of  sympathy  with  the  stalwart  and 
aggressive  type  of  Roman  Catholicism  that  had  been 
developed  in  Spain  and  which  applied  the  Inquisition  to 
the  extirpation  of  even  suspected  heresy.  There  was 
no  chance  for  an  effective  Counter-Reformation  under 
Leo. 

2.  Hadrian  VI.  (1^21-1^2^)  was  born  in  Utrecht  of  ob- 
scure parents  (1459),  ^"^  was  educated  at  Zwolle  and 
Deventer,  where  he  came  under  the  influence  of  the 
reforming  spirit  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life, 
aud  afterward  at  Louvain,  where  he  became  deeply 
versed  in  Thomist  scholasticism  and  in  church  law.  As 
a  Doctor  of  Theology  in  the  University  of  Louvain  he 
attracted  large  numbers  of  students  and  exerted  a  strong 
moral  and  religious  influence,  in  1507  he  was  called 
from  his  university  work  by  the  Emperor  Maximilian  to 
become  tutor  of  his  grandson,  Charles  (afterward  em- 
peror). He  strove  in  vain  to  lead  his  pupil  to  take  more 
interest  in  Christian  learning  than  in  military  matters, 
hi  1515  he  visited  the  court  of  Ferdinand  of  Spain  to 
adjust  some  differences  that  had  arisen  between  him  and 
his  grandson  and  successor  (Charles),  and  so  impressed 
the  aged  king  with  his  stalwart  Catholicism  and  his 
masterful  abilities  that  he  was  appointed  Bishop  of  Tor- 
tosa  and  Inquisitor  in  Aragon.  In  association  with  Car- 
dinal Ximenes  he  was  soon  at  the  head  of  ecclesiastical 
administration  in  Spain,  and  in  15 17  he  was  created 
cardinal  by  Leo  X.  Partly  through  the  influence  of  the 
emperor  and  partly  because  of  his  well-known  adminis- 
trative ability  and  his  zeal  as  a  churchman,  he  was 
unanimously  chosen  to  succeed  Leo  X.,  greatly  to  the 
disgust  of  the  Romans,  to  whom  his  austere  and  simple 
life  was  distasteful,  and  who  feared  the  scourge  of  reform 
that  he  would  be  likely  to  apply.     He  was  already  en- 


352  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

gaged  in  a  life  and  death  struggle  in  Spain,  where  his 
stern  rule  was  all  the  more  unpalatable  because  he  was 
a  foreigner.  An  equally  bitter  opposition  awaited  him 
as  pope.  The  luxurious  Italian  nobles  had  monopolized 
the  papal  office  so  long  that  they  resented  the  intrusion 
of  a  meanly  born  Dutchman,  who  cared  nothing  for 
polite  literature  and  the  fine  arts,  and  who  set  his  face 
as  a  flint  against  the  licentious  and  luxurious  life  that 
had  become  customary  at  the  Vatican.  Though  an 
earnest  reformer,  he  could  not  be  suspected  of  sympathy 
with  Lutheran  heresy,  for  he  had  heartily  approved  of 
the  condemnation  of  Luther's  writings  by  the  University 
of  Louvain,  and  as  Inquisitor  in  Spain  he  had  dealt  with 
twenty-five  thousand  cases  of  heresy  and  had  become 
famous  as  a  scourge  of  Lutheranism.  But  the  reforming 
members  of  the  College  of  Cardinals  and  Catholic  re- 
formers everywhere  hailed  his  election  as  the  inaugura- 
tion of  a  reformation  of  the  churcli  in  its  head  and  its 
members  which  would  destroy  all  legitimate  ground  for 
schism  and  ruthlessly  crush  the  enemies  of  the  church. 
Hadrian  was  convinced  that  the  doctrines  of  the  church 
as  expounded  by  such  teachers  as  Thomas  Aquinas 
needed  no  revision  or  restatement  ;  but  the  church 
law,  and  especially  the  church  discipline,  was  capable 
of  indefinite  betterment.  He  fully  recognized  the  evils 
of  the  indulgence  traffic,  the  sale  of  benefices  and  ex- 
pectancies, and  all  other  corrupt  methods  of  raising 
money.  The  granting  of  dispensations  to  marry  within 
prohibited  degrees  and  to  violate  other  moral  laws  he 
strongly  disapproved.  He  frowned  upon  simony  and 
nepotism.  His  attempt  to  carry  out  these  reforms  brought 
upon  him  the  vilest  slander  and  threats  of  assassination 
and  poisoning.  Only  two  of  the  cardinals  were  willing 
to  stand  by  him  in  his  extreme  reformatory  efforts. 
His  attitude  toward  Lutheranism  at  the  Diet  of  Nurem- 
berg has  already  been  set  forth  (p.  64,  seq.).  He  had 
the  utmost  contempt  for  Luther  and  wished  to  see  him 
treated  as  Huss  and  Jerome  of  Prague  had  been.  Neither 
the  emperor  nor  the  king  of  France  would  give  him  the 
support  that  he  needed  for  carrying  out  the  practical 
reforms  recommended  and  crushing  out  by  inquisitorial 
methods  all   obstinate   heresy.     Francis  1.   proposed  to 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  353 

invade  Italy,  depose  the  pope,  and  secure  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  pope  subservient  to  himself.  Hadrian  died, 
September,  1523,  a  disappointed  and  discouraged  man. 
Knowing  his  simplicity  of  life,  the  cardinals  supposed 
that  he  had  hoarded  a  considerable  sum  of  money  and 
pressed  him  on  his  death-bed  to  reveal  its  hiding-place. 
Only  a  thousand  ducats  remained,  the  rest  of  the  papal 
income  having  been  faithfully  devoted  to  church  work 
and  charity.  If  Hadrian  had  been  supported  by  the 
cardinals  and  by  the  king  of  France  and  the  emperor, 
and  had  he  been  spared  a  few  years  longer,  he  would 
have  introduced  such  reforms  in  clerical  and  monastic 
life  and  in  papal  and  episcopal  administration  as  would 
greatly  have  lessened  the  force  of  Lutheran  criticism 
and  might  have  effectually  checked  the  progress  of  the 
Protestant  Revolution.  But  it  would  have  been  simply 
the  triumph  of  the  Spanish  idea  of  rigorous  discipline 
within  the  church  and  merciless  intolerance  toward 
insubordination  of  every  kind.  The  inquisition,  if  he 
could  have  had  his  way,  would  have  been  established 
wherever  heresy  lifted  up  its  head,  and  all  other  inter- 
ests would  have  been  subordinated  to  the  maintenance 
of  absolute  hierarchical  authority. 

3.  Clement  yil.  (1^2^-1  ^^4),  a  Medician  of  illegitimate 
birth,  had  been  one  of  the  chief  administrative  officials 
under  Leo  X.,  and  was,  like  Leo,  devoid  of  religious 
interest  and  concerned  chiefly  about  the  advancement 
of  the  political  interests  of  his  family.  He  simply  re- 
vived the  policy  of  his  illustrious  relative.  His  chief 
scheme  was,  by  double-dealing,  to  secure  favors  from 
both  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  France  without  becom- 
ing wholly  subservient  to  either.  For  either  to  become 
too  powerful  in  Italy  would  imperil  the  papal  interests. 

Reference  has  been  made  in  an  earlier  section  to  the  severity  of  the 
punishment  administered  to  him  and  to  the  city  of  Rome  by  the 
emperor  with  the  help  of  a  Lutheran  army  because  of  his  treachery. 
It  has  also  been  sufficiently  emphasized  that  this  conflict  between 
pope  and  emperor,  pope  and  king  of  France,  and  emperor  and  king, 
in  its  various  phases  was  greatly  in  favor  of  the  growth  of  Protestant- 
ism. Not  only  did  Clement  Vll.  utterly  fail  to  carry  forward  the 
Counter-Reformation  attempted  by  Hadrian,  but  he  still  further 
weakened  the  Catholic  cause  and  strengthened  the  hands  of  his 
opponents. 
X 


354  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

II.  POLICY  OF  THE  PAPACY,   1641  ONWARD. 

Paul  III.  (1^^4-1^49),  a  member  of  the  influential  Far- 
nese  family,  was  in  his  tastes  and  principles  much  like 
Leo  and  Clement  ;  but  he  vastly  surpassed  them  in 
diplomatic  skill  and  in  political  insight.  He  had  come  to 
realize  fully  the  seriousness  of  the  ecclesiastical  situation 
and  he  sought  to  strengthen  the  Roman  Curia  by  the 
appointment  of  several  of  the  ablest  ecclesiastical  states- 
men in  Italy  :  Contarini,  the  zealous  reformer,  who  stood 
for  compromise  and  conciliation  with  Protestantism  ; 
Caraffa,  the  Catholic  zealot,  who  had  become  imbued 
with  the  Spanish  idea  of  reform  through  internal  disci- 
pline and  the  universal  application  of  the  hiquisition  ; 
Pole,  who  was  to  figure  so  prominently  in  English  affairs  ; 
Sadoleto,  who  was  to  strive  with  Calvin  for  Geneva  ;  Fre- 
goso,  etc.  Though  grossly  immoral  himself  and  shame- 
less in  his  devotion  to  the  interests  of  his  illegitimate 
children,  he  professed  to  have  the  reformation  of  the 
church  at  heart,  and  after  the  failures  of  the  negotiations 
with  the  Protestants  for  the  restoration  of  church  unity 
in  Germany,  in  which  Contarini  was  the  chief  Catholic 
diplomat,  Paul  adopted  without  reserve  the  Spanish 
policy  of  discipline  and  inquisition  represented  by  Caraffa 
and  the  Theatines  and  by  the  newly  organized  Society 
of  Jesus. 

This  policy  of  uncompromising  hostility  to  Protest- 
antism in  every  form  was  from  1641  onward  that  of  the 
papacy  and  of  the  Roman  Catholic  church  as  a  body.  It 
had  come  to  be  realized  by  the  papacy  that  the  church 
had  suffered  enormous  loss  in  territory  and  influence, 
largely  through  the  devotion  of  the  popes  to  the  pro- 
motion of  selfish  political  schemes  and  the  formation 
of  unwise  alliances.  Political  misfortunes  and  exigen- 
cies had  convinced  the  papal  counsellors  that  only 
a  broad  and  comprehensive  policy  looking  far  beyond 
Italian  interests,  providing  effective  means  for  checking 
the  progress  of  the  Protestant  Revolution,  and  retrieving 
ground  that  had  been  lost,  would  avail.  The  chief  means 
that  were  used  by  the  Counter-Reformation  from  this 
time  onward  were  the  Council  of  Trent,  the  Society  of 
Jesus,  and  the  Inquisition.     These  means  of  fortifying 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  355 

the  church  and  repressing  heresy  are  closely  inter- 
linked. The  Council  of  Trent,  especially  in  its  later  and 
more  important  phases,  and  the  establishment  and  work- 
ing of  the  Inquisition,  like  the  policy  of  the  papacy  in 
general,  were  due  to  Jesuit  influence. 

III.  THE  COUNCIL  OF  TRENT  (1545-1564). 

LITERATURE:  Theiner,  ''Acta  Genuina  Cone.  Trident.,''  1874;  Le 
Plat,  "Canones  et  Decreta  Sac.  CEcum.  Cone.  Trident."  1779,  ^"^ 
''' Mo>inmentorum  ad  Hist.  Cone.  Trident.  Spectaniiiim  Amplissima  Col- 
lectio,''  7  volumes,  1781  ;  Schaff,  "The  Creeds  of  Christendom"  ; 
Doliinger,  ''Sammlung  von  Urkiinden  ^itr  Gese/i.  d.  Cone,  von  Trent'^ 
1876;  Froude,  "  Lectures  on  the  Council  of  Trent,"  1896;  Little- 
dale,  "Short  Hist,  of  the  Council  of  Trent,"  1888.  Of  less  value 
are  the  works  of  Sarpi  and  Pallavicino. 

I .  Occasion  of  the  Calling  of  the  Council. 

Luther  and  the  German  princes  had  from  the  begin- 
ning demanded  the  adjudication  of  their  cause  by  a  Gen- 
eral Council  that  should  be  free  from  papal  control, 
should  make  the  Scriptures  the  criterion  of  doctrine  and 
practice,  and  should  undertake  to  reform  the  church  in  its 
head  and  members.  Leo  X.  purposed  the  calling  of  a  coun- 
cil, being  fully  assured  that  the  entire  body  of  prelates 
would  decide  against  Luther  and  his  followers  and  that 
the  great  political  powers  would  unite  in  carrying  out  such 
repressive  measures  as  the  council  might  dictate.  His 
early  death  prevented  the  execution  of  his  plan.  Griev- 
ances were  continually  coming  before  the  imperial  Diets 
until  they  amounted  to  several  hundreds.  Many  of  them 
came  from  Catholic  princes.  There  was  a  widespread 
feeling  of  the  need  of  a  thorough  reformation  of  the  ad- 
ministrative and  financial  methods  of  the  hierarchy  and 
of  the  lives  of  clergy  and  monks,  not  only  among  those 
who  were  openly  attached  to  Luther,  but  among  those 
who  still  clung  to  the  old  faith  as  well.  Paul  ill.,  who 
had  been  cardinal  under  three  popes,  was  thoroughly  fa- 
miliar with  the  condition  of  religious  life  and  thought 
throughout  Europe  and  with  the  secrets  of  the  Roman 
Curia,  and  had  abandoned  the  policy  of  attempting 
to  gain  advantages  from  the  antagonism  of  the  great 
Catholic  powers,  saw  that  it  would  be  bad  policy  to  re- 
sist longer  the  demand  for  a  council,  and  with  a  view  to 


356  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

testing  still  further  the  sentiments  of  the  Germans,  he 
sent  out  a  legate  to  confer  with  the  princes  and  other 
leading  men,  both  Catholic  and  Protestant.  The  German 
Catholics,  deeply  distrustful  of  Italian  diplomacy,  de- 
clared themselves  opposed  to  any  council  to  be  held  in 
Italy.  The  Protestants  agreed  with  tlie  Catholics  in  this, 
and  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  a  council  to  be  pre- 
sided over  by  the  pope.  Nevertheless,  Paul  proceeded  to 
issue  a  bull  convoking  a  council  to  assemble  at  Mantua 
in  1537.  Germany,  France,  England,  and  even  Italy 
protested  against  the  place.  He  next  fixed  upon  Vicenza 
for  1538  ;  but  not  a  single  bishop  responded  to  the  sum- 
mons. 

The  readiness  with  which  Catholic  princes  and  prelates  ignored 
the  orders  of  the  supreme  pontiff  furnishes  the  most  striking  evi- 
dence of  the  depressed  condition  of  papal  authority  at  this  time.  Tiie 
papacy  had  deservedly  lost  the  confidence  of  its  constituency  by 
reason  of  its  corrupt  administration,  the  devotion  of  tiie  popes  to 
personal  interests,  and  the  utterly  unscrupulous  diplomacy  of  the 
Roman  Curia. 

In  1 541,  Caraffa  now  being  the  power  behind  the 
throne  with  a  fully  developed  policy  of  repression,  the 
pope  and  the  emperor  conferred  personally  with  reference 
to  the  reunification  of  western  Christendom  through  a 
council,  and  Trent,  an  Austrian  city  only  a  few  miles 
from  the  Italian  border,  was  suggested  as  being  outside 
of  Italy,  central,  and  as  far  as  possible  neutral.  War 
again  broke  out  between  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
France,  and  nothing  could  be  done  toward  the  assem- 
bling of  a  council  until  peace  had  been  made  (Decem- 
ber, 1544).  One  of  the  items  of  the  treaty  was  an 
agreement  of  the  potentates  to  co-operate  for  bringing 
about  an  early  assembling  of  the  long-deferred  council. 
Under  this  influence  a  fresh  papal  bull  was  almost  im- 
mediately issued,  convoking  a  council  to  assemble  in 
Trent,  March,  1545. 

2.  Conflicting  Aims  in  the  Calling  of  the  Council. 

One  of  the  chief  difficulties  in  securing  the  co-opera- 
tion of  Catholic  Europe  in  the  assembling  of  tlie  council 
and  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  strife  in  the  council  when 
assembled  was  a  radical  difference  of  opinion  between 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  357 

the  papal  and  the  imperial  parties  as  to  the  work  to  be 
attempted.  The  emperor  had  chiefly  at  heart  the  re- 
union of  western  Christendom  as  a  means  of  strengthen- 
ing the  imperial  power  against  Turkish  invasion  and  put- 
ting an  end  to  the  ruinous  internal  strife  occasioned  by 
the  Protestant  Revolution.  He  had  become  convinced 
that  Protestantism  had  become  too  firmly  rooted  to  be 
forcibly  extirpated.  Any  attempt  at  coercive  measures 
would,  he  was  sure,  lead  to  a  civil  war,  the  results 
of  which  could  not  be  foreseen,  and  would  destroy  for 
the  empire  the  possibility  of  effective  resistance  to  its 
external  foes.  Stalwart  Catholic  though  he  was,  he 
fully  recognized  the  terrible  corruption  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal administration,  the  reality  of  the  grievances  that  had 
long  been  accumulating,  and  the  absolute  necessity  of 
such  reforms  as  would  lead  to  the  conciliation  of  all  who 
had  not  become  hopelessly  estranged  from  the  church. 
\n  this  policy  France  was  practically  at  one  with  the  im- 
perial party.  Gallicanism  was  still  strong,  and  the  idea 
of  a  council  manipulated  by  the  pope  in  his  own  interest 
was  repulsive. 

With  the  pope,  on  the  other  hand,  the  thing  of  funda- 
mental importance  was  a  minute  definition  of  the  doc- 
trines of  the  church  with  the  specific  anathematizing  of 
every  current  form  of  heresy.  Such  a  definition  of  doc- 
trine would  furnish  a  convenient  and  highly  effective 
instrument  for  the  use  of  the  Inquisition,  which  it  was 
his  design  to  establish  wherever  and  whenever  it  was 
practicable.  A  complete  body  of  Catholic  doctrine  had 
never  yet  been  authoritatively  set  forth.  Most  of  the 
earlier  councils,  as  well  as  those  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
had  been  occupied  with  the  definition  of  individual  doc- 
trines, or  phases  of  doctrine,  and  great  diversity  of  doc- 
trinal definition  existed  in  the  writings  of  ancient  and 
medieval  teachers  that  had  been  approved  by  the 
church.  The  time  had  come  when  it  was  of  the  utmost 
importance  for  the  inquisitors  of  heresy  to  know  precisely 
what  the  church  taught  and  precisely  what  errors  were 
outside  of  the  pale  of  its  toleration.  Hence  the  policy 
of  the  Roman  Curia  was  not  to  conciliate  the  Protestants 
by  the  abolition  of  abuses,  but  to  cut  off  Protestantism 
from  the  fellowship  of  the  church. 


358  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

These  two  conflicting  aims  had  to  be  harmonized  before 
anything  could  be  done  by  way  of  organizing  the  coun- 
cil for  its  work.  It  was  early  agreed  that  both  reforma- 
tion and  the  definition  of  doctrine  should  be  attempted, 
but  the  question  of  precedence  was  more  difficult  to 
settle.  The  papal  party  insisted  on  defining  the  faith 
first  and  then  giving  attention  to  reformation,  intimating 
that  reformation  was  a  delicate  matter  that  would  have 
to  be  proceeded  with  cautiously  and  deliberately,  and 
that  more  harm  than  good  might  be  done  by  rashly  at- 
tempting the  abolition  of  recognized  abuses.  The  im- 
perial party  demanded  that  reformation  be  first  attended 
to  as  the  matter  of  most  urgent  importance  and  that 
doctrinal  definition  await  its  turn.  It  was  finally  agreed 
that  the  two  departments  of  work  should  go  on  concur- 
rently, each  being  entrusted  to  suitable  committees  and 
alternate  sessions  of  the  council  being  devoted  to  each. 

A  remarkably  full  record  of  the  discussions  of  the  various  com- 
mittees on  docti'ine  and  reformation  lias  been  preserved  and  has  been 
recently  made  available  (ed.  Tlieiner).  Freedom  of  discussion  pre- 
vailed to  an  extent  unknown  in  more  recent  Catholic  gatherings  and 
the  utmost  diversity  of  opinion  was  expressed  on  many  matters. 

3.  Tlie  Sessions  of  tJie  Council. 

The  first  seven  sessions  of  the  council  were  held  at 
Trent  (March,  1545,  to  March,  1547).  Pestilence  broke 
out  at  this  time,  as  the  result,  no  doubt,  of  the  congre- 
gation of  a  vast  multitude  of  visitors  in  a  comparatively 
small  city  without  proper  sanitation,  and  necessitated 
the  removal  of  the  council.  The  pope  attempted  to  re- 
assemble it  at  Bologna  and  a  few  unimportant  and 
sparsely  attended  sessions  were  held  there  ;  but  the  op- 
position of  the  imperial  party  was  so  pronounced  and  de- 
termined that  prorogation  soon  followed.  The  emperor 
demanded  that  the  council  be  restored  to  Trent  and  en- 
tered into  fresh  negotiations  with  tlie  Protestants,  in- 
viting them  to  send  representatives  to  the  council  with 
the  right  "to  deliver  their  opinions  freely,  without  let 
or  blame,  in  a  council  guided  by  the  doctrine  of  the 
Scriptures  and  the  Fathers."  This  proceeding  aroused 
the  indignation  of  the  Roman  Curia,  now  fully  dominated 
by  the  Spanish-Jesuit  policy  of  uncompromising  warfare 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  359 

against  insubordination  of  every  kind.  The  failing 
health  of  the  pontiff  and  the  bitter  dissension  between 
the  papal  and  the  imperial  parties  prevented  the  reas- 
sembling of  the  council  until  1551,  the  year  succeeding 
the  death  of  Paul  ill. 

Under  Julius  111.  (1550-1555)  the  council  was  reassem- 
bled at  Trent  and  proceeded  slowly  with  its  work  for 
about  a  year.  A  number  of  Protestant  ambassadors 
were  present  in  response  to  the  invitation  of  the  emperor, 
but  no  satisfactory  guarantee  having  been  given  that 
the  deliberations  would  be  free  or  that  tne  questions  at 
issue  would  be  decided  on  their  merits,  they  soon  with- 
drew. In  1552  war  broke  out  between  the  emperor  and 
the  Protestant  princes  (Schmalkald  War)  and  Trent 
seemed  in  danger  of  a  Protestant  attack.  This  led  to 
another  suspension  of  the  council. 

War  and  the  deaths  of  popes  (Julius  III.  and  Marcel- 
lus  II.,  1555,  Paul  IV.,  Caraffa,  1559),  prevented  the  re- 
assembling of  the  body  until  1561.  The  accession  of 
Elizabeth  in  England,  with  the  final  overthrow  of  papal 
authority  and  the  exclusion  of  Roman  Catholicism,  the 
successes  of  the  Huguenots  in  France,  the  rapid  spread 
of  Protestantism  in  the  Austrian  dependencies,  and  the 
rebellious  attitude  of  the  Dutch  evangelicals,  led  Pius  IV., 
soon  after  his  election  (15  59),  to  begin  negotiations  for  the 
reopening  of  the  council.  The  Protestants  were  again 
invited,  but  they  refused  to  make  any  further  efforts  at 
compromise.  The  Augsburg  Treaty  (1555),  which  had 
followed  the  successful  conflict  of  the  Protestants  of 
Germany,  aided  by  France,  with  the  emperor  and  his 
allies,  had  been  repudiated  by  the  papacy,  and  they 
were  content  to  abide  by  this  settlement  until  they  could 
see  their  way  to  something  more  advantageous.  By 
this  time  the  Jesuits  were  thoroughly  entrenched  in  the 
control  of  the  policy  of  the  church  and  had  entered  with 
great  energy  and  zeal  upon  the  task  of  destroying  Prot- 
estantism and  every  form  of  opposition  to  Roman  domi- 
nance, root  and  branch.  Some  of  the  ablest  leaders  in 
the  final  sessions  of  the  council  were  members  of  this 
great  order.  The  council  reassembled  at  Trent  in  1561 
and  continued,  with  slight  interruptions,  till  1564,  when 
its  work  was  completed. 


360  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

4.  Decrees  of  the  Council . 

(i)  On  Reformation.  A  vast  number  of  grievances  were 
considered  and  dealt  with.  No  effort  was  made  to  deny 
or  to  palliate  the  fearful  corruptions  that  had  led  to  the 
Protestant  Revolution.  Among  the  numerous  reforms 
finally  adopted  by  the  council,  the  following  may  be 
specified : 

a.  It  was  provided  that  in  churches  where  an  endow- 
ment for  a  lectureship  for  the  expounding  of  the  Scrip- 
tures existed,  it  should  be  faithfully  used  for  this  pur- 
pose, and  that  where  no  such  fund  had  been  established 
a  master  shall  be  appointed  to  teach  the  clergy  and  other 
poor  scholars  gratuitously. 

The  Protestants  were  laying  great  stress  on  biblical  training.  The 
Tridentine  councilors  felt  the  necessity  of  meeting  Protestantism  on 
its  own  ground  and  supplying  the  popular  demand  for  biblical  in- 
struction. Few  of  the  priests  were  familiar  enough  with  the  Scrip- 
tures to  be  able  to  hold  their  own  with  Protestant  ministers  in  argu- 
ment based  on  the  e.xegesis  of  the  sacred  records  and  the  people 
were  prone  to  follow  those  who  seemed  to  draw  their  teachings 
straight  from  holy  writ. 

b.  it  is  ordered  that  all  clergy  in  parochial  charge  shall 
preach  the  gospel. 

The  great  mass  of  the  priesthood  were  too  illiterate  to  preach  the 
gospel  or  to  speak  effectively  on  any  theme.  The  power  of  Prot- 
estantism had  been  seen  to  lie  largely  in  preaching.  "  Dumb  dogs," 
as  Knox  called  them,  could  not  hold  their  own  in  competition  with 
well-educated  and  enthusiastic  evangelical  preachers.  The  Catholics 
must  use  to  the  full  this  means  of  influencing  the  masses. 

c.  Monks  are  forbidden  to  preach  in  parishes  without 
the  license  of  the  bishop. 

Nothing  had  worked  more  powerfully  for  the  degradation  of  the 
parish  clergy  than  the  unlimited  license  that  had  been  bestowed 
upon  the  monastic  orders  by  the  medi;pval  popes  to  preach  in  any 
parish  without  episcopal  permission,  to  hear  confession,  and  to  usurp 
the  functions  of  the  local  ministry.  Being  for  the  most  part  better 
educated  and  more  attractive  than"  the  local  clergy  and  to  all  appear- 
ances holier  in  life,  they  were  able  to  supplant  them  in  the  esteem 
and  the  affection  of  tiie  people  and  discourage  in  them  efforts  to  ful- 
fill their  functions  aright.  The  council  recognized  the  evil  and  sought 
to  remedy  it. 

d.  Holders  of  several  cathedral  churches  are  required 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  361 

to  resign  all  but  one,  and  in  cases  where  more  benefices 
than  one  are  allowed,  by  special  dispensation,  suitable 
vicars  are  to  be  provided  for  such  churches  as  are  not 
personally  cared  for. 

The  evils  of  pluralities  are  recognized  and  a  feeble  attempt  at  ref- 
ormation is  suggested.  Many  of  the  most  important  ecclesiastical 
positions  were  lield  by  men  who  were  not  expected  to  render  any 
service  in  return  for  the  revenues  enjoyed  and  who  made  no  suitable 
provision  for  the  work  thus  neglected.  The  conferring  of  bish- 
oprics and  archbishoprics  on  young  children  was  no  uncommon 
occurrence. 

e.  Restrictions  were  put  upon  the  appointment  of  dis- 
reputable and  incompetent  men  to  ecclesiastical  posi- 
tions ;  but  there  is  no  indication  that  the  council  had  any 
serious  intention  of  bringing  the  priesthood  up  to  a  high 
moral  or  intellectual  standard.  Bishops  are  instructed 
to  use  all  diligence  in  efforts  to  promote  order  and  good 
morals  among  clergy  and  people.  The  deplorable  moral 
condition  of  the  clergy  is  frankly  recognized. 

/.  It  is  insisted  that  those  appointed  to  the  higher 
ecclesiastical  positions  be  men  of  good  birth  and  morals 
and  proper  age.     The  minimum  age  is  fixed  at  fourteen. 

g.  The  need  of  a  better  educated  clergy  is  recognized 
and  a  general  provision  for  promoting  ministerial  educa- 
tion is  suggested. 

The  power  of  an  educated  ministry  had  become  evident  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  evangelical  churches.  Catholics  must  have  an  educated 
priesthood  or  they  could  not  hold  their  own  in  the  conflict  with  Prot- 
estantism, much  less  win  back  to  the  church  the  alienated  multitudes. 

//.  A  thorough  reformation  of  monastic  life  is  decreed, 
based  upon  a  recognition  of  the  corruption  of  the  monas- 
teries charged  by  the  Protestants. 

/.  Frugality  is  enjoined  upon  the  cardinals  and  all  the 
clergy,  wasteful  luxury  being  recognized  as  one  of  the 
chief  causes  of  the  church's  woes. 

h.  Concubinage  is  acknowledged  as  prevalent  among 
the  clergy  and  is  disapproved.  It  is  ordered  that  the 
illegitimate  sons  of  the  clergy  shall  not  hold  benefices  in 
connection  with  those  of  their  fathers. 

it  is  to  be  observed  that  while  many  of  these  suggested  reforms 
seem  highly  commendable  and  would  give  the  impression  of  a  sen- 


362  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

ous  purpose  of  purifying  the  ciuircli  on  tlie  part  of  the  prelates  as- 
sembled, their  force  is  greatly  weakened  by  the  fact  that  it  is  distinctly 
and  emphatically  stated  that  these  reformatory  decrees  are  to  be  so 
interpreted  as  that  the  authority  of  the  Apostolic  See  is  not  touched 
thereby.  The  power  of  dispensation  possessed  and  from  this  time 
onward  freely  used  by  the  popes,  rendered  practically  nugatory  the 
decrees  that  the  prelates  enacted  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  public 
opinion  rather  than  to  render  the  church  pure.  Jesuitical  policy 
would  use  evangelical  weapons  and  simulate  evangelical  life  when- 
ever and  so  far  as  expediency  might  seem  to  require ;  but  there  is  no 
reason  to  believe  that  there  was  any  intention  of  enforcing  the  new 
regulations. 

(2)  On  Doctrine.  The  doctrinal  work  of  the  council 
wa.s  a  far  more  serious  matter  than  the  reformatory.  The 
former  was  intended  for  systematic  and  rigorous  use  in 
the  prevention  and  the  suppression  of  heresy,  while  tiie 
latter  could  be  used  or  neglected  as  the  exigencies  of  the 
church  miglit  dictate.  A  number  of  theologians  of  great 
ability  were  engaged  in  the  preparation  of  the  doctrinal 
statements.  The  distinctive  features  of  Lutheranism, 
Zwinglianism,  Calvinism,  Anti-pedobaptism,  and  other 
forms  of  dissent  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  are 
specifically  anathematized.  These  views  are  not  always 
formulated  in  a  way  that  does  entire  justice  to  those  that 
were  responsible  for  them,  but  in  most  cases  it  is  easy 
to  connect  the  anathemas  with  the  parties  for  whom 
they  were  intended. 

It  is  somewhat  difficult  to  characterize  the  doctrinal 
position  of  the  council.  On  the  doctrines  with  respect 
to  which  Augustine  and  Pelagius  were  at  a  variance  the 
statements  of  the  council  are  neither  Augustinian  nor 
Pelagian.  The  term  semi-Pelagian  might  seem  appro- 
priate, were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  Jesuit  Molina, 
followed  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  theologians  of  his 
society  and  many  others,  went  much  farther  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Pelagianism  and  were  regarded  by  the  strict  ad- 
herents to  the  formulae  of  the  council  as  semi-Pelagians. 
Perhaps  the  term  semi-Augustinian  would  be  more  appro- 
priate. The  following  specifications,  which  as  being 
partial  and  condensed  statements  cannot  claim  to  be  ab- 
solutely accurate,  must  suffice  : 

a.  On  the  Canon  of  Scripture.  The  Old  Testament 
Apocrypha  are  included  in  the  canon  and  an  anathema 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  363 

is  pronounced  upon  any  who  shall  deny  that  each  book 
as  given  in  the  Latin  Vulgate  is  inspired  in  all  its  parts. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  that,  in  accordance  with  the  decision  of  the 
council  to  have  a  uniform  and  absolutely  authoritative  edition  of  the 
Latin  Bible,  Sixtus  V.  issued  a  te.xt  in  1590.  In  it  were  omitted  third 
and  fourth  Ezra,  third  Maccabees,  and  the  Prayer  of  Manasseh,  and 
it  was  so  marred  by  typographical  and  other  errors  that  Clement 
Vlll.  felt  obliged  to  call  in  the  edition  and  to  issue  a  better  (1592). 

b.  Original  Sin.  When  Adam  transgressed  the  com- 
mand of  God  he  lost  the  sanctity  and  righteousness  in 
which  he  had  been  constituted  and  incurred  the  wrath 
and  indignation  of  God,  and  therefore  death,  and  with 
death  captivity,  under  the  power  of  the  devil.  This 
penalty  was  incurred  not  for  himself  alone,  but  for  his 
posterity  as  well,  and  deliverance  is  through  the  merit 
of  Christ  alone.  By  baptism  this  original  sin  is  taken 
away,  but  the  inherited  tendency  to  sin  remains,  hence 
post-baptismal  sins.  But  sufificient  grace  is  given,  if 
utilized,  for  the  avoidance  of  these. 

c.  Justification.  This  is  not  remission  of  sins  merely, 
but  also  the  sanctification  and  renewal  of  the  inner  man 
through  the  voluntary  reception  of  grace  and  gifts.  We 
are  said  to  be  justified  by  faith  because  faith  is  the  be- 
ginning of  human  salvation,  the  foundation  and  root  of 
all  justification.  We  are  said  to  be  justified  freely  be- 
cause none  of  those  things  that  precede  justification 
(whether  faith  or  works)  merits  the  grace  itself  of  justifi- 
cation. But  though  it  is  necessary  to  believe  that  sins 
neither  are  nor  ever  have  been  remitted,  unless  gratui- 
tously by  the  mercy  of  God  for  Christ's  sake,  yet  it  is  not 
to  be  said  that  sins  are  forgiven  or  have  been  forgiven  to 
any  one  who  boasts  of  his  confidence  and  certainty  of 
the  remission  of  sins  and  rests  on  that  alone.  Neither 
is  it  to  be  asserted  that  they  who  are  truly  justified 
must  needs  without  any  doubting  whatever  determine 
within  themselves  that  they  are  justified,  and  that  no 
one  is  absolved  from  sins  and  justified  unless  he  believes 
for  certain  that  he  is  absolved  and  justified.  This  was 
aimed  at  Luther's  doctrine  of  assurance.  Having  been 
thus  justified.  Christians  increase  day  by  day  in  that 
justice  which  they  have  received  through  the  grace  of 


364  A  .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

Christ,  through  the  observance  of  the  commandments 
of  God  and  of  the  church,  faith  co-operating  with  good 
works.  Again,  good  works  are  represented  as  fruits  of 
justification  and  to  these  God  has  mercifully  promised 
reward.     Venial  sins  may  be  expiated  by  good  works. 

J.  Predestination.  This  is  treated  under  justification 
and  the  Calvinistic  statements  are  condemned,  but  not 
so  decidedly  as  by  the  later  Jesuit  divines. 

e.  The  Sacraments.  The  seven  sacraments  long  recog- 
nized by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  are  elaborately  de- 
fended against  the  Protestants,  who  were  united  in  reject- 
ing all  but  baptism  and  the  Supper,  and  are  accurately 
defined. 

/.  The  Interpretation  of  the  Doctrinal  Decrees  of  the 
CouTicil.  W  hile  it  was  of  great  importance  to  the  papacy 
to  ha\  e  a  carefully  formulated  statement  of  doctrine  as 
a  criterion  of  orthodoxy,  it  was  early  foreseen  that  dif- 
ferences of  opinion  would  arise  as  to  the  interpretation 
of  these  formula?.  Provision  was  made  for  their  authori- 
tative interpretation  by  the  establishment  of  the  Con- 
gregation of  the  Council  as  a  department  of  the  Roman 
Curia.  As  the  infallible  head  of  the  church,  the  pope, 
of  course,  has  the  last  word  in  all  disputed  interpreta- 
tions. 

IV.  THE  SOCIETY  OF  JESUS. 

Literature  :  The  fundamental  publications  of  the  Society'  de 
scribed  in  the  text  Uhe  author  has  in  his  libran"  a  collection  of  earlv 
editions  of  these  fundamental  writings  that  before  and  during  the 
Thirt>'  Years'  War  belonged  to  the  librar>-  of  the  Jesuit  establish- 
ment at  Munich,  the  chief  center  of  their  operations  in  Germany) ; 
"'^Doctritut  Jesuitarum  Prj-.-ipua  Capita,  a  doclis  quihusJjm  Theologts''' 
(Chemnitz,  Boquin,  Whitaker,  et  jL),  i;84-i585 :  Tavlor,  "  Lovola 
and  Jesuitism,''  1849;  Rose,  *'  Ignatius  Lovola  and  the  Earlv  Jesu- 
its," second  ed.,  i8qi  ;  Baumgarten,  ""  fgn.  Ton  Lotolj,"'  18S0; 
Gothein,  "Ign.  Ton  Lcnola  u.  d.  Gevmreformationy  1895  ;  Steinmetz, 
*'  Hist,  of  the  Jesuits,"  1848  ;  Thompson.  *'  Footprints  of  the  Jesu- 
its," 1804:  Carn\Tight,  "The  Jesuits,"  1876:  Pascal,  "Provincial 
Letters":  Dollinger  u.  Reusch,  "G«rA.  d.  MorahiTntigkatm  in  d. 
Romtsch-kathol.  Ktrche  s-nt  d.  id.Jahrh.,  mit  Briirasfn  ^jr  Gesch.  .  .  d. 
Jesuiimordrns,''  18^;  Reusch,  "fl«/rj^/  ^r  Gesch.  d.  Jesuitenordm,''^ 
1894;  art.  bv  Steitz  and  Zockler  on  "■  Jnuitenordm''  in  Hauck-Her- 
zog,  ed.  3,  Bd.  9,  Snt.  742-784. 

From  the  preceding  history  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  it  might  have  been  expected  that  such  a  crisis 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  365 

as  the  Protestant  Revolution  would  call  forth  a  new  mo- 
nastic order  precisely  adapted  in  spirit  and  methods  to 
the  exigencies  of  the  case.  As  the  wonderful  growth  of 
dissent  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  brought 
into  the  field  the  Franciscan  and  the  Dominican  Orders, 
which  gathered  up  in  themselves  the  energy  and  zeal  of 
the  corrupt  medieval  church  and  hurled  them  against 
heresy  in  the  form  of  enthusiastic  popular  preaching  and 
improved  theological  literature  and  teaching,  and  devised 
more  systematic  and  rigorous  methods  of  searching  out 
and  destroying  heretics,  so  the  Protestant  Revolution 
called  forth  tne  order  of  Jesuits,  which  represented  the 
most  enthusiastic,  aggressive,  and  intolerant  type  of 
Roman  Catholicism  in  a  greatly  intensified  and  thor- 
oughly organized  form. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  intense  and  intolerant 
character  of  Spanish  Roman  Catholicism  at  the  beginning  of  the 
present  period  and  to  the  influence  of  contact  and  conflict  with  Mo- 
hammedanism in  producing  it  it  might  have  been  expected  that 
the  countr\-  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  and  Ximenes  would  give  to 
the  church  its  method,  its  leaders,  and  its  organization  in  the  great 
confl'ict  with  Protestantism,  in  which  it  must  employ  all  its  resources 
to  the  greatest  advantage  or  else  renounce  its  ambition  to  be  and  to 
be  regarded  as  the  Catholic  church. 

I .  Vie  Founder  of  the  Order. 

Ignatius  Loyola  (Don  Inigo  Lopez  de  Recalde)  was  the 
youngest  son  of  the  knight  Beltran  of  Loyola,  a  member 
of  one  of  the  old  noble  families  of  Spain,  Born  in  1491, 
he  received  only  a  moderate  education  and  spent  his 
youth  at  the  court  of  Ferdinand.  Chivalry  and  reverence 
for  saints  and  martyrs  became  deeply  impressed  upon 
his  highly  sentimental  and  imaginative  nature.  In  1521 
he  was  severely  wounded  in  the  battle  between  the 
Spanish  and  the  French  at  Pampeluna.  During  his  long 
confinement,  in  the  absence  of  works  of  chivalry  in  which 
he  specially  delighted,  he  read  with  absorbing  interest  a 
life  of  Christ  and  a  book  of  legends  of  the  saints.  The 
images  of  heroic  Christian  service  and  sacrifice  formed 
by  his  vivid  imagination  in  reading  these  works  deeply 
impressed  themsehes  upon  his  nature.  Such  monastic 
leaders  as  Francis  of  Assisi  and  Dominic  awakened  in 
him  a  spirit  of  emulation.     What  they  did  he  might  also 


366  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  v. 

do.  Worldly  thoughts,  especially  those  involving  am- 
bition for  advancement,  and  amatory  desires  inspired 
by  the  charms  of  his  lady  love,  he  came  to  attribute  to 
Satanic  prompting,  while  the  desire  to  consecrate  his  life 
with  chivalric  devotion  to  the  conversion  of  infidels  in 
the  Holy  Land  he  accepted  as  divinely  given.  On  his 
recovery  he  exchanged  garments  with  a  beggar  and  en- 
tered a  Dominican  monastery,  where  he  hung  his  mili- 
tary accoutrements  before  an  image  of  the  Virgin.  Rigor- 
ous asceticism,  the  performance  of  the  most  difficult  and 
disagreeable  services,  and  frequent  confessions  and 
masses,  indicated  his  intense  devotion  to  his  religious 
ideal.  From  the  monastery  of  Manresa  he  went  to  Bar- 
celona, and  in  1523  he  journeyed  to  Palestine  to  enter 
upon  his  chosen  life-work.  Finding  no  opening  for  mis- 
sionary activity  in  Jerusalem,  after  visiting  the  few  holy 
places  that  were  accessible  to  him,  he  returned  to  Spain. 
He  had  become  convinced  that  a  thorough  university 
education  was  indispensable  to  the  realization  of  his  ideal 
of  service.  With  almost  incredible  labor  he  mastered 
the  elements  of  Latin  at  Barcelona.  At  Alcala  he  studied 
philosophy  and  trained  a  number  of  young  people  in  the 
"Spiritual  Exercises,"  which  he  had  early  prepared  and 
which  in  their  completed  form  embody  very  fully  his  re- 
ligious ideals.  Here  and  at  Salamanca,  where  he  con- 
tinued his  studies,  he  incurred  the  suspicion  of  the  officers 
of  the  Inquisition  and  suffered  considerable  persecution, 
in  1 528,  now  thirty-seven  years  of  age,  he  entered  upon 
a  course  of  study  in  the  University  of  Paris,  beginning 
again  with  grammatical  work  because  of  his  conscious 
deficiencies.  His  religious  enthusiasm  might  have  been 
expected  to  thrust  him  all  unprepared  into  the  thick  of 
the  conflict  ;  but  he  had  come  to  realize  that  education 
was  necessary  for  his  work,  and  that  if  only  twenty  years 
of  life  were  left  to  him  he  could  afford  to  devote  ten  of 
them  to  arduous  study.  He  lived  on  charity,  spending 
his  vacations  in  the  Netherlands  among  his  fellow-coun- 
trymen, who  ministered  liberally  to  his  wants.  But  how- 
ever much  he  became  absorbed  in  the  drudgery  of  ac- 
quiring an  education  he  never  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of 
his  great  purpose.  Wherever  he  could  find  any  one  dis- 
posed to  subject  himself  to  a  course  of  training  in  the 


CHAP.  11.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  367 

"  Spiritual  Exercises  "  he  rarely  failed  to  master  his  will 
and  to  fill  him  with  his  own  enthusiasm  for  self-sacri- 
ficing effort  on  behalf  of  the  church.  For  disturbing  the 
students  in  their  studies  by  his  '*  Spiritual  Exercises  "  he 
narrowly  escaped  disgraceful  punishment  at  the  hands  of 
the  university  authorities.  Among  the  able  youths  who 
were  completely  mastered  by  his  enthusiasm  were  Peter 
Faber,  Francis  Xavier,  Alfonso  Salmeron,  Jacob  Lainez, 
Nicholas  Bobdilla  (Spaniards),  and  Simon  Rodriguez  (a 
Portuguese).  On  August  15,  1534  (the  anniversary  of 
the  assumption  of  the  Virgin  Mary),  in  the  St.  Mary's 
church  at  Montmartre,  they  unitedly  took  upon  them- 
selves the  most  solemn  vows  to  enter,  after  the  comple- 
tion of  their  studies,  upon  hospital  and  missionary  work 
in  Jerusalem,  or,  the  door  being  closed  for  such  work, 
to  go  without  questioning  wherever  the  pope  might  send 
them. 

hi  1535  Loyola  and  his  associates  returned  to  Spain 
to  arrange  the  affairs  of  the  latter  preparatory  to  their  de- 
parture for  the  Orient.  At  the  beginning  of  1537  they 
betook  themselves,  with  three  recruits,  to  Venice,  with  the 
design  of  procuring  transportation  to  Palestine.  War  be- 
tween the  Venetians  and  the  Turks  delayed  them,  and 
they  entered  enthusiastically  upon  hospital  work,  which 
brought  them  into  relations  with  the  Cardinal  Caraffa 
that  proved  highly  important  to  the  society.  Caraffa 
tried  to  win  them  to  his  Theatine  order,  which  had  much 
in  common  with  the  new  society.  Loyola  next  sent 
forth  his  followers  as  evangelists  into  the  cities  and 
towns  of  the  republic.  Reassembling  at  Rome  they 
preached  with  great  fervor  in  the  market-place,  on  the 
streets,  in  the  hospitals,  and  in  private  houses,  and  made 
a  special  effort  to  win  the  students  of  the  university. 
Their  labors  were  so  abundant  and  successful  that  they 
were  at  last  able  to  overcome  the  reluctance  of  the  pope 
to  the  establishment  of  a  new  order,  and  on  September 
27,  1540,  Paul  III.  issued  a  bull  confirming  the  society 
but  limiting  its  membership  to  sixty.  This  limitation  was 
removed  in  March,  1543.  Loyola  was  unanimously 
elected  general  and  to  set  an  example  of  humility  he  be- 
gan his  official  career  by  serving  as  cook  for  a  time. 
Then  for  forty-six  days  he  devoted   himself   with   un- 


368  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

quenchable  zeal  and  witli  remarkable  success  to  the 
training  of  youth  in  the  "  Spiritual  Exercises."  From 
this  time  onward  the  society  went  forward  in  influence 
and  in  numbers  by  leaps  and  bounds,  soon  secured  al- 
most unlimited  privileges,  and  was  able  to  shape  the  pol- 
icy of  the  entire  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  furnish  the 
most  effective  agents  for  the  subjugation  of  the  world  to 
the  hierarchy. 

The  facts  that  have  been  briefly  given  regarding  the  career  of 
Ignatius  Loyola  reveal  to  us  a  man  of  remarkable  power  of  will, 
mastered  by  a  great  purpose  which  he  identified  in  the  most  absolute 
way  with  the  will  of  God,  idealizing  the  church  by  his  vivid  imagi- 
nation so  as  to  feel  that  its  aggrandizement  was  a  matter  of  su- 
preme importance,  self-sacrificing  to  the  last  degree  on  behalf  of  the 
object  of  his  devotion,  able  by  his  zeal,  his  power  of  will,  and  his 
method  of  training  readily  to  master  the  wills  of  those  who  came 
within  the  sphere  of  his  influence,  capable  of  planning  and  scheming 
with  the  utmost  deliberation  when  it  suited  his  purpose,  intolerant  in 
the  highest  degree  of  opposition  to  the  church,  which  meant  to  him 
opposition  to  God  himself,  an  enthusiast,  but  not  a  fanatic. 

2.  Characteristics  of  the  Jesuits. 

(i)  Poverty,  Chastity,  and  Obedience,  hi  common  with 
other  monastic  orders,  the  Jesuits  are  bound  by  the  vows 
of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience.  To  these  is  added 
a  vow  to  go  without  questioning  or  hesitation  wherever 
the  pope  may  command.  This  last  vow  was  introduced 
partly  to  overcome  the  reluctance  of  the  pope  to  confirm 
the  order  and  partly  to  emphasize  Loyola's  idea  of  abso- 
lute obedience  to  a  single  central  authority. 

(2)  Centralisation  of  Authority.  The  fundamental  idea 
of  the  society  is  that  of  securing  absolute  domination 
over  the  spirits  of  men  and  of  centralizing  all  power  in 
one  earthly  head  representing  God  on  earth.  Jesuitism 
is  thus  the  most  perfect  embodiment  of  the  papal  idea. 

(3)  Perfect  Organisation.  The  society  combines  high 
enthusiasm  with  careful  selection  and  thorough  training 
of  the  individual  members  and  with  perfect  organization. 
Ml  such  a  combination,  whether  the  principles  involved 
be  right  or  wrong,  there  is  almost  irresistible  power. 

3.  System  of  Selection  and  Training. 

This  was  admirably  adapted  to  the  securing  of  fit  men 
for  the  purposes  of  the  society. 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  369 

(i)  t/f  Course  of  Spiritual  Exercises.  These  were  con- 
ducted with  the  use  of  the  manual  early  prepared  by  the 
founder.  When  an  individual  had  come  so  far  under  the 
influence  of  members  of  the  society  as  to  be  willing  to 
submit  himself  to  a  four  weeks'  course,  he  was  isolated, 
and  under  the  direction  of  an  adept  taken  systematically 
through  these  wonderful  exercises,  the  aim  of  which  was 
to  induce  a  state  of  complete  subjection  of  the  will  and  a 
habit  of  vivid  contemplation  and  imaginative  realization. 
The  "  Spiritual  Exercises  "  are  a  masterpiece  of  psycho- 
logical insight.  We  can  hardly  conceive  of  anything 
better  calculated  for  securing  a  complete  mastery  over  a 
susceptible  youth.  The  twenty-eight  general  divisions 
into  daily  tasks  are  each  subdivided  into  five  hourly 
meditations.  Each  of  these  begins  with  a  preparatory 
prayer  followed  by  two  preludes,  the  first  consisting  of 
the  realization  of  the  place,  the  persons,  and  the  circum- 
stances of  the  biblical  event  that  forms  the  subject  for 
meditation.  The  effort  is  to  induce  in  the  mind  of  the 
subject  such  a  vision  of  these  as  an  eye-witness  would 
have.  He  is  taught  to  see  the  angels  fall,  to  see  our 
first  parents  sin,  to  behold  the  judge  pronouncing  con- 
demnation, and  hell  opening  its  abyss.  He  is  taught  to 
hear  the  Persons  of  the  Trinity  planning  the  scheme  of 
redemption.  He  is  made  to  realize  that  he  stands  on  the 
banks  of  the  Jordan  at  the  baptism  of  Jesus  and  beholds 
the  Spirit  of  God  descending  as  a  dove  and  hears  the  ac- 
companying divine  utterance.  He  tarries  on  the  moun- 
tain of  transfiguration  and  beholds  the  glorified  Christ 
and  his  companions.  He  stands  among  the  disciples  at 
the  last  Supper.  He  realizes  as  if  he  were  present  the 
fires  and  fumes  of  hell,  hears  the  despairing  groans  and 
utterances  of  the  damned,  smells  the  horrible  stench  of 
combustion,  and  realizes  the  endless  duration  of  hell- 
torments.  The  second  prelude  of  each  hourly  exercise 
consists  in  a  prayer  in  which  the  candidate  is  led  to  weep 
or  rejoice  as  the  subject  of  the  meditation  demands. 
Each  meditation  ends  with  an  invocation  of  Christ  whose 
presence  the  candidate  is  expected  to  realize.  The  can- 
didate is  taught  continually  to  examine  himself,  to  real- 
ize vividly  his  sinful  condition,  each  individual  sin  being 
made  to  stand  apart  in  all   its  hideousness,  and  he  is 

Y 


370  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

taught  carefully  to  record  from  day  to  day  the  progress 
made  in  overcoming  his  sins.  He  is  taught  to  realize 
deeply  the  natural  consequences  of  sin  as  seen  in  the 
condition  of  those  suffering  eternal  torment  and  to  re- 
joice in  the  salvation  provided  by  Christ,  the  glories  of 
which  are  realized  as  vividly  as  possible.  These  "  Spirit- 
ual Exercises  "  have  from  the  beginning  been  one  of  the 
most  valuable  instruments  of  the  society  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  its  purposes. 

(2)  The  Novitiate,  in  case  the  "  Spiritual  Exercises  " 
have  produced  the  desired  effect  and  the  subject  is  re- 
garded as  spiritually,  mentally,  and  physically  adapted 
to  the  purposes  of  the  society,  and  no  obstacles  appear, 
he  is  invited  to  become  a  Novice.  He  is  now  carefully 
excluded  from  all  intercourse  with  his  relatives  and 
former  friends.  Every  earthly  tie  is  broken.  He  is  to 
have  no  will  of  his  own  as  to  his  future  course,  but  is  to 
put  himself  into  the  hands  of  the  director  as  the  inter- 
preter of  heaven  toward  him.  He  is  to  be  as  a  corpse 
or  as  a  staff.  Absolute  obedience  is  the  thing  most  in- 
sisted upon.  His  conscience  must  not  assert  itself  in  op- 
position to  the  will  of  his  superiors.  Absolute  destruction 
of  individual  will  and  conscience  is  aimed  at  and  to  a 
great  extent  accomplished.  The  director  studies  with 
the  greatest  care  the  condition  of  the  Novice  from  day  to 
day.  He  is  allowed  to  read  nothing  but  a  little  devo- 
tional matter.  He  may  not  converse  with  other  Novices. 
His  obedience  is  fully  tested  by  the  requirement  of  the 
most  disagreeable  and  arduous  services.  The  novitiate 
usually  lasts  for  about  two  years,  and  if  the  Novice  is 
found  to  possess  great  energy  and  tact,  and  absolute 
obedience,  he  is  accepted  as  a  Scholar. 

(3)  The  Scholar.  This  promotion  is  accompanied  by  a 
pledge  on  the  part  of  the  candidate  that  he  will  devote 
his  life  to  the  service  of  the  society  if  so  required.  He 
now  undergoes  a  protracted  course  of  training  in  the 
various  branches  of  secular  and  theological  learning. 
The  educational  work  of  the  Jesuits  was  from  an  early 
date  thoroughly  systematized,  and  was  conducted  with 
an  enthusiasm  and  a  devotion  of  effort  to  the  meeting  of 
the  peculiar  needs  of  each  individual  that  placed  their 
institutions  of  learning  decidedly  in  advance  of  contem- 


CHAP.  II]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  371 

porary  Catholic  and  even  Protestant  schools.  The  prin- 
ciple of  selection  having  already  been  applied  in  the  case 
of  the  Scholars,  they  v/ere  a  body  of  picked  men,  thor- 
oughly obedient  to  their  superiors  and  devoted  to  their 
work.  The  utmost  attention  was  paid  to  wholesome 
nourishment  and  physical  culture  ;  for  the  leaders  real- 
ized from  the  beginning  that  to  accomplish  their  purposes 
a  sound  and  hardy  physique  was  just  as  important  as  a 
well-trained  and  well-stored  mind.  If  at  the  end  of  the 
course  of  study  the  Scholar  was  regarded  as  highly  prom- 
ising, he  was  made  a  Coadjutor. 

(4)  The  Coadjutor.  Those  who  have  attained  to  this 
rank  devote  themselves  entirely  to  the  promotion  of  the 
aims  of  the  society  in  spiritual  or  in  secular  work.  Some 
are  employed  as  teachers  in  the  schools  and  colleges  of 
the  society.  Some  serve  as  priests  and  missionaries. 
Some  attend  to  the  business  affairs  of  the  society,  which 
early  assumed  great  importance.  Coadjutors  designed 
for  secular  duties  were  not  so  highly  educated  as  those 
designed  for  teachers,  priests,  and  missionaries. 

(5)  Tlie  Professed.  A  small  proportion  of  the  Coadju- 
tors, limited  to  such  as  have  proved  themselves  pos- 
sessed in  the  highest  degree  of  the  qualities  desiderated 
in  the  Jesuit,  after  a  long  enough  period  of  responsible 
service  in  various  capacities  to  test  very  thoroughly  their 
fidelity  and  capability,  are  admitted  to  the  rank  of  the 
Professed,  which  constitutes  the  inner  circle  of  the  so- 
ciety from  which  the  officers  are  chosen  and  who  are 
entrusted  with  its  secrets. 

(6)  IVatchcare.  Each  member  of  the  society,  includ- 
ing the  general,  is  responsible  to  another,  to  whom  he 
must  regularly  make  confession  of  his  inmost  thoughts, 
and  who  is  required  to  exercise  a  watchcare  over  him 
and  to  report  every  deviation  from  rectitude,  according 
to  the  standards  of  the  body. 

The  "Constitutions"  of  the  Jesuits  give  minute  direction  as  to 
the  manner  of  admission  to  the  various  ranks,  the  tests  to  be  ap- 
plied, and  the  occupations  of  those  belonging  to  each  rank.  The 
original  educational  scheme  is  carefully  outlined.  The  manner  of 
electing  officers  and  the  manner  in  which  they  are  to  be  removed 
when  the  interests  of  the  society  require  it,  and  the  way  in  which 
undesirable  members  are  to  be  disposed  of,  are  embodied  in  this  re- 
markable document,  which,  along  with  the  "  Spiritual  Exercises" 


372  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  fundamental  documents  of  the  so- 
ciety. 

The  "  Rules  "  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  give  minute  directions  to  the 
members  in  the  various  grades  as  to  their  personal  conduct  in  the 
religious  houses  and  in  the  world.  Much  of  worldly  wisdom  is 
blended  with  some  genuinely  Christian  precepts.  In  earlv  editions 
Loyola's  tract  on  "  The  Virtue  of  Obedience"  is  appended.  Aqua- 
viva,  general  of  the  society,  prescribed  (1604)  the  reading  of  this 
tract  every  two  days  by  every  Jesuit.  It  teaches  each  one  to  put 
aside  all  conscientious  scruples  and  to  obey  his  superior  as  if  he 
were  Christ  himself,  whatever  he  may  command.  No  writing  bet- 
ter embodies  the  spirit  of  the  society  or  furnishes  a  better  explana- 
tion of  its  immoralities. 

The  "  Institutes"  of  the  Society  of  Jesus  (1606  and  often),  is  the 
comprehensive  law  book  of  the  society,  embracing  papal  bulls, 
briefs,  and  privileges,  a  "  General  Examination  of  the  Society":  a 
treatise  on  the  nature,  purpose,  and  task  of  the  society  ;  the 
"  Constitutions,"  described  above,  with  ten  chapters  of  "  Declara- 
tions" or  authoritative  interpretations  of  constitutional  points;  the 
"  Decrees  and  Canons  of  the  General  Congregation  ";  the  "  Rules," 
mentioned  above  ;  a  pedagogical  manual  ("  T^atio  Stiidiorum  "  )  ;  the 
"  Ordinances  of  the  Generals";  the  "Spiritual  Exercises,"  de- 
scribed above  ;  and  some  other  ascetical  works. 

The  "  A/o;//7j  Secreta''^  (secret  instructions),  supposed  to  be  the 
frank  directions  of  the  generals  to  the  provincials  and  others  and 
embodying  the  well-known  worldly  wisdom  and  unscrupulousness 
of  the  society,  can  no  longer  be  used  as  a  genuine  document.  Its 
genuineness  is  denied  bv  the  society  and  has  not  been  fully  proved 
by  its  opponents.  It  was  first  published  in  1612  and,  if  not  genu- 
ine, was  probably  the  production  of  the  ex-Jesuit,  Hieronymus 
Zaorowski,  on  the  basis  of  accurate  information  regarding  the  secret 
workings  of  the  society.  The  repudiation  of  the  work  by  the  so- 
ciety is,  of  course,  no  conclusive  evidence  of  its  spurious'ness.  It 
has  been  the  consistent  policy  of  the  society  from  the  beginning  to 
deny  everything  disadvantageous  to  the  church  or  to  itself  and  to 
take  the  chances  of  being  proved  unveracious  by  irrefutable  testi- 
mony ;  and  the  training  received  by  the  members  of  the  society  has 
made  them  adepts  at  evasion.  '         , 

4.  Aims  of  the  Order. 

The  professed  aim  of  Ignatius  and  his  associates  was 
the  promotion  of  the  "greater  glory  of  God."  The  ex- 
pression of  this  aim  abounds  in  the  writings  of  the  so- 
ciety. The  greater  glory  of  God  was  identified  by  them 
in  the  most  absolute  way  with  the  world-wide  and  un- 
disputed dominion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  with 
the  pope  as  its  infallible  and  irresponsible  head.  The 
bringing  of  the  church  into  its  normal  condition  of  thor- 
oughly organized  and  exclusive  dominion  meant  to  them 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   COUNTER-REFORMATION  373 

the  universal  triumph  of  their  own  ideal  of  church  life 
and  government.  It  was  theirs,  therefore,  to  master  the 
church  and  its  hierarchy,  including  the  pope,  and  to  use 
all  its  resources  for  the  reconquest  of  territory  that  had 
been  Catholic  but  was  then  under  Protestant  or  Moham- 
medan control,  and  to  bring  the  entire  heathen  world 
under  the  sway  of  the  Jesuitized  hierarchy.  Absolute 
world  dominion  by  a  single  will,  which  was  nominally 
that  of  the  pope,  but  really  that  of  the  general  of  the 
society — this  and  nothing  less  was  the  task  that  this 
little  group  of  Spanish  enthusiasts  set  out  to  accomplish. 

Such  dominion  meant  not  merely  outward  obedience  on  the  part  of 
each  individual  prelate,  priest,  monk,  king,  emperor,  noble,  and 
peasant,  to  the  commands  of  the  central  authority  (complete  subjec- 
tion of  will),  but  it  meant  also  the  renunciation  of  all  private  think- 
ing and  of  all  individual  moral  prompting,  and  the  acceptance  as  in- 
tellectually correct  and  morally  sound  of  whatever  the  church  through 
its  authorized  channels  teaches  or  prescribes  (subjection  of  the  in- 
tellectual and  the  moral  sense),  as  well  as  joyful  and  loving  acqui- 
escence in  such  enslavement  (subjection  of  the  emotional  nature). 

5.  Methods  of  the  Jesuits. 

(i)  The  careful  selection  and  thorough  training  of  its 
men  has  already  been  mentioned.  No  religious  order,  it 
is  probable,  ever  exercised  so  much  care  in  securing 
proper  instruments.  The  purpose  of  the  founder  and 
the  early  directors  of  the  society  was  not,  however,  the 
perfection  of  the  individual  for  his  own  sake,  but  the  se- 
curing of  the  most  efficient  instrument  possible  for  the 
work  to  be  accomplished. 

(2)  The  power  of  dispensing  with  all  rules  and  require- 
ments when  the  interests  of  the  society  seem  to  make  it 
expedient  has  been  vested  in  the  general.  The  Jesuit 
missionary  or  worker  in  any  sphere  may  thus  adapt  his 
dress,  manner  of  life,  and  occupation  to  the  exigencies 
of  the  occasion.  He  may  disguise  himself  and  figure 
as  a  Protestant  or  a  Brahmin,  if  by  so  doing  he  can  gain 
an  entrance  otherwise  difficult  for  Catholic  teaching. 
The  story  is  familiar  of  a  Jesuit  who  mastered  the  San- 
skrit language  and  the  Vedas,  assumed  the  dress  and  the 
mode  of  life  of  a  Brahmin  priest,  and  finally  wrote  and 
palmed  off  as  ancient  a  Veda  in  which  Roman  Catholic 
Christianity  under  a  thin  disguise  was  taught,     in  Eng- 


374  A   AlANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

land  and  other  Protestant  countries  where  the  Jesuits 
were  outlawed,  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  that  they 
frequently  conformed  outwardly  to  the  established  form 
of  religion  and  secretly  and  insidiously  carried  on  their 
proselytizing  work. 

(3)  They  early  realized  the  vast  importance  of  direct- 
ing higher  education  as  a  means  of  gaining  control  of  the 
lives  of  the  ablest  and  best-connected  young  men  and 
making  trained  intellect  subservient  to  their  purposes. 
Their  pedagogical  methods,  while  not  deviating  very 
widely  from  those  of  the  mediaeval  universities,  were  so 
vital  with  the  enthusiasm  of  the  society  as  to  attract  vast 
numbers  of  the  ablest  and  noblest  youths,  including 
many  Protestants,  and  to  enthrall  them.  It  is  probable 
that  more  time  was  employed  in  molding  their  religious 
and  moral  characters  into  complete  harmony  with  the 
ideals  of  the  society  than  in  securing  a  mastery  of  the 
studies  of  the  course  ;  but  as  twelve  years  were  often 
devoted  to  the  completion  of  the  arts  and  theological 
courses,  the  intellectual  training  given  was  usually  ade- 
quate for  all  the  purposes  of  the  society,  and  qualified 
their  workers  to  hold  their  own  in  competition  with  Prot- 
estant ministers.  Large  numbers  of  the  most  desirable 
young  men  who  entered  their  schools  with  no  intention 
of  becoming  members  of  the  society  were  won  by  the 
patient  efforts  of  those  in  charge. 

(4)  From  the  beginning  they  utilized  the  confessional 
to  the  utmost  as  a  means  of  mastering  the  souls  of  men 
and  women  and  gaining  a  knowledge  of  religious  and 
political  affairs  that  could  serve  the  ends  of  the  society. 
The  sons  and  daughters  of  the  rich  and  the  noble  they 
sought  by  every  means  to  bring  under  their  influence, 
and  they  were  soon  the  favorite  confessors  in  the  impe- 
rial court  and  in  many  of  the  royal  courts  of  Europe.  It 
was  their  constant  aim  to  make  their  confessional  system 
so  attractive  to  the  rich  and  the  noble  that  they  would 
seek  it  of  their  own  accord.  To  this  end  their  casuisti- 
cal system  of  moral  theology  was  elaborated,  whereby 
they  were  able  to  appease  the  consciences  of  their  sub- 
jects in  all  kinds  of  wrong-doing.  It  was  their  policy  to 
indulge  their  noble  charges  in  all  kinds  of  \'ice  and  crime 
and  to  instill  into  their  minds  an  undying  hatred  of  every 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  375 

form  of  opposition  to  the  Catholic  faith.     The  confessor 
of  Louis  XIV.  was  nicknamed  Pere  de  la  Chaise. 

(5)  Their  determination  to  use  the  political  power  of 
Europe  for  their  own  purposes  caused  them  from  the  be- 
ginning to  take  the  profoundest  interest  in  politics.  When 
they  had  once  molded  a  ruler  to  their  will  and  made  him 
the  subservient  instrument  of  their  policy,  they  were 
ever  at  his  side  dictating  to  him  the  measures  to  be  em- 
ployed for  the  eradication  of  heresy  and  the  complete 
reformation  of  his  realm  according  to  the  Jesuit  ideal, 
and  they  were  ever  ready,  with  full  papal  authority,  to 
conduct  inquisitorial  work.  When  Catholic  or  Protes- 
tant rulers  opposed  their  schemes  they  made  use  of  in- 
trigue in  the  most  unscrupulous  manner  for  securing 
their  overthrow  and  the  installation  of  a  new  govern- 
ment more  favorable  to  their  aims.  They  soon  grew 
so  daring  and  high-handed  in  their  measures,  procuring 
in  some  cases  the  assassination  of  kings,  that  they  be- 
came a  terror  to  civil  rulers  and  were  expelled  even  from 
Spain  and  Portugal.  The  unscrupulous  manner  in  which 
through  the  confessional  and  every  method  known  to  the 
expert  detective  they  became  possessed  of  State  secrets 
and  utilized  them  for  their  purposes  is  well  known  to  stu- 
dents of  political  as  well  as  to  those  of  church  history. 

(6)  Their  activity  in  connection  with  the  Council  of 
Trent  has  already  been  referred  to.  The  uncompro- 
mising attitude  of  the  council  toward  Protestantism  was 
due  in  a  large  measure  to  the  influence  of  Lainez,  the 
second  general,  and  to  other  Jesuit  members.  Their  in- 
fluence in  the  interpretation  of  the  doctrinal  decrees  of 
the  council  has  been  still  more  important. 

(7)  Recognizing,  as  they  early  did,  the  importance  of 
popular  preaching  as  a  means  of  winning  back  Protes- 
tant communities  to  the  Catholic  faith,  they  gave  the 
utmost  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  the  preaching  gifts 
among  the  members  and  used  every  device  suggested  by 
Protestant  worship  or  otherwise  for  the  popularization  of 
the  church  services.  They  secured  from  the  pope  per- 
mission to  omit  such  portions  of  the  liturgies  as  were 
tedious  and  in  the  way  of  more  interesting  elements  of 
worship,  and  thoroughly  modernized  the  services  in  the 
churches  where  they  ministered. 


376  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

(8)  Their  ethical  system,  to  be  further  described  be- 
low, gave  them  perfect  freedom  as  to  the  use  of  means 
for  the  accomplishment  of  their  aims. 

(9)  Their  superior  efficiency,  as  compared  with  the 
other  orders  and  the  secular  priesthood  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  and  with  the  Lutheran  clergy  of  the 
latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  and  the  first  half  of  the  sev- 
enteenth century,  may  be  likened  to  that  of  a  thor- 
oughly picked  and  thoroughly  trained  baseball  or  foot- 
ball team,  filled  with  enthusiasm  for  the  honor  of  a  great 
university  and  reckless  of  everything  but  success,  and 
an  equal  number  of  ill-selected  and  ill-trained  men,  with- 
out a  large  definite  purpose  and  fearful  of  personal  injury. 

6.  The  Ethical  System  of  the  Jesuits. 

Nothing  was  more  conducive  to  the  immediate  success 
of  the  society  and  nothing  was  more  calculated  to  bring 
it  into  everlasting  obloquy,  than  the  ethical  ideas  that  its 
members  professed  and  upon  which  their  proceedings 
were  based.  Their  system  was  simply  a  logical  carry- 
ing out  of  principles  that  had  for  centuries  been  fully 
recognized  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  had  long 
before  had  a  terrible  fruitage  ;  but  many  Catholics  were 
shocked  by  the  utter  immorality  of  Jesuit  teaching  and 
conduct.  A  more  disabolical  system  it  would  be  difficult 
to  conceive. 

(i)  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  important 
place  given  to  obedience  in  the  Jesuit  teaching.  The 
founder  of  the  society  made  the  highest  merit  to  consist 
in  such  a  renunciation  of  the  mental,  moral,  and  emo- 
tional promptings  of  the  individual  as  would  enable  him 
to  do  the  bidding  of  his  superior  with  the  greatest  satis- 
faction, even  though  it  involved  what  he  might  otherwise 
have  thought  to  be  in  the  highest  degree  sinful  and 
criminal. 

In  his  letter  on  "The  Virtue  of  Obedience  "  he  writes :  "We 
may  the  more  easily  suffer  ourselves  to  be  surpassed  by  other  relig- 
ious orders  in  fastings,  vigils,  and  the  rest,  in  the  roughness  of  food 
and  clothing,  which  each  according  to  its  own  rites  and  discipline 
holily  receives;  but  1  am  particularly  anxious,  dearest  brethren,  that 
you  \vho  serve  in  this  society  be  conspicuous  for  true  and  perfect 
obedience  and  abdication  of  will  and  of  judgment  ;  and  that  the  true 
and  germane  character  of  the  said  society  be  distinguished,  as  it 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  377 

were,  by  this  note,  that  its  members  never  Iool<  upon  the  person  him- 
self whom  thev  obey,  but  upon  the  Lord  Christ  in  him  whose  cause 
they  obey."  He  goes  on  to  say  that  "  if  a  superior  be  adorned  and 
instructed  with  prudence,  goodness,  and  whatever  other  divine  gifts, 
he  is  not  on  this  account  to  be  obeyed,  but  solely  because  he  is  the 
vicegerent  of  God  and  performs  his  functions  by  the  authority  of 
him  who  says,  '  Whosoever  hears  you  hears  me  and  whosoever  re- 
jects you  rejects  me '  ";  and  that  if  the  superior  "  be  wanting  in  these 
gifts  and  graces,  obedience  is  not  to  be  withheld  since  he  embodies  the 
person  of  him  whose  wisdom  cannot  go  astray  and  who  will  supply 
whatever  is  wanting  in  his  minister."  Again,  he  exhorts  his  brethren 
to  be  exceedingly  careful  to  "  recognize  in  the  superior,  whoever  he 
may  be,  the  Lord  Christ,  and  in  him  to  offer,  with  the  highest  re- 
ligious devotion,  reverence  and  obedience  to  the  divine  majesty."  He 
is  careful  to  guard  against  the  supposition  that  mere  external  obedi- 
ence suffices.  There  is  to  be  complete  agreement  with  the  superior  in 
willing  and  not  willing.  But  the  "  third  and  highest  grade  of  obedi- 
ence" is  "the  absolute  immolation  of  the  intellect,"  so  that  one 
"  not  only  wills  the  same,  but  also  thinks  the  same  as  his  su- 
perior, and  subjects  his  own  judgment  to  his."  True  obedience  re- 
quires tiriat  whatever  the  superior  commands  or  thinks  should  seem 
to  the  inferior  right  and  true,  as  far  as  the  will  by  its  own  power 
can  bend  the  intellect."  "  You  are  not  to  behold  in  the  person  of 
the  superior  a  man  obnoxious  to  errors  and  pettinesses,  but  Christ 
himself,  who  is  the  highest  wisdom,  boundless  goodness,  infinite 
love,  who  cannot  be  deceived  and  would  not  deceive  you." 

The  immorality  involved  in  this  blind  subjection  of  all  the  powers 
of  one's  being  to  a  superior  who  may  be  utterly  bad  is  sufficiently 
evident.  Obedience  is  made  the  supreme  virtue  and  if  the  Jesuit  is 
bidden  to  cast  himself  into  a  glowing  furnace  or  to  wield  the  assas- 
sin's dagger  he  is  bound  without  questioning  or  hesitation  to  obey. 
It  seems  almost  incredible  that  a  human  soul  could  be  so  perverted  as 
to  lose  all  sense  of  direct  responsibility  to  God  and  all  disposition  to 
form  approving  and  disapproving  judgments  independently  ;  but  we 
have  reason  to  believe  that  the  ideals  of  Loyola  are  to  a  great  extent 
realized  through  the  training  that  the  system  provides. 

(2)  There  has  been  much  controversy  as  to  whether 
the  Jesuits  inculcated  and  acted  upon  the  principle  that 
"  the  end  sanctifies  the  means,''  Protestants  affirming 
for  the  most  part  and  Romanists  denying.  The  Roman- 
ists are  probably  correct  in  denying  that  the  phrase  used 
with  approval  can  be  found  in  any  writing  authorized  by 
the  church  ;  but  that  the  principle  involved  underlies  the 
Jesuit  system  and  has  been  approved  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  hierarchy  can  scarcely  be  doubted  by  any  one 
familiar  with  the  literature  and  with  the  history  of  the 
society.  The  supreme  end,  above  remarked,  is  constantly 
represented  as  "  the  greater  glory  of  God,"  and  any  su- 


378  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

perior  can  declare  any  end,  however  diabolical,  to  involve 
the  greater  glory  of  God  and  command  his  inferior  to  use 
any  means  whatever  for  the  accomplishment  of  this  end, 
including  deceit,  theft,  and  even  murder  ;  and  the  in- 
ferior must  unquestioningly  obey.  In  the  "Constitu- 
tions" of  the  society'  the  following  remarkable  passage 
occurs. 

After  enunciating  in  the  heading  of  the  section  the  principle  that 
the  "  constitutions  do  not  induce  the  obligation  of  sinning  "  and  elab- 
orating this  statement  at  some  length,  it  is  stated  :  "It  has  seemed 
good  to  us  in  the  Lord,  the  express  vow  by  which  the  society  is 
held  to  the  supreme  pontiff  for  the  time  being  excepted,  and  the  three 
other  essential  vows  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience,  no  consti- 
tutions, declarations,  or  any  order  of  living,  can  induce  an  obligation 
to  mortal  or  venial  sin  {posse  obligaiwmm  ad  pcccatum  mortali  vd 
veniale  inditcerf),  unless  the  superior  should  order  these  things  in  the 
name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  or  in  virtue  of  obedience,  which 
may  be  done  in  those  things  or  persons  in  which  it  shall  be  judged 
that  it  will  contribute  in  the  highest  degree  to  the  particular  good  of 
each  or  to  the  general  good ;  and  in  place  of  the  fear  of  offense  let 
the  love  and  desire  of  all  perfection  succeed,  and  that  the  greater 
glory  and  praise  of  Christ  the  Creator  and  our  Lord  may  follow." 
It  seems  to  be  admitted,  to  start  with,  that  the  four  vows  are  so  funda- 
mental as  to  induce  an  obligation  to  sin  if  this  be  involved  in  their 
observance,  and  all  other  cases  are  covered  by  the  provision  that  if  the 
judgment  of  a  superior  that  the  individual  good  of  each  or  the  gene- 
ral good  requires  the  commission  of  sin,  it  is  to  be  done,  the  sinful 
character  of  the  deed  being  put  out  of  mind  and  the  love  and  desire 
of  all  perfection  and  the  promotion  of  the  greater  glory  and  praise  of 
Christ  taking  tlie  place  of  compunction  in  the  act.  The  attempts  to 
evade  the  plain  meaning  of  this  language  are  in  the  writer's  judg- 
ment futile.  When  it  is  taught  in  Jesuit  manuals  of  moral  theology 
that  poorly  paid  servants  may  by  thieving  from  their  employers 
raise  their  wages  to  a  proper  scale, "^that  to  relieve  poverty  the  goods 
of  the  wealthy  may  be  stolen,  etc.,  this  doctrine  is  inculcated  in  a 
form  easily  understood  and  exceedingly  demoralizing. 

(3)  The  doctrine  of  Probahilism  was  rejected  by  a  por- 
tion of  the  members  of  the  society,  but  in  a  modified 
form  secured  papal  recognition.  The  theory  is  that  an 
opinion  is  rendered  probable  if  it  has  in  its  favor  one  or 
two  theologians  of  repute,  although  there  are  a  hundred 
more  reputable  authorities  in  opposition  to  it.  The  ad- 
vocates of  probabilism  insisted  that  it  was  safe  to  act 
upon  a  probable  opinion  of  this  kind  in  opposition  to  the 
more  or  most  probable  opinions.      The  probabilists  ran- 

»  Part  VI.,  Chap.  V..  ed.  of  1583. 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  379 

sacked  Catholic  theological  literature  to  find  passages, 
which  they  did  not  hesitate  to  garble,  that  favored  the 
laxest  moral  conduct,  and  they  used  these  freely  in  the 
confessional  as  a  pretext  for  encouraging  those  whom 
they  wished  to  indulge  in  the  most  immoral  living  and 
dealing.  It  was  held  that  a  person  might  without  bur- 
dening his  conscience  follow  a  "probable"  opinion  in 
his  conduct,  although  personally  convinced  of  the  cor- 
rectness of  the  opposite  position. 

(4)  The  scheme  for  evading  responsibility  for  sinful 
and  criminal  conduct  by  the  meiJiod  of  directing  the  in- 
tention was  equally  destructive  of  good  morals.  In  ac- 
cordance with  this,  one  may  commit  murder  without 
burdening  his  conscience,  if  in  the  act  his  intention  is 
directed  to  the  vindication  of  his  honor  or  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  community  from  a  nuisance,  or  some  more 
important  end  ;  one  may  commit  adultery,  if  in  the  act 
the  intention  be  directed  not  to  the  gratification  of  lust 
or  the  injury  of  the  husband  of  the  subject,  but  to  the 
promotion  of  one's  health  and  comfort  or  some  other 
worthy  end  ;  one  may  commit  robbery,  if  the  intention 
be  directed  not  to  the  wrong  done  to  the  subject,  but  to 
the  laudable  object  of  making  suitable  provision  for 
one's  needs,  etc. 

(5)  Equally  objectionable  is  the  doctrine  of  mental  res- 
ervation or  restriction,  whereby  one  may,  without  bur- 
dening his  conscience,  tell  a  downright  falsehood,  pro- 
vided the  word  or  clause  that  would  make  the  statement 
true  is  in  the  mind.  Thus,  one  accused  of  having  com- 
mitted a  certain  act  last  week  in  a  certain  place  may 
swear  that  he  was  not  there,  reserving  the  statement 
"  this  morning."  He  may  promise  to  do  something,  re- 
serving in  his  mind  a  condition  of  which  the  person  con- 
cerned knows  nothing.  One  may  safely  use  ambiguous 
language  and  by  tones  or  gestures  promote  the  under- 
standing of  it  in  a  false  sense. 

(6)  Their  recommendation  and  defense  of  the  assas- 
sination of  tyrants  shocked  the  moral  sense  of  Protestants 
and  of  many  Catholics  and  turned  many  Catholic  rulers 
against  them.  The  officials  of  the  order  sought  to  avoid 
the  disadvantageous  consequences  of  such  teaching  and 
of  the  numerous  cases  in  which  it  was  carried  out  in 


380  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

practice,  by  condemning  any  who  should  teach  the  law- 
fulness of  assassinating  tyrants;  but  they  were  careful 
not  to  condemn  the  teaching  itself  or  those  who  practised 
it.  The  doctrine  of  assassination  is  clearly  set  forth  in 
the  following  sentences  from  Suarez  : 

"  it  is  permitted  to  an  individual  to  kill  a  tyrant  in  virtue  of  the 
right  of  self-defense  ;  fur  tliougli  tiie  community  does  not  command 
it,  it  is  always  to  be  understood  that  it  wishes  to  be  defended  by 
every  one  of  its  citizens  individually,  and  even  by  a  stranger.  Then, 
if  no  defense  can  be  found  excepting  the  death  of  the  tyrant,  it  is 
permitted  to  every  man  to  kill  him.  Whenever  a  king  has  been 
legitimately  deposed,  he  ceases  to  be  a  king  or  a  legitimate  prince, 
and  that  can  be  no  longer  affirmed  of  him,  which  may  be  said  for  a 
legitimate  king:  he  thenceforth  should  be  called  a  tyrant.  Thus, 
after  he  has  been  declared  to  be  deprived  of  his  kingdom,  it  becomes 
legal  to  treat  him  as  a  real  tyrant ;  and  consequentl\'  any  man  has 
a  right  to  kill  him."  The  significance  of  this  language  will  appear 
more  clearly  if  it  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  writer  and  his  brethren 
looked  upon  the  pope  or  the  general  as  having  the  right  to  depose 
and  declare  as  a  tyrant  any  ruler  who  opposed  the  purposes  of  the 
church  and  the  society.  If  a  civil  ruler  shall  have  antagonized  the 
pope  and  incurred  his  sentence  of  deposition,  any  one,  even  a  stran- 
ger without  patriotic  motives,  may  assassinate  him. 

The  Jesuits  regarded  moral  philosophy  as  their  special  sphere  and 
aimed  to  excel  in  this  department  of  thought  as  much  as  the  schol- 
astic divines  excelled  in  theology.  They  were  willing  to  go  to  any 
lengths  to  attract  to  their  confessional  the  rich  and  the  noble  and  to 
this  end  they  abolished  all  of  the  terrors  of  sin,  finding  a  means  of 
excusing  or  making  venial  even  the  gravest  offenses,  it  could  not 
be  expected  that  men  in  whom  conscience  had  been  so  completely 
eradicated  and  whose  business  it  was  to  make  sinning  easy  for 
others  w'ould  preserve  for  themselves  any  very  high  ethical  stand- 
ard. As  a  matter  of  fact,  apart  from  their  self-sacritlcing  zeal  on 
behalf  of  their  society,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  so  far  as 
it  harmonized  with  the  society,  there  was  (and  is)  little  in  them  that 
seems  worthy  of  admiration. 

7.  Relations  of  the  Society  to  the  States  of  Europe  up 
to  1648. 

(i)  In  Italy,  where  they  enjoyed  the  cordial  support  of 
Caraffa  and  his  successors  in  the  papal  administration, 
the  Jesuits  made  rapid  headway. 

(2)  The  king  of  Portugal  early  called  to  his  council 
Xavier  and  Rodriguez,  and  entered  with  the  utmost 
heartiness  into  the  schemes  of  the  society.  Xavier's 
departure  as  a  missionary  to  India,  under  the  king's 
patronage,  left  Rodriguez  his  chief  adviser  in  religious 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  381 

and  educational  matters.  The  royal  college  at  Coimbra 
and  one  of  the  principal  churches  of  Lisbon  were  soon 
under  the  control  of  the  society.  Despite  the  opposition 
of  nobles  and  cities  the  society  tightened  its  grip  on  the 
public  administration  and  under  King  Sebastian  (1557- 
1578)  it  virtually  ruled  the  kingdom. 

(3)  It  might  have  been  expected  that  this  Spanish  so- 
ciety of  the  Jesuits  would  find  an  open  door  in  Spain. 
But  Charles  V.  was  opposed  to  their  methods  of  dealing 
with  Protestantism  and  to  their  ideas  of  papal  absolutism. 
Even  Philip  II.,  whom  they  greatly  influenced  and  who 
had  much  in  common  with  them,  refused  to  give  them 
the  position  in  his  kingdom  to  which  they  aspired.  Lead- 
ing Spanish  theologians,  like  Melchior  Canus,  denounced 
them  as  forerunners  of  Antichrist  foretold  by  the  apostle 
in  2  Tim.  3  :  2.  With  much  effort  they  gained  a  foot- 
hold in  the  universities  of  Alcala  and  Salamanca,  and 
afterward  gradually  extended  their  sway. 

(4)  In  France  the  early  efforts  of  Ignatius  and  his 
associates  were  sternly  repelled.  A  number  of  youths 
whom  he  had  sent  to  Paris  for  study  in  1540  were  driven 
away.  While  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine  favored  them,  they 
were  sternly  opposed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  the 
Parliament  of  Paris,  and  the  Sorbonne.  In  1561  Lainez 
secured  permission  to  establish  the  college  of  Clermont, 
which,  however,  was  long  denied  full  university  privi- 
leges. In  Lyons  the  Jesuit  Augier  preached  with  such 
success  that  the  Huguenots  had  their  churches  and  books 
burned,  their  preachers  banished,  and  their  worship  sup- 
pressed. This  victory  was  commemorated  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  well-equipped  Jesuit  college.  They  gained 
a  strong  influence  over  Catharine  de  Medici  and  gave 
direction  to  the  Catholic  side  in  the  wars  with  the 
Huguenots.  It  is  probable  that  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's day  (1572)  was  due  in  some  measure  to 
their  influence.  They  bitterly  opposed  Henry  of  Navarre 
in  his  struggle  for  the  crown  and  even  after  his  triumphal 
entry  into  the  city  and  his  submission  to  the  pope  they 
refused  to  pray  for  him.  The  Parliament  of  Paris  and 
the  university  denounced  them  as  disturbers  of  the  peace 
and  a  decree  of  banishment  was  issued  against  them. 
Henry  thought  it  good  policy  to  conciliate  these  restless 


382  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

intriguers,  annulled  the  decree  of  banishment,  chose  a 
Jesuit  for  his  confessor,  and  extended  their  educational 
privileges.  His  aim  was  to  make  it  to  their  interest  to 
support  France  in  European  politics  as  against  Spain, 
where  tiie  Dominicans  still  surpassed  them  in  influence. 
From  this  time  onward  they  controlled  to  a  very  great 
extent  the  policy  of  France.  From  the  death  of  Henry 
IV.  (1610)  to  the  French  Revolution  they  were  the 
power  behind  the  throne  and  were  largely  responsible 
for  the  religious  wars,  the  persecution  of  the  Huguenots, 
the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  the  French 
Revolution  itself.  Enthusiastic  missionaries  went  forth 
into  the  New  World  exploring  and  aiding  in  colonizing 
what  is  now  British  North  America  and  the  Ohio  and 
Mississippi  valleys. 

Their  semi-Pelagian  theology  and  their  demoralizing 
ethical  teachings  and  practices  called  forth  the  bitter 
attacks  of  Jansenius,  Bishop  of  Ypres,  St.  Cyran,  Dr. 
Anton  Arnauld,  of  the  Sorbonne,  Pascal,  the  philosopher, 
and  others,  who  advocated  a  rigorous  form  of  Augustinian 
doctrine  and  a  pure  but  ascetical  morality,  and  merci- 
lessly exposed  the  moral  rottenness  and  the  pernicious 
influence  of  the  society.  The  doctrinal  system  of  the 
Jansenists  coincided  almost  completely  with  that  of  the 
Calvinists,  but  the  spirit  of  the  two  movements  was  as 
different  as  possible,  and  there  was  no  sympathy  be- 
tween them.  The  Jansenist  movement  will  be  treated 
more  fully  in  the  next  period. 

(5)  The  Republic  of  ycnice  had  been  an  early  strong- 
hold of  the  Jesuits,  but  in  1606,  as  a  result  of  a  conflict 
with  the  pope,  they  were  sentenced  to  perpetual  banish- 
ment. 

(6)  In  Germany  and  Austria  their  most  noteworthy 
victories  were  achieved.  In  1552  Ignatius  had  founded 
a  college  in  Rome  for  the  education  of  Teutonic  mission- 
aries ((Zolleghim  Germanicum)  and  there  are  many  indi- 
cations that  the  reconversion  of  the  Germanic  peoples 
was  very  near  his  heart.  In  1550  Ferdinand  of  Austria 
had  come  in  contact  with  the  Jesuit  Le  Jay  and  had 
consented  to  the  establishment  of  a  Jesuit  college  in 
Vienna.  The  next  year  fifteen  Jesuit  missionaries  were 
stationed  in  the  city,  and  within  a  few  years  they  had 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  383 

gained  control  of  the  university  and  were  high  in  the 
counsels  of  the  king.  In  1556  they  established  them- 
selves in  Ingolstadt  and  Cologne  and  were  soon  able  to 
master  the  universities  and  to  make  of  these  cities  cen- 
ters of  missionary  activity.  During  the  same  year  they 
opened  an  educational  institution  in  Prague,  under  the 
patronage  of  the  king.  Within  the  next  few  years  col- 
leges were  established  at  Tyrnau,  OlmiJtz,  and  Brunn. 
Ferdinand's  daughters  encouraged  them  to  take  up  work 
in  the  Tyrol.  The  ecclesiastical  princes  of  Trier,  Maintz, 
Speier,  Aschaffenburg,  and  WUrzburg  gave  them  the  most 
cordial  support.  Before  1570  they  had  established  them- 
selves strongly  in  Strasburg.  In  1559  they  began  work 
in  Munich,  which  soon  became  such  a  Catholic  strong- 
hold as  to  merit  the  title  of  "the  German  Rome."  Their 
universities  rivaled  those  of  Geneva  and  Wittenberg. 

By  reason  of  the  zeal  of  the  professors,  their  pedagog- 
ical skill,  and  their  learning,  they  drew  large  numbers  of 
students,  including  many  Protestants,  and  won  to  the 
enthusiastic  support  of  the  Counter-Reformation  many  of 
the  ablest  young  men  of  the  time.  They  made  a  special 
point  of  attaching  to  themselves  the  sons  of  noblemen, 
and  no  effort  was  spared  in  gaining  the  adherence  of  the 
most  promising  scholars.  The  marked  ability  of  the 
Jesuit  teachers,  their  unsurpassed  knowledge  of  human 
nature,  their  affability  of  manners,  and  their  remarkable 
adaptability  to  the  idiosyncrasies  and  circumstances  of 
each  individual,  made  them  practically  irresistible  when 
once  they  came  into  close  relations  with  susceptible 
youth.  Their  proselyting  zeal  led  them  to  go  forth  into 
the  surrounding  regions  and  by  personal  effort  to  win 
back  to  the  faith  those  that  had  become  involved  in 
heresy.  Whole  communities  were  often  reconverted  in 
an  incredibly  short  time.  They  made  the  services  of  the 
churches  in  which  they  ministered  as  attractive  as  pos- 
sible, providing  the  best  music  that  could  be  secured  and 
rivaling  the  best  Protestant  preachers  in  the  eloquence 
and  the  fervor  of  their  sermons.  They  were  able  to  in- 
still into  the  minds  of  those  who  came  under  their  influ- 
ence the  profoundest  hatred  of  Protestantism  in  every 
form  and  the  profoundest  love  of  the  Catholic  Church, 
and  to  convince  their  adherents  that  the  supreme  end  in 


384  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  v. 

life  was  the  destruction  of  heresy.  It  is  probable  that  at 
this  period  the  Jesuit  professors,  man  for  man,  surpassed 
the  Protestant  professors  of  Germany  in  learning  and  in 
zeal.  Lutheranism  was  being  wrecked  and  ruined  by 
controversy.  The  Jesuits  made  the  most  of  their  advan- 
tages, and  the  success  of  their  propaganda  was  aston- 
ishing. 

A  good  illustration  of  the  Jesuit  method  of  introducine;  the  Counter- 
Reformation  is  found  in  the  career  of  Martin  Brenner,  who  had  been 
educated  by  the  Jesuits  at  Dillingen  and  Ingolstadt,  and  who  in  1585, 
after  a  few  years  of  service  as  counselor  to  the  Archbishop  of  Salz- 
burg, as  rector  of  the  seminary  for  priests,  and  in  other  responsible 
capacities,  now  fully  equipped  with  the  Jesuit  learning,  methods  of 
propagandism,  and  zeal  for  the  restoration  of  church  unity,  and  with 
practical  experience  in  the  administration  of  ecclesiastical  affairs,  en- 
tered upon  his  work  as  Bishop  of  Seckau. 

He  found  his  diocese,  from  the  Catholic  point  of  view,  in  a  lamen- 
table state.  The  great  majority  of  the  nobles,  burghers,  and  peas- 
ants were  Lutherans.  Anabaptism,  that  had  been  widely  dissem- 
inated from  1 527  onward,  had  been  almost  exterminated  ;  but  medical 
missionaries  from  Moravia  frequently  gained  entrance  by  their  sur- 
gical skill  into  the  homes  of  the  people  and  won  them  to  their  heresy. 
Since  the  peace  of  Augsburg  (1555)  the  Protestantism  of  the  Augs- 
burg Confession  had  been  tolerated  by  the  emperors  and  had  covered 
the  Austrian  provinces  with  its  influence.  The  Archdui<e  Charles  II., 
of  Styria,  had,  a  few  years  before  Brenner  entered  upon  his  work, 
felt  constrained  to  grant  to  his  Lutheran  nobles  freedom  of  worship 
(the  Bruck  Pacification,  1577)-  The  zealous  Lutheran  nobles  had 
exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  convert  their  Catholic  subjects,  or 
to  exclude  them  from  their  lands  ;  the  Lutheran  preachers  were  vio- 
lent in  their  denunciations  of  the  corruptions  of  the  Catiiolic  clergy. 
Through  the  prolonged  residence  at  Graz  of  a  papal  envoy,  and  the 
influence  of  the  archduchess,  a  Bavarian  princess,  mother  of  the  Em- 
peror Ferdinand  11.  (of  Thirty  Years'  War  fame),  reinforced  by  that  of 
the  able  and  aggressive  young  bishop  and  by  the  exhortations  of  the 
pope  and  of  his  Jesuitized  Bavarian  and  Austrian  kinsmen,  the  arch- 
duke was  led  to  establish  at  Graz  a  Jesuit  school  and  to  introduce  in 
all  of  its  features  the  Counter-Reformation.  One  by  one  all  the  priv- 
ileges of  the  Protestants  were  withdrawn  and  exterminating  meas- 
ures were  at  last  employed.  After  1592  Brenner  was  made  vicar- 
general  of  Styria,  and  he  took  a  leading  part  in  the  movement  by 
which  the  entire  Protestant  population  of  all  the  Upper  Austrian 
provinces  was  forcibly  converted  or  driven  from  the  country.  How 
persevering,  single-minded,  and  remorseless  Brenner  was  in  this  ter- 
rible work  is  made  abundantly  evident  in  the  recent  biography  by 
the  present  Bishop  of  Seckau "(  Dr.  L.  Schuster).  Ferdinand  (after- 
ward emperor)  succeeded  to  the  archduchy  in  i5cto.  He  had  been 
trained  in  the  principles  of  Jesuitism  and  "preferred  to  rule  a  wilder- 
ness rather  than  a  country  filled  with  heretics.  Brenner  and  Ferdi- 
nand wrought  hand  in  hand  until  the  death  of  the  former  in  1616. 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  385 

Nothing  would  have  pleased  Brenner  better  than  the  part  taken  by 
Ferdinand  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War  and  the  almost  complete  de- 
struction of  Protestantism  in  the  Austrian  domains. 

The  "  Instruction"  given  by  Pope  Clement  VII.,  in  1592,  to  the 
nuncio  Count  Hieronymus  of  Portia,  regarding  the  re-establishment 
of  the  Catholic  religion  in  Styria,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola,  and  re- 
garding the  claims  of  the  people  to  liberty  of  conscience,  etc.,  fur- 
nishes a  good  specimen  of  the  cold-blooded  disregard  of  human 
rights  and  moral  obligations  that  dominated  the  papacy  at  the  time. 
The  candor  with  which  the  pope  describes  the  morals  of  the  Cath- 
olic clergy  that  were  so  largely  responsible  for  the  rise  and  growth 
of  heresy  is  surprising. 

Concubinage  and  (still  worse)  putative  matrimony  are  represented 
as  almost  universal,  few  celibates  being  found  even  among  the 
monks  and  abbots.  The  goods  of  monasteries  and  ecclesiastical 
foundations  are  consumed  in  supporting  concubines  and  their  chil- 
dren. "  If  all  concubinaries  should  be  driven  away,  it  were  to 
be  feared  that  very  few  pastors  would  be  left  in  the  whole  prov- 
ince.'" 

The  influence  of  the  Jesuits,  once  introduced  into 
Austria,  was  soon  widely  felt.  Catholic  princes  soon 
began  to  introduce  rigorous  measures  for  the  restoration 
of  Catholic  unity.  The  Archduke  Albert  V.,  of  Bavaria, 
banished  such  Protestants  as  would  not  become  Cath- 
olics. The  Markgrave  Philip  of  Baden  labored  earnestly 
for  the  reconversion  of  his  land,  which  was  virtually  ac- 
complished during  the  years  1570  and  1571.  Under  the 
inspiration  of  the  Jesuits  Protestantism  was  excluded 
from  Ichsfeld  and  from  the  territory  of  the  Abbot  of 
Fulda,  from  Cologne,  MiJnster,  Hildesheim,  and  Padder- 
born.  In  1588  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  who  had 
been  educated  in  the  Jesuit  college  at  Rome,  compelled 
many  of  his  Protestant  subjects  to  return  to  the  Roman 
faith  and  banished  the  obstinate.  Under  the  same  in- 
fluence evangelical  Christianity  was  excluded  from  the 
bishopric  of  Bamberg  in  1595. 

By  1 542  the  nobles  of  Inner  Austria,  including  lords  and 
knights  and  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  citizens  of  the 
towns  and  villages,  were  Lutherans  of  a  very  pronounced 
type.  The  Hapsburgers  were  utterly  helpless.  It  was 
their  hope,  and  that  of  many  of  the  Lutheran  nobles, 
that  a  general  council  would  bring  about  a  harmonizing 
of  creeds  and  heal  the  schism.     Little  effort  was  made 

1  See  Schuster's  "  Martin  Brenner,"  Appendix. 


386  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  v. 

in  the  meantime  to  check  the  Protestant  movement  in 
Austria, 

The  defeat  of  the  Protestants  of  Germany  by  the  em- 
peror and  his  allies  in  the  Schmaikald  War  (1548)  seemed 
a  favorable  occasion  for  beginning  the  process  of  restoring 
Catholicism  in  Inner  and  Upper  Austria.  A  provincial 
synod  for  Salzburg  was  held  in  1549  to  take  measures 
for  extirpating  Protestantism.  But  even  now  the  nobles 
were  uncompromising,  and  the  Hapsburg  princes  were 
not  in  a  position  to  employ  coercive  measures. 

The  Augsburg  Peace  of  1555,  which  represented  a 
great  Protestant  victory,  was  so  interpreted  by  the  Inner 
Austrian  nobles  as  to  justify  their  demand  for  the  ex- 
clusive toleration  of  Lutheranism  within  their  domains  ; 
while  the  Hapsburg  rulers  interpreted  it  as  a  warrant  for 
the  exclusion  of  Protestantism  from  the  territory  over 
which  their  suzerainty  extended.  From  this  time  onward, 
until  the  Pacification  of  Bruck  (1578),  the  relations  be- 
tween the  Hapsburg  rulers  and  the  nobles  were  strained 
to  the  last  degree.  Ferdinand,  emperor  from  1556  to 
1564,  though  intensely  Catholic,  felt  obliged  to  compro- 
mise with  the  Lutherans  of  Austria.  The  Archduke 
Charles  II.  was  constantly  seeking  for  means  to  suppress 
the  aggressive  Lutheran  movement.  For  years  every 
request  made  upon  the  estates  for  financial  assistance 
was  met  by  a  stern  demand  for  the  formal  recognition  of 
the  right  of  the  Lutheran  nobles  to  their  religion,  and  the 
right  of  the  third  estate  (cities  and  villages)  to  Protestant 
worship.  Ferdinand  and  Charles  both  felt  obliged  to 
grant  freedom  of  conscience  to  the  nobles ;  but  claimed 
that  the  cities  and  towns  were  directly  under  their  own 
rule,  and  that  as  Catholics  they  could  not  with  a  good 
conscience  tolerate  heresy  therein.  With  the  utmost  re- 
luctance the  Hapsburgers  were  obliged  to  yield  point  by 
point,  by  reason  of  the  persistent  refusal  of  the  nobles 
to  grant  financial  aid  until  their  religious  rights  were 
guaranteed.  A  certain  degree  of  toleration  was  at  last 
extended  to  the  principal  cities.  In  1578  the  archduke 
felt  constrained  to  grant  in  a  somewhat  ambiguous  way 
the  religious  privileges  demanded  by  the  nobles. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  the  concession  (Pacification  of 
Bruck)  was  extorted  from  Charles,  and  that  he  despised 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  387 

himself  from  the  first  for  having  so  far  compromised  him- 
self and  the  Catholic  cause.  He  was  already  under  the 
influence  of  the  Jesuits,  who  some  years  before  had  been 
invited  to  labor  in  inner  Austria,  and  whose  presence 
made  the  nobles  all  the  more  determined  to  secure  a 
guarantee  of  their  rights  before  it  was  too  late.  From 
this  time  onward,  Jesuit,  papal.  Bavarian,  and  imperial 
influence  co-operated  with  that  of  Charles'  Bavarian 
wife,  a  fanatical  Catholic  of  the  Jesuit  type,  and  his 
own  strong  inclinations,  in  devising  means  for  the  utter 
extirpation  of  Lutheranism  from  his  domains. 

The  correspondence  of  the  time,  the  careful  records  of  public  and 
private  conferences,  and  the  exceedingly  full  and  well-preserved 
archival  materials,  give  us  an  inside  view  of  the  process  by  which 
the  Counter-Reformation  was  inaugurated  and  carried  out  to  its  bit- 
ter end.  The  hmperor  Maximilian  11.  (1564-1576)  had  pursued  and 
counseled  a  course  of  compromise  and  conciliation  ;  but  his  advice 
was  Jesuitical  in  a  high  degree  and  looked  forward  to  the  ultimate 
destruction  of  Lutheranism.  After  his  death  all  the  influences 
brought  to  bear  upon  Charles  were  uncompromisingly  in  favor  of  the 
recatholicization  of  his  territory.  He  was  led  to  believe  that  the  sal- 
vation of  his  soul  and  the  permanent  holding  of  his  hereditary  pos- 
sessions depended  upon  his  remorseless  persecution  of  heretics.'  At  a 
conference  of  Catholic  princes  at  Munich  (October,  1579)  Charles 
was  urged  to  enter  with  vigor  upon  the  work,  and  the  princes  bound 
themselves  mutually  to  give  each  other  all  needful  assistance  in  sup- 
pressing rebellion  among  their  subjects.  Protestant  court  officials 
and  military  commanders  were  at  once  to  be  displaced,  competent 
Catholics  from  other  provinces  being  supplied  when  needful.  The 
dangers  of  Turkish  invasion  were  now  somewhat  remote,  and  the 
Counter-Reformation  could  be  undertaken  with  a  good  will.  The 
Jesuits  were  already  present  in  force,  and  they  were  ready  to  be  the 
chief  instruments  in  the  destruction  of  Protestantism.  One  by  one 
all  the  rights  of  the  Protestants  were  withdrawn.  The  Lutheran 
cause  was  from  this  time  doomed.  The  process  was  well-nigh  com- 
pleted bv  the  death  of  Charles,  in  15(50. 

The  Protestants  struggled  heroically,  as  long  as  successful  resist- 
ance seemed  possible.  Nowhere  do  we  find  a  nobler  type  of  Luther- 
anism than  in  this  region.  No  country  in  Europe  was  readier  to 
throw  off  the  papal  yoke  and  to  adopt  evangelical  Christianity. 
Apart  from  Hapsburg  rulers,  Romanism  would  have  been  swept 
away  almost  without  resistance.  Hapsburg  conservatism  and  Jesuit 
zeal  were  more  than  a  match  for  the  sturdy  Lutheran  nobles.^ 

The  Archduke  Ferdinand  who  succeeded  Charles  in 
1598  had  been  thoroughly  dominated  by  Jesuit  ideas  and 

'See  Loserth's  "  Die  Reformation  und  Gegenreformation  in  den  Innerbsterreich- 
ischen  L'andern  tm  XVl.Jahrbundert.'' 


388  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

carried  forward  tlie  work  of  Protestant  extermination  with 
even  greater  zeal.  The  battle  on  the  White  Mountain, 
in  1 520  (Thirty  Years' War),  gave  such  a  decided  advan- 
tage to  Ferdinand  over  his  Protestant  subjects  and  their 
allies  that  the  Counter-Reformation  could  be  carried  for- 
ward almost  without  opposition  and  in  the  most  drastic 
manner.  Within  a  few  years  Protestantism  had  been 
almost  completely  exterminated  throughout  the  Haps- 
burg  domains,  multitudes  having  been  slaughtered,  and 
the  rest  banished  or  forcibly  converted.  The  Jesuits 
were  the  instigators  and  the  chief  agents  in  this  horrible 
work. 

(7)  In  Belgium  the  Counter-Reformation  was  carried 
forward  under  Jesuit  influence  with  remarkable  rapidity. 
Much  opposition  was  encountered  at  first,  but  after  the 
armed  resistance  of  the  Protestants  had  been  broken, 
Jesuit  colleges  were  established  in  Courtray,  Ypres, 
Bruges,  Ghent,  and  Antwerp  under  the  patronage  of 
Philip  II.  Half  the  population  had  been  Protestant. 
Within  a  few  years  it  became  exclusively  Catholic. 
From  Belgium  the  Jesuits  next  extended  their  work  into 
the  United  Netherlands  where  in  1592  twenty-two  Jesuit 
missionaries  and  two  hundred  and  twenty  priests,  who 
had  been  trained  in  their  colleges  at  Louvain  and  Cologne, 
were  winning  large  numbers  to  their  faith. 

(8)  A  determined  effort  was  made  by  the  Jesuits  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Elizabeth  and  the  Stuarts  to  reconvert 
England  to  the  Catholic  faith.  William  Allen  was  their 
most  active  agent.  In  1569  he  established  a  college  in 
Douay,  and  ten  years  later  one  in  Rome,  for  the  educa- 
tion of  British  Jesuit  missionaries.  Rigorous  laws  re- 
morselessly executed,  thwarted  their  purposes,  but  their 
zeal  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  two  hundred  martyr- 
doms occurred  during  Elizabeth's  reign.  Charles  I.  came 
under  their  influence,  and  Charles  II.  died  a  Catholic, 
James  II.  was  completely  subservient  to  the  Jesuits  and 
aided  them  in  establishing  a  college  in  Savoy,  which  was 
attended  by  four  hundred  English  students,  of  whom 
two  hundred  were  Protestants.  James'  downfall  was 
due  in  a  large  measure  to  his  well-known  partiality  for 
his  Jesuit  councilor,  Edward  Petre. 

(9)  In  Poland  the  first  Jesuit  college  was  established 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  COUNTER-REFORMATION  389 

at  Braunsberg  in  1569.  This  was  soon  followed  by  insti- 
tutions in  Pultusk,  Posen,  Wilna,  etc.  The  divided  and 
disorganized  condition  of  Polish  Protestantism  and  the 
widespread  prevalence  of  antitritrinitarian  views  made 
the  reconversion  of  Poland  an  easy  task. 

(10)  From  1568  to  1592  a  determined  effort  was  made 
by  the  Jesuits  for  the  reconquest  of  Sweden,  encouraged 
by  the  Jesuitized  Princess  Catherine  of  Poland,  whose 
influence  over  her  husband,  King  John  11.  of  Sweden,  was 
very  considerable.  After  strenuous  efforts  John  was  at 
last  received  secretly  into  the  fellowship  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  His  second  marriage  to  a  Protestant 
princess  led  to  the  banishment  of  the  Jesuits. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE    RELIGIOUS  WARS  OF  THE    SIXTEENTH  AND  SEVEN- 
TEENTH  CENTURIES  AND  THE   PEACE 
OF  WESTPHALIA 

I.  EARLIER  RELIGIOUS  WARS 

The  earlier  religious  wars  that  were  occasioned  by  the 
Protestant  Revolution  have  been  noticed  in  Chapter  I. 
The  Cappel  Wars  in  Switzerland  were  distinctively  re- 
ligious and  in  them  the  lines  were  sharply  drawn  between 
Roman  Catholicism  and  Zwinglian  evangelicalism.  Con- 
flict between  the  emperor  and  the  Protestant  princes  of 
Germany  was,  as  we  have  seen,  long  averted,  partly  by 
reason  of  the  emperor's  preoccupation  with  French  and 
Turkish  wars,  and  partly  because  of  Luther's  strong 
aversion  to  armed  resistance  to  imperial  tyranny.  The 
Schmalkald  War  of  1546  onward  was  the  first  of  the  mil- 
itary struggles  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Lutherans 
of  Germany,  but  the  ultimate  issue  in  favor  of  the  Lu- 
therans was  brought  about,  as  we  have  seen,  not  so 
much  by  the  superiority  of  the  Lutherans  in  military 
strength,  as  by  the  unwillingness  of  the  Catholic  French 
king  to  allow  the  house  of  Hapsburg  to  become  too  po- 
tent. The  Huguenot  wars  in  France  (1560  onward)  were 
distinctively  religious  wars,  in  which  French  Calvinism 
took  a  determined  stand  against  Roman  Catholic  coercive 
measures,  and  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  granted  by  Henry  IV, 
to  his  Protestant  subjects  who  had  placed  him  on  the 
throne,  and  whom  he  basely  deserted  for  political  rea- 
sons, represents  a  partial  triumph  of  the  Protestant  cause 
and  the  creation  of  a  Protestant  within  the  Catholic 
State,  that  formed  a  most  grievous  obstacle  to  the  carry- 
ing forward  of  the  centralizing  policy  of  the  Bourbon 
kings  and  was  sure  to  lead  to  continued  strife  and  to  the 
ultimate  crushing  of  the  weaker  party. 

The  war  of  independence  in  the  Netherlands  was  pro- 
voked by  the  rigorous  measures  for  the  suppression  of 
390 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  39I 

heresy  entered  upon  by  Philip  II.  (1556  onward)  and 
precipitated  by  the  arrival  (1567)  of  the  Duke  of  Alva, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  exterminating  heresy  and 
restoring  the  absolute  authority  of  the  Spanish  crown 
without  regard  to  existing  laws  and  arrangements.  In 
1566  a  number  of  nobles,  moved  thereto  by  the  Calvin- 
istic  minister  Francis  Junius,  had  formed  a  league  for 
resisting  with  violence  any  attempt  to  introduce  the  In- 
quisition. Popular  excitement  reached  such  a  pitch  soon 
afterward  that  churches  and  monasteries  were  sacked, 
and  objects  of  idolatry  destroyed.  It  had  become  evident 
to  Philip  that  either  his  authority  would  come  to  an  end 
and  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  be  excluded  from  the 
provinces,  or  defiant  and  aggressive  Calvinism  must  be 
summarily  crushed.  Alva's  council  (called  the  "  Council 
of  Blood  ")  declared  heresy  high  treason.  William  of 
Orange  organized  the  Calvinistic  forces  for  resistance 
(1573),  Before  the  Calvinists  were  ready  to  defend 
themselves,  eighteen  thousand  executions  had  occurred. 
This  great  loss  nerved  the  Calvinistic  hosts  to  a  deter- 
mination to  sacrifice  everything  for  religious  and  civil 
liberty.  The  Lutheran  princes  of  Germany  were  so 
hostile  toward  Calvinism  tliat  they  were  well  content  to 
see  its  adherents  butchered  by  the  Spanish,  and  Eric  of 
Braunschweig  even  joined  hands  with  Alva  for  crushing 
the  "  Sacramentarians."  The  antipathy  of  Lutherans  and 
Calvinists  was  afterward  to  produce  lamentable  results. 
The  heroic  struggle  under  the  leadership  first  of  William 
of  Orange  (assassinated  in  1584)  and  afterward  of  his  son 
Maurice  of  Nassau,  can  not  be  described  in  detail.  England 
rendered  valuable  assistance  and  received  through  the 
close  contact  involved  an  impulse  toward  civil  and  relig- 
ious liberty  that  was  to  prove  highly  important  to  the 
English-speaking  people  .on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. 
The  commercial  prosperity  and  the  intellectual  awakening 
that  attended  the  struggle  have  been  already  noticed. 
Belgium  remained  Spanish  and  was  cleared  of  Protestants. 
The  northern  provinces  (the  United  Netherlands)  were 
triumphant  and  Spain  was  obliged  in  1609  to  sign  a  twelve 
years'  truce.  War  was  resumed  in  1621,  but  in  the 
Peace  of  Westphalia  (1648)  the  complete  independence 
of  the  Protestant  Netherlands  was  recognized. 


392  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

II.  THE  THIRTY   YEARS'  WAR. 

I.  Antecedents  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War. 

(i)  The  Treaty  of  Augsburg.  The  provisions  of  this 
treaty  sustain  so  intimate  a  relation  to  the  great  conflict 
to  be  considered,  that  their  restatement  seems  desirable. 
The  treaty  provided  that  princes  were  to  choose  freely 
between  Roman  Catholicism  and  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, all  other  forms  of  religion  (including  the  growing 
and  aggressive  Calvinistic  communion)  being  rigorously 
excluded.  Catholics  and  Lutherans  mutually  bound 
themselves  not  to  molest  each  other  in  the  free  exercise 
of  their  religious  privileges,  nor  to  attempt  conversion 
by  any  other  than  moral  means.  Each  party  was  fully 
to  respect  the  property  rights  of  the  other,  if  Catholic 
subjects  should  be  found  in  the  territory  of  a  Lutheran 
prince,  ample  time  should  be  given  them  to  dispose  of 
their  property,  and  it  should  be  permitted  them  to  re- 
move to  the  territory  of  a  prince  of  their  own  religion, 
and  vice  versa,  in  cities  where  both  forms  of  religion  had 
long  been  established  both  were  still  to  be  tolerated  and 
protected,  neither  interfering  with  the  other.  This  state 
of  things  was  to  remain  in  force  until  religious  differences 
could  be  amicably  adjusted  by  a  free  general  council,  or 
in  some  other  way.  The  ecclesiastical  reservation  ap- 
pended to  the  treaty  provided  that  in  case  a  Roman 
Catholic  archbishop,  bishop,  or  other  prelate  should 
change  his  religion,  he  should  be  required  to  resign  his 
office  and  give  place  to  a  Roman  Catholic  successor  to 
be  appointed  by  the  proper  authorities.  The  motto  of 
the  Augsburg  Peace  of  1555  was  in  effect:  Cujus  regio, 
ejus  religio.  It  gave  to  the  prince  unlimited  power  over 
the  consciences  of  his  subjects.  The  rights  of  subjects 
were  guarded  only  to  the  extent  of  permission  to  sell 
their  effects  and  to  emigrate.  The  treaty  was  of  such  a 
character  as  to  render  future  conflict  inevitable. 

(2)  The  Union  and  the  League.  The  house  of  Haps- 
burg,  in  its  Austrian  branch,  by  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  had  come  strongly  under  the  influence 
of  the  Jesuits.  As  Archduke  of  Styria  (1596  onward), 
Ferdinand,  who  as  emperor  was  to  play  so  prominent  a 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  393 

part  throughout  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  carried  out  re- 
morselessly the  Jesuit  policy  in  which  he  had  been 
schooled  from  infancy  by  prohibiting  Protestant  worship, 
banishing  the  Protestant  clergy,  and  placing  before  Prot- 
estant laymen  the  alternative  of  conversion  or  exile. 
Many  of  the  nobility  were  strong  enough,  however,  to 
resist  these  measures  and  to  protect  the  Protestant  peas- 
antry of  their  domains.  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  had  like- 
wise been  trained  by  the  Jesuits.  Him  also  we  shall 
come  to  know  as  one  of  the  great  leaders  in  the  war.  in 
fact  he  was  the  brain  of  the  Roman  Catholic  powers  en- 
gaged in  the  conflict.  "  What  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  does 
has  hands  and  feet,"  said  one  of  his  opponents.  His 
guiding  principle  was  to  give  no  quarter  to  Protestantism. 
Donauworth  was  a  Lutheran  imperial  city  on  the  border 
of  his  domains  and  in  close  proximity  to  the  ecclesiastical 
province  of  the  Bishop  of  Augsburg.  To  guard  itself 
against  being  overwhelmed  by  its  Roman  Catholic  neigh- 
bors, the  city  had  made  use  of  its  right  to  exclude  all 
Roman  Catholics,  a  monastery  having  been  tolerated  on 
the  express  condition  that  its  inmates  should  make  no 
demonstration  outside  the  walls.  Encouraged  by  outside 
parties,  the  monks  had  violated  this  understanding  in 
1607.  They  were  roughly  handled,  as  might  have  been 
expected,  by  the  Protestant  population.  This  furnished 
a  pretext  for  Maximilian,  to  whom  Donauworth  had  long 
been  an  eyesore.  He  laid  the  matter  before  the  em- 
peror. Donauworth  was  put  under  the  imperial  ban,  and 
Maximilian  was  given  the  privilege  of  dealing  with  it  ac- 
cording to  his  own  good  pleasure.  He  invaded  the  city 
with  an  army  about  equal  to  the  population,  and  insisted 
on  holding  it  until  he  had  been  reimbursed  for  his  outlay 
in  occupying  it.  He  established  Catholic  worship  in  the 
churches,  and  quartered  his  soldiers  on  the  population  to 
convert  them  to  the  Catholic  faith.  To  secure  and  exe- 
cute such  an  imperial  decree  was  considered  by  the  Prot- 
estants a  gross  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  Protestant 
electors,  who  had  not  been  consulted.  The  aggressive- 
ness of  Ferdinand  and  Maximilian  thoroughly  alarmed 
the  Protestant  princes.  The  result  was  the  formation, 
in  1609,  of  an  Evangelical  Union,  composed  of  the  Duke 
of  WUrttemburg,  Maurice,  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel, 


394  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Ernst  of  Anspach,  Frederick,  Marquis  of  DiJriach, 
Christian  of  Anhalt,  most  of  the  imperial  cities,  and 
Frederick,  Elector  of  the  Palatinate.  The  leading  spirit 
of  the  union  was  Christian  of  Anhalt,  the  nominal  head 
was  Frederick  of  the  Palatinate.  The  Elector  of  Saxony 
and  some  other  princes  held  aloof,  largely,  no  doubt, 
from  the  active  part  that  was  being  taken  by  the  Cal- 
vinist  leaders,  Christian  and  Frederick.  The  Roman 
Catholic  princes  promptly  met  this  effort  at  organizing 
for  protection  against  Roman  Catholic  aggression  by  the 
organization  of  the  Catholic  League.  Maximilian  of  Ba- 
varia was  the  leading  spirit,  and  was  made  chief  in  au- 
thority under  the  emperor.  The  other  more  prominent 
members  were  the  Electors  of  Mainz,  Cologne,  and 
Treves,  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  the  Bishops  of  Bam- 
berg, WiJrtzberg,  and  Aichstedt,  and  the  Archdukes  of 
Austria.  The  co-operation  of  the  pope  and  the  King  of 
Spain  was  sought,  and  to  some  extent  secured.  The 
Elector  of  Saxony  and  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse-Cassel — 
to  their  shame  be  it  said — by  assuming  a  hostile  attitude 
toward  the  Evangelical  Union  supported  the  Catholic 
League,  and  to  some  extent  identified  themselves  with 
this  organization.  The  Elector  of  Saxony  seems  to  have 
hoped  to  secure  for  himself  the  duchy  of  JUlich,  Cleves, 
and  Berg,  by  his  co-operation  with  the  league. 

Almost  contemporary  with  the  troubles  at  Donauworth 
and  the  organization  of  the  union  and  the  league,  was 
the  attempt  of  the  Emperor  Rudolf  II.  to  suppress  the 
Protestants  in  Bohemia,  Silesia,  etc.,  followed  by  a  great 
uprising  of  the  Protestants,  and  the  granting  of  the  Royal 
Charter  (1609)  guaranteeing  full  religious  liberty,  provid- 
ing for  a  Protestant  Parliament  or  body  of  Defensors, 
and  placing  at  the  disposal  of  Protestants  the  old  and 
famous  University  of  Prague. 

Perhaps  no  circumstance  did  more  to  precipitate  the 
struggle  than  the  dispute  over  the  succession  to  the 
Duchy  of  JUlich,  Cleves,  and  Berg.  These  are  all  small 
territories  bordering  on  the  Protestant  Netherlands,  and 
though  insignificant  in  themselves,  their  situation  was 
such  as  to  make  the  succession  a  matter  of  the  utmost 
importance  to  the  Netherlands,  to  France,  to  Spain  and 
Austria,  and  to  the  Lutheran  and  Calvinistic  princes  of 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  395 

Germany.  Early  in  1609  the  Duke  of  Cleves  died  with- 
out issue.  Among  the  nine  or  more  claimants  to  succes- 
sion, the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  the  son  of  the  Duke 
of  Neuberg  had  the  advantage  of  all  others.  Each  tried 
to  secure  the  support  of  the  leading  powers  interested, 
and  when  the  Emperor  Rudolf  sent  the  Archduke  Leo- 
pold to  take  possession  of  the  territory  in  the  name  of 
the  emperor,  and  commanded  all  subjects  of  the  empire 
to  recognize  his  authority,  the  two  Lutheran  claimants 
were  induced  to  join  hands  in  opposition  to  the  common 
enemy.  War  broke  out,  in  which  several  Catholic  and 
several  Protestant  powers  had  some  part.  Henry  IV.  of 
France  had  decided  to  send  a  large  army,  and  hoped  to 
be  able  to  strike  a  decisive  blow  at  the  growing  preten- 
sions of  the  house  of  Austria.  His  assassination  by  a 
Jesuit  prevented  his  active  intervention,  although  his 
successor  sent  twelve  thousand  infantry  and  a  contingent 
of  cavalry  to  the  assistance  of  the  Lutheran  claimants. 
The  breaking  out  of  war  in  Hungary  and  Bohemia 
prevented  the  emperor  from  maintaining  his  position  in 
Julich-Cleves.  He  invested  the  Elector  of  Saxony  with 
the  succession  to  the  duchy,  and  left  him  to  settle  the 
matter  with  the  two  other  claimants.  Having  with  the 
aid  of  France  and  the  United  Netherlands  repelled  their 
Roman  Catholic  enemies,  it  remained  for  the  Elector  of 
Brandenburg  and  the  Duke  of  Neuberg  to  settle  between 
themselves  the  question  of  ownership.  The  duke  pro- 
posed to  settle  the  matter  by  marrying  the  daughter  of 
his  rival.  The  elector  was  indignant  and  boxed  the 
duke's  ears.  The  result  of  this  personal  encounter  was 
momentous.  The  duke  renounced  Protestanism,  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  Maximilian,  and  became  a  stanch 
member  of  the  League.  The  elector,  having  no  hope  of 
Lutheran  aid,  owing  to  the  pretensions  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  turned  Calvinist,  and  became  one  of  the  most 
active  members  of  the  Union.  A  little  later  the  dispute 
as  to  the  duchy  was  decided  by  dividing  the  territory 
between  the  two  chief  claimants.  This  dispute  came 
very  near  precipitating  the  great  war. 

hi  1612  Rudolf  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother 
Matthias,  who  had  been  for  some  years  king  of  Bohemia 
and  Hungary,  and  regent  for  his  imbecile  brother  Rudolf. 


396  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

Matthias  had  made  use  of  the  Protestants  for  his  own 
ambitious  ends,  and  had  doubtless  encouraged  them  in 
their  insubordination.  He  too  was  growing  old  and 
feeble,  and  the  Austrian  princes  put  forward  Ferdinand 
of  Styria  as  his  successor  in  1617.  There  was  consider- 
able hesitation  about  recognizing  Ferdinand  as  king  of 
Bohemia  on  the  part  of  the  Protestant  nobles  ;  but  they 
finally  yielded  to  the  inevitable.  Ferdinand  at  once  be- 
gan to  put  in  practice  his  Jesuit  principles.  Though 
fully  resolved  to  extirpate  Protestantism,  he  allowed 
himself  to  sign  the  Royal  Charter  guaranteeing  the 
liberty  of  the  Bohemian  Protestants.  From  this  time 
onward  there  was  a  growing  feeling  of  discontent  among 
the  Protestant  nobles,  who  felt  that  they  were  ignored  in 
the  government,  and  that  the  confidential  advisers  of 
the  emperor  and  the  king  were  their  bitter  enemies.  This 
discontent  was  intensified  by  the  oppressive  conduct  of 
the  Roman  Catholics,  with  the  connivance  of  Matthias 
and  Ferdinand,  in  refusing  to  the  Protestants  the  use  of 
certain  churches  they  had  erected.  At  Bruneau  and 
Klostergrab,  both  of  which  were,  in  the  view  of  the 
Protestants,  in  the  royal  domains,  and  so  within  territory 
where  freedom  of  worship  was  guaranteed  by  the 
charter,  buildings  had  been  recently  erected.  From  the 
former  the  Protestants  were  rigorously  excluded  ;  the 
walls  of  the  latter  were  demolished.  The  Protestant 
Defensors  met  in  Diet  and  appealed  to  the  government 
for  redress  of  grievances.  Their  appeal  was  treated 
with  contempt.  The  Protestants  were  thoroughly  ex- 
asperated. Under  the  leadership  of  Count  Thurn,  a 
reckless,  impetuous  German-Bohemian,  violent  resist- 
ance was  decided  upon.  The  emperor  and  the  king 
were  both  absent  from  Prague,  seeking  to  secure  the 
allegiance  of  the  Hungarians,  who  were  thoroughly  Prot- 
estant, and  who  had  during  some  years  showed  small 
respect  for  the  authority  of  the  emperor.  The  counsel- 
ors of  the  emperor  were  held  responsible  for  the  indig- 
nities and  outrages  that  had  been  perpetrated  upon  the 
Protestants.  It  was  decided  that  a  body  of  Protestant 
nobles,  with  Thurn  at  their  head,  should  force  them- 
selves into  the  apartments  of  the  counselors,  demand 
of  them   a   direct  answer  as  to  the  source  of  the   ob- 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  397 

noxious  proceedings,  and  in  case  of  refusal  to  give  full 
satisfaction  should  employ  violence.  One  of  the  most 
obnoxious  ministers  had  left  the  city.  Martinitz  and 
Slawata  were  accosted.  On  refusal  to  give  the  in- 
formation demanded  of  them,  they  were  seized  and 
hurled  from  the  windows  into  the  moat,  seventy  or 
eighty  feet  below.  Their  secretary,  Fabricius,  remon- 
strated, and  was  similarly  dealt  with.  Marvelously,  all 
escaped  without  even  a  broken  bone.  When  they  were 
seen  rising  and  trying  to  escape  many  shots  were  fired 
at  them  from  the  windows,  but  not  one  took  effect.  The 
Protestant  nobles  at  once  took  possession  of  the  city, 
established  a  provisional  government,  and  compelled  the 
citizens  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  new  government.  The 
throwing  from  the  windows  was  the  beginning  of  Bo- 
hemia's woe.  it  precipitated  a  struggle  which  must  have 
come  sooner  or  later  between  the  Roman  Catholic  and 
the  Protestant  powers  of  Europe,  a  struggle  that  was 
destined  to  last  for  nearly  a  generation,  that  was  to  del- 
uge the  continent  with  blood,  that  was  to  cause  an 
amount  of  human  woe  that  is  absolutely  incomputable, 
that  was  to  destroy  property  to  an  extent  we  can  scarcely 
conceive  of,  that  was  to  leave  central  Europe  almost  a 
desolation. 

2.  The  Conflict  (16 18- 1648). 

(i)  Frederick  and  Ferdinand.  The  Protestants  soon 
had  a  small  and  poorly  equipped  army  in  the  field.  After 
months  of  indecision  and  inaction,  Matthias  and  Ferdi- 
nand had  come  to  appreciate  the  fact  that  force  must  be 
met  by  force.  The  Bohemian  Protestants  appealed  to 
the  Evangelical  Union  ;  Matthias  and  Ferdinand  appealed 
to  the  Catholic  League.  Frederick  of  the  Palatinate 
and  Christian  of  Anhalt  took  a  deep  interest  in  the 
cause  of  the  Protestant  Bohemians,  and  soon  had  armies 
in  the  field.  They  induced  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  in- 
terest himself  in  the  Protestant  cause.  He  sent  Count 
Mansfeld,  a  soldier  of  fortune,  with  a  small  army.  Silesia 
soon  joined  the  Bohemian  Protestants  in  the  struggle. 
Moravia,  under  the  advice  of  the  noble-minded,  but  per- 
haps too  peace-loving,  Protestant  statesman,  Zerotin,  re- 
fused for  some  time  to  take  part  in  the  Protestant  strug- 


398  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

gle.  The  Elector  of  Saxony  counseled  peace,  and  would 
give  no  aid  to  the  cause  of  the  Bohemians.  Frederick 
of  the  Palatinate  was  son-in-law  of  James  I.  of  Eng- 
land, and  it  was  expected  that  for  Frederick's  sake  James 
would  furnish  material  aid  to  the  Protestant  cause,  espe- 
cially when  it  was  proposed  to  make  his  son-in-law  king 
of  Bohemia.  Several  reasons  prevented  James  from 
responding  favorably  to  the  solicitations  of  the  German 
Protestants  :  a.  His  income  was  never  equal  to  his  own 
supposed  necessities  ;  b.  he  was  a  stanch  defender  of 
the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  thought  the  effort  of  the 
Bohemians  to  dethrone  Ferdinand  unwarrantable  ;  c.  he 
was  planning  a  Spanish  match  for  his  son  Charles  and 
did  not  wish  to  become  embroiled  with  the  house  of 
Hapsburg  ;  d.  he  had  little  taste  for  warlike  enterprises. 
The  Evangelical  Union,  apart  from  Christian  of  Anhalt 
and  Frederick,  took  little  interest  in  the  conflict.  The 
Dutch  sent  a  little  money,  but  were  not  in  a  position  to 
do  more.  At  one  time  Ferdinand  was  on  the  very  brink 
of  ruin,  and  had  it  not  been  for  his  Jesuit  training  he 
would  doubtless  have  yielded  to  the  demands  of  the 
Protestants,  and  have  withdrawn  from  the  conflict,  leav- 
ing the  entire  empire  in  the  hands  of  the  Protestant 
aristocracy.  Besieged  in  Vienna,  where  he  was  sup- 
ported by  only  a  few  hundred  troops,  Thurn  thought  he 
had  him  at  his  mercy  ;  and  if  he  had  not  stopped  to 
parley  with  him  might  easily  have  destroyed  him,  Fer- 
dinand's dogged  refusal  to  compromise  his  position  stood 
him  in  good  stead.  Relief  arrived,  and  his  enemies  were 
glad  to  make  good  their  own  escape.  Matthias  died 
about  this  time  (Mar.,  i6ig).  Through  the  inability  of 
Frederick  of  the  Palatinate  and  the  Elector  John  George 
of  Saxony  to  agree  upon  any  common  basis  of  action  in 
the  interest  of  Protestantism,  Ferdinand  was  elected 
emperor  in  August  following.  Two  days  before,  the 
Bohemian  Protestants,  having  repudiated  the  claims  of 
Ferdinand  to  the  Bohemian  crown,  had  elected  Frederick 
King  of  Bohemia.  The  war  was  now  well  under  way. 
Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  who,  up  to  1620,  had  held  aloof 
from  the  controversy,  now  threw  himself  into  the  con- 
flict with  all  his  powers.  By  this  time  Spain  also  was 
ready  to  support  with  an  army  and  with  treasure  the 


CHAP  III]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  399 

cause  of  Ferdinand.  John  George  of  Saxony,  Lutheran 
though  he  was,  could  not  endure  to  see  Frederick  suc- 
ceed in  so  ambitious  a  scheme  as  that  of  adding  Bohemia, 
and  perhaps  the  rest  of  the  territory  of  the  house  of 
Austria,  to  his  hereditary  possessions,  and  thus  to  have 
his  own  rehitive  position  dwarfed.  Having  secured  from 
the  Catholic  League  assurances  that  Protestantism  would 
not  be  interfered  with  in  his  own  territory,  he  joined 
hands  with  the  Catholics  in  war  against  Frederick  and 
the  Bohemians.  Frederick  accepted  the  Bohemian  crown 
against  the  advice  of  James  of  England,  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  and  all  the  electors.  The  result  it  would  not 
have  required  prophetic  foresight  to  have  foretold.  By 
this  time  Moravia,  Silesia,  Hungary,  Lusatia,  and  Austria 
were  all  in  rebellion  against  Ferdinand,  but  he  had  the 
resources  and  the  trained  armies  of  Spain  and  Bavaria 
at  his  back,  besides  the  help  of  the  Protestant  Elector 
of  Saxony.  The  Bavarian  army  was  led  by  Tilly,  one 
of  the  most  honorable  and  one  of  the  most  accomplished 
generals  of  the  age.  The  Spanish  army  had  for  its  head 
the  famous  Spinola,  who  had  had  his  training  in  the 
Netherland  wars.  Frederick  must  depend  very  largely 
upon  his  own  limited  resources,  and  upon  the  resources 
of  the  Protestants  of  Bohemia,  Austria,  Hungary^ 
Moravia,  Silesia,  and  Lusatia.  Christian  of  Anhalt, 
one  of  the  ablest  statesmen  of  the  time,  was  faithful 
to  him  ;  but  success,  under  existing  circumstances, 
was  altogether  out  of  the  question.  While  he  was  in 
Austria  contending  with  the  armies  of  Ferdinand  and 
Maximilian,  led  by  Buquoi  and  Tilly,  and  suffering  ter- 
rible defeat  at  their  hands,  his  own  Palatinate  was  being 
ravaged  by  the  Spanish  army  under  Spinola.  Mansfeld 
fortified  himself  in  the  mountains  of  Bohemia,  where  the 
Taborites  in  the  Hussite  wars  had  defended  themselves 
so  valiantly,  and  as  long  as  he  could  maintain  his  army 
by  plundering  the  towns  and  villages  within  his  reach 
and  by  laying  waste  the  agricultural  regions  far  and 
wide,  he  was  by  no  means  anxious  for  peace.  In  fact, 
when  Frederick  was  in  a  position  to  sue  for  peace,  and 
when  peace  might  have  been  had  on  pretty  favorable 
terms,  Mansfeld's  independent  position  was  the  chief 
obstacle.     Probably   no  greater  mistake  occurred  from 


400  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war  than  that  of  com- 
mitting to  this  unprincipled  but  able  general  the  defense 
of  the  Protestant  cause,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the 
combined  forces  of  Tilly  and  Buquoi,  terrible  as  were 
their  ravages,  caused  a  greater  amount  of  desolation  than 
did  the  army  of  Mansfeld,  which  was  ostensibly  main- 
taining the  cause  of  the  Bohemian  people.  When  Mans- 
feld transferred  his  army  to  the  Palatinate,  and  when, 
in  addition  to  his  other  allies,  Christian  of  Braunschweig 
and  the  Margrave  of  Baden-DUrlach  had  taken  the  field 
in  support  of  Frederick's  cause,  prospects  seemed  brighter 
for  a  time  ;  but,  in  June,  1622,  after  other  serious  re- 
verses had  been  suffered  by  Frederick's  allies,  Mansfeld's 
army  was  almost  annihilated  in  the  battle  of  Hochst. 
This  was  a  decisive  blow.  Frederick  retired  to  Sedan, 
and  gave  expression  to  his  feeling  of  ruin  in  a  letter  full 
of  pathos  to  his  wife:  "Would  to  God,"  he  wrote, 
"that  we  possessed  a  little  corner  of  the  earth  where 
we  could  rest  together  in  peace."  A  meeting  of  the 
princes  favorable  to  the  imperial  cause  transferred  the 
electorate  of  the  Palatinate  to  Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  to 
whom  the  victory  over  Frederick  was  chiefly  due.  But 
even  now  Mansfeld  refused  to  quit  the  field.  With  a 
valorous  remnant  of  his  army,  soon  recruited  by  adven- 
turous spirits,  he  was  opposed  to  peace  except  on  terms 
sure  not  to  be  granted.  Christian  of  Braunschweig  was 
equally  determined  to  continue  the  struggle.  They  re- 
mained in  Alsace  until  the  resources  of  the  country 
within  their  reach  were  exhausted.  Thence  they  went 
to  Lorraine  and  lived  on  plunder  as  long  as  they  could. 
They  were  invited  thence  to  the  Protestant  Netherlands 
to  assist  in  troubles  with  Spain  renewed  by  the  JiJlich- 
Cleves  affair  already  referred  to.  When  they  were  no 
longer  wanted  there  Mansfeld  betook  himself  to  West- 
phalia and  East  Friesland,  and  Christian  to  Lower 
Saxony. 

(2)  Ferdinand  Extirpates  Protestantism.  It  need  scarcely 
be  said  that  Ferdinand  followed  up  his  victories  in  the 
Austro-Hungarian  Empire  by  vigorous  measures  for  the 
extirpation  of  Protestantism.  The  Jesuits  were  on  hand 
in  full  force  to  aid  in  the  terrible  work.  This  is  not 
the  place  to  describe  the  process  by  which  Protestants, 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  4OI 

who  in  Bohemia  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  constituted 
eighty  per  cent,  of  the  population,  were  in  an  incredibly 
short  time  almost  wholly  exterminated.  The  Counter- 
Reformation  did  its  work  here  with  an  amazing  thorough- 
ness. Roman  Catholicism  had  an  opportunity  here  to 
exhibit  itself  in  its  true  character.  The  time  for  ex- 
pediency had  ended.  The  rigid  carrying  out  of  the 
principles  of  the  body  now  had  place. 

(3)  England,  France,  T)enmark,  and  Sweden  succor  the 
Protestant  Cause.  If  any  of  those  interested  flattered 
themselves  that  peace  was  at  hand,  they  were  destined 
to  be  sorely  disappointed.  What  had  gone  before  was  as 
child's  play  in  comparison  with  what  was  to  come. 
Apart  from  the  determination  of  Mansfeld  and  Christian 
of  Braunschweig  to  maintain  their  armies  at  the  public 
expense,  the  Lutheran  princes  of  North  Germany  and 
of  Denmark  and  Sweden  were  becoming  alarmed.  The 
ruthless  way  in  which  the  Counter-Reformation  was 
being  carried  out  in  Austria  and  its  dependencies  opened 
their  eyes  to  the  possibility  and  the  probability  that 
similar  methods  would  be  employed  in  the  North  as  soon 
as  a  suitable  opportunity  should  occur.  The  transfer- 
ence of  the  electorate  of  the  Palatinate  to  the  ablest, 
most  determined,  and  most  aggressive  of  the  Catholic 
rulers,  the  close  bond  that  united  him  with  Ferdinand, 
and  the  intimate  relation — natural,  religious,  and  politi- 
cal— in  which  Ferdinand  stood  to  Spain,  could  not  fail 
to  convince  even  John  George  of  Saxony,  who  hereto- 
fore had  thrown  his  influence  on  the  imperial  side  and 
had  resolutely  held  aloof  from  actual  participation  in  the 
conflict,  that  Protestantism  was  in  imminent  danger, 
in  1524,  the  negotiations  which  had  long  been  pending 
between  England  and  Spain  looking  to  the  marriage  of 
Prince  Charles  to  the  Spanish  infanta,  and  to  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Palatinate  to  James'  son-in-law,  Frederick, 
were  broken  off.  England  was  now  free  to  deal  with 
continental  questions  on  their  merits.  Moreover,  a  mar- 
riage alliance  had  now  been  formed  with  France,  and 
both  England  and  France  were  jealous  of  the  growing 
power  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  An  agreement  was 
reached  between  England  and  France  to  unite  in  send- 
ing an  army  under  Mansfeld  to  the  Palatinate.     This 

2A 


402  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

attempt  to  succor  the  Protestant  cause  proved  abortive. 
France  refused  to  allow  the  twelve  thousand  English 
troops  under  Mansfeld  to  pass  through  French  territory, 
and  the  king  of  England  proved  unable  to  furnish  money 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  army  after  it  had  with  great 
difficulty  reached  the  scene  of  proposed  operations. 
Left  destitute  in  the  midst  of  winter  the  English  troops 
died  by  thousands. 

But  already  there  were  looming  up  in  the  distance 
interests  and  personages  that  were  destined  to  play  a 
great  part  in  working  out  the  destiny  of  Europe.  Cardi- 
nal Richelieu  was  coming  into  power  as  the  prime  min- 
ister of  Louis  Xlll.,  of  France.  He  was  far  more  a  states- 
man than  an  ecclesiastic.  Magnificent  schemes  of  French 
aggrandizement  from  the  first  floated  before  his  vision. 
While  he  had  no  sympathy  with  Protestantism  and  did 
what  he  could  for  its  destruction  in  France,  he  would 
sooner  have  seen  Germany  Protestant  than  suffer  the 
interests  of  France  to  be  jeopardized  by  the  Spanish  and 
Austrian  branches  of  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  From  now 
onward  Richelieu  is  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  ele- 
mental forces  in  the  great  conflict. 

But  of  even  greater  immediate  importance  was  the  re- 
solve of  Christian  of  Denmark  and  Gustavus  Adolphus 
to  come  to  the  rescue  of  the  imperilled  Protestant  cause. 
Prolonged  negotiations  took  place  with  a  view  to  uniting 
England,  Denmark,  and  Sweden  in  a  vigorous  movement 
against  Ferdinand  and  Maximilian.  Gustavus  was  the 
noblest  and  ablest  of  the  Protestant  rulers  of  the  age. 
He  combined  statesmanship  of  the  highest  order  with 
the  rarest  military  strategy  and  courage.  Few  military 
men  of  history  have  had  their  powers  in  more  complete 
control,  and  few  men  have  ever  shown  more  ability  to 
understand  the  complicated  problems  of  their  age.  He 
knew  how  to  act  with  promptness  and  expedition,  when 
such  action  was  called  for,  and  he  knew  just  as  well  how 
patiently  to  bide  his  time,  when  circumstances  required 
patience.  He  was  withal  an  earnest  consistent  Christian 
and  Protestant,  and  he  sincerely  lamented  the  down- 
trodden condition  of  Protestantism  in  the  Austrian  de- 
pendencies. Charles  I.  found  it  utterly  impossible  to 
carry  out  his  part  of  the  agreement  that  had  been  reached. 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  403 

He  lacked  the  confidence  of  Parliament,  and  Parliament 
was  resolutely  opposed  to  voting  large  sums  of  money 
for  continental  wars.  Gustavus  was  unwilling  to  pre- 
cipitate the  conflict,  until  he  should  make  sure  of  the 
means  of  success.  His  realization  of  the  seriousness  of 
the  undertaking  and  his  unwillingness  to  run  dangerous 
risks  are  well  expressed  in  the  following  sentences,  with 
reference  to  the  proposal  of  Christian  of  Denmark  to 
enter  at  once  and  without  proper  assurance  of  support 
on  the  perilous  undertaking  : 

But  if  any  one  thinks  it  easy  to  make  war  against  the  most  power- 
ful potentate  in  Europe,  and  upon  one  too  who  has  the  support  of 
Spain  and  of  so  many  of  the  German  princes,  besides  being  sup- 
ported, in  a  word,  with  the  whole  strength  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
alliance;  and  if  he  thinks  it  easy  to  bring  into  common  action  so 
many  minds,  each  having  in  view  his  own  separate  object  and  to 
regain  for  their  own  masters  so  many  lands  out  of  the  power  of 
those  who  tenaciously  hold  them,  we  shall  be  quite  willing  to  leave 
to  him  the  glory  of  his  achievement,  and  all  its  accompanying  advan- 
tages. 

Gustavus  felt  obliged  to  hold  aloof  until  he  could  see 
such  an  amount  of  co-operation  as  would  give  a  chance 
of  success.  The  less  statesmanlike  Christian  of  Den- 
mark took  the  field  with  Mansfeld  and  an  uncertain  Eng- 
lish subsidy  as  his  principal  support.  Even  Protestant 
Germany  was  not  yet  ready  to  enter  heartily  into  the 
war  against  the  emperor.  The  cities  especially  were 
opposed  to  the  continuance  of  war. 

(4)  Wallenstein.  Another  great  military  figure  now 
came  to  the  front  on  the  imperial  side.  Assailed  in  the 
east  by  Bethlen  Gabor,  the  Protestant  prince  of  Tran- 
sylvania, who  was  aided  by  the  Turks,  deprived  for  the 
time  of  active  Spanish  support,  with  Denmark  supported 
by  England  actively  engaged  against  him,  with  France 
likely  at  any  decisive  crisis  to  throw  her  whole  strength 
on  the  side  of  his  enemies,  Ferdinand  felt  keenly  the 
need  of  reinforcement.  Wallenstein,  a  Bohemian  of 
Protestant  parentage,  had  been  trained  by  the  Jesuits 
and  had  already  shown  extraordinary  military  ability. 
He  proposed  to  Ferdinand  to  raise  and  to  support,  with- 
out subsidy  from  the  imperial  exchequer,  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  or  more  in  the  imperial  interest.    Next 


404  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

to  Gustavus  Adolphus  he  was  the  most  brilliant  military 
leader  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War.  From  this  time  onward 
he  was  the  chief  dependence  of  Ferdinand.  As  his 
operations  were  more  extensive  than  those  of  Mansfeld 
had  been,  and  as  he  had  a  larger  army  to  maintain,  his 
campaigns  were  by  so  much  the  more  destructive.  Like 
Mansfeld,  Wallenstein  supposed  he  had  a  vested  right  in 
the  perpetuation  of  war,  and  he  could  dictate  terms  even 
to  the  greatest  potentate  in  Europe, 

Space  forbids  our  attempting  anything  like  a  detailed 
narrative  of  the  campaigns  of  1625-1628.  Wallenstein 
came  more  and  more  into  prominence.  Military  opera- 
tions extended  from  Hungary  to  the  Baltic.  Christian 
of  Denmark  was  ably  sustained  by  Mansfeld  and  Chris- 
tian of  Braunschweig.  Christian  died  soon  after  the  bat- 
tle of  the  Bridge  of  Dessau,  April,  1626.  Mansfeld  died 
a  few  months  later  in  Hungary,  whither  he  had  gone  to 
assist  the  redoubtable  Bethlen  Gabor.  The  oppressive 
measures  of  Wallenstein  made  him  a  terror  even  to  those 
who  favored  the  imperial  cause,  and  Ferdinand  himself 
tried  in  vain  to  restrain  him.  There  was  no  denying 
that  the  decisive  victories  that  had  been  achieved  for  the 
imperial  cause  had  been  due  to  the  great  brigand.  Ferdi- 
nand and  Wallenstein  attempted  to  treat  with  the  Hanse 
towns  of  Northern  Germany,  holding  out  to  them  tempt- 
ing promises  of  trade  monopoly  with  Spain,  and  other 
advantages.  But  they  knew  too  well  what  it  would 
mean  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  rapacious  soldier  and  the 
bigoted  emperor.  By  the  close  of  1627  nearly  all  the 
Baltic  towns  were  in  the  hands  of  Wallenstein.  Stral- 
sund  held  out  and  gained  an  important  victory  over  its 
besiegers.  The  inhabitants  liad  bound  themselves  by 
oath  to  spend  the  last  drop  of  their  blood,  if  need  be, 
in  defending  their  religion  and  their  liberty.  Sweden 
came  to  the  rescue.  The  reverse  suffered  by  Wallen- 
stein was  of  decisive  historical  importance.  War  with 
the  Huguenots  prevented  France  from  taking  an  active 
part  in  the  war  against  the  emperor.  Charles  I.  of  Eng- 
land had  espoused  the  cause  of  the  French  Protestants, — 
the  only  creditable  act  of  his  life,  so  far  as  we  are  aware, 
— and  co-operation  of  French  and  English  in  opposition  to 
the  house  of  Hapsburg  was  for  the  present  out  of  the 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  405 

question.  Peace  was  made  in  1628,  and  Richelieu  was 
once  more  free  to  take  a  hand  in  German  politics.  The 
Protestants  gained  another  decisive  victory  at  the  siege 
of  Giuckstadt  in  January,  1629,  over  the  combined  forces 
of  Tilly  and  Wallenstein.  The  influence  of  Sweden  and 
Gustavus  Adolphus  was  beginning  to  tell  in  favor  of  the 
Protestant  cause.  Seeing  that  if  he  carried  on  the  war 
further,  he  must  do  it  in  dependence  on  Gustavus  Adol- 
phus, and  unwilling  to  take  a  secondary  place,  as  he 
knew  he  must  if  Gustavus  entered  heartily  into  the 
struggle,  Christian  of  Denmark  hastened  now  to  make 
peace  with  the  emperor  on  as  favorable  terms  to  himself 
as  he  could. 

The  Peace  of  Liibeck  has  little  historical  significance. 
Christian  was  to  receive  back  all  his  hereditary  pos- 
sessions and  to  surrender  all  claim  to  certain  of  the  bish- 
oprics for  whose  possession  he  had  contended. 

(5)  The  Edict  of  Restitution  (1629).  Encouraged  by 
the  success  of  the  Counter-Reformation  in  his  Austro- 
Hungarian  domains  and  in  the  Palatinate  under  Maxi- 
milian's rule,  and  by  the  success  of  Wallenstein's  and 
Tilly's  arms  on  the  Baltic  and  elsewhere,  Ferdinand  now 
thought  it  opportune  to  promulgate  his  policy  with  refer- 
ence to  the  conquered  portions  of  Germany.  The  Edict 
of  Restitution,  March,  1629,  restored  to  the  Roman 
Catholics  "the  two  archbishoprics  of  Magdeburg  and 
Bremen,  the  twelve  bishoprics  of  Minden,  Virden,  Hal- 
berstadt,  Liibeck,  Ratzeburg,  Misnia,  Merseburg,  Naum- 
burg,  Brandenburg,  Havelberg,  Lebus,  and  Camin,  with 
about  a  hundred  and  twenty  smaller  ecclesiastical  foun- 
dations." These  foundations,  we  must  remember,  had 
been  appropriated  by  the  Protestants  since  the  Augsburg 
Treaty. 

(6)  Gustavus  <tAdolphus.  But  if  the  emperor  and  his 
friends  imagined  that  the  struggle  was  reaching  its  end 
they  were  soon  to  be  sorely  disappointed.  We  are  now 
approaching  the  most  momentous  period  of  the  conflict. 
Richelieu,  having  made  peace  with  the  Huguenots,  led 
in  person  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  into  Italy  to  com- 
pel the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  to 
grant  to  a  French  prince  his  hereditary  right  of  succes- 
sion.    This  business  was  soon  dispatched  and  he  was 


406  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

ready  to  use  the  resources  of  France  for  the  liumbling  of 
Ferdinand.  Gustavus  had  made  peace  with  Poland  and 
was  now  eager  for  the  fray.  John  George  of  Saxony 
saw  at  last  that  his  only  safety  lay  in  taking  up  the  de- 
fense of  Protestantism  and  in  joining  hands  with  Gus- 
tavus. Wallenstein  had  increased  his  army  to  one  hun- 
dred thousand,  and  was  becoming  so  odious  to  the  princes 
who  were  loyal  to  the  emperor  that  his  dismissal  was 
urgently  demanded.  The  Protestant  Netherlands  were 
again  aggressive,  having  gained  decided  advantages  in 
recent  years  over  Spain.  The  Elector  of  Brandenburg 
and  the  Margrave  of  Hesse-Cassel,  along  with  many  of 
the  less  influential  nobles,  saw  themselves  compelled  to 
choose  between  Ferdinand  and  the  Edict  of  Restitution, 
and  Gustavus  Adolphus  with  a  firm  French  alliance 
against  the  imperial  cause,  it  is  easy  to  see,  without 
going  into  further  detail,  that  the  fortunes  of  Protestant- 
ism were  rising  and  that  the  imperial  cause  was  becom- 
ing beset  with  discouragement.  It  would  be  a  pleasure 
to  describe  the  splendid  tactics  of  Gustavus  during  the 
years  1630-1632.  It  was  a  period  of  almost  uninter- 
rupted success.  The  battle  of  Leipzig,  in  which  Gus- 
tavus gained  almost  a  complete  victory  over  the  veterans 
of  Tilly,  gave  the  noble  Swede  a  prestige  that  rendered 
future  victories  easy.  Wallenstein  congratulated  him  on 
his  victory  and  proposed  to  enter  his  service.  If  Gus- 
tavus would  place  him  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand 
Swedes  he  would  chase  his  former  master  across  the 
Alps  and  would  divide  the  riches  of  the  Jesuits  among 
the  soldiers.  Among  many  other  conquests  was  that  of 
Donauworth,  which  had  been  cruelly  wrested  from  the 
Protestants  a  few  years  before  by  Maximilian.  In  an- 
other engagement  Tilly  was  slain.  Before  the  end  of 
163 1  all  Germany,  except  the  hereditary  possessions  of 
the  house  of  Austria,  was  in  the  power  of  the  Swedish 
king.  John  George  of  Saxony  marched  through  Bo- 
hemia almost  without  resistance.  There  seemed  no 
limit  to  that  which  Gustavus  could  accomplish.  The 
cause  of  the  emperor  was  growing  desperate.  Is  it  to 
be  wondered  at  that  he  felt  compelled  to  make  terms 
with  Wallenstein,  who  had  just  been  pleading  for  an  op- 
portunity to   drive    him    beyond   the    Alps,  or   that   he 


CHAP.  Ill]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  407 

should  have  given  to  this  crafty  soldier  the  dictatorship  ? 
The  two  greatest  soldiers  of  the  age  were  now  arrayed 
against  each  other.  Wallenstein  tried  in  vain,  at  least 
for  the  present,  to  entice  the  Elector  of  Saxony  from  his 
allegiance  to  Gustavus.  After  a  number  of  not  very  im- 
portant or  very  decisive  engagements,  the  battle  of 
LUtzen  was  fought  November  16,  1633.  Wallenstein 
was  strongly  entrenched  and  had  greatly  the  advantage 
as  regards  position.  After  singing  Luther's  hymn,  "A 
Mighty  Fortress  is  Our  God,"  and  engaging  in  other 
acts  of  worship  under  Gustavus'  direction,  the  Swedish 
army  made  the  assault.  Gustavus  refused  to  put  on 
armor,  and  as  he  set  forth  he  looked  heavenward  saying, 
"  Now,  in  God's  name,  Jesus,  give  us  to-day  to  fight  for 
the  honor  of  thy  holy  name."  He  then  waved  his 
sword  and  gave  the  command,  "  Forward."  He  was 
shot  to  pieces  ;  but  the  victory  was  won.  Just  as  the 
Protestant  cause  seemed  to  be  triumphant,  the  only  man 
who  could  command  the  Protestant  forces  was  taken 
away.  The  victory  had  been  gained  at  too  great  a 
price.  We  can  scarcely  exonerate  Gustavus  from  blame 
in  thus  recklessly  sacrificing  the  hopes  of  the  Protestant 
cause. 

Wallenstein  was  soon  at  cross  purposes  with  Ferdi- 
nand. He  insisted  on  making  terms  with  the  Protestants 
which  Ferdinand  was  too  good  a  Catholic  to  grant.  He 
now  succeeded  in  seducing  the  Elector  of  Saxony  from 
his  support  of  Protestantism  by  leading  him  to  believe 
tha+  he  had  power,  even  against  the  will  of  Ferdinand, 
to  re-organize  Europe  on  a  liberal  basis  which  would 
guarantee  to  Protestants  their  rights,  it  was  no  more 
than  the  elector  deserved,  when  he  was  ruined  by  the 
Swedes  a  few  years  later.  Wallenstein  refused  to  fall 
in  with  Ferdinand's  scheme,  which  involved  more  and 
more  dependence  on  Spain.  He  tried  again  to  make 
terms  with  Sweden,  and  would,  no  doubt,  have  been 
willing  again  to  join  with  the  Protestants  in  driving  the 
emperor  beyond  the  Alps.  Ferdinand  once  more  threw 
him  off.  He  retired  to  a  garrison  supposed  to  be  faithful 
to  him.  Some  Scotch  soldiers  who,  though  Protestants, 
had  been  fighting  the  battles  of  the  emperor,  determined 
on   his   assassination.      An  Irishman   named  Devereux 


408  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  V. 

was  deputed  to  commit  the  crime.  Thus  passed  away 
the  most  striking  character  of  the  age  from  the  scene  of 
mortal  conflict,  February  25,  1634.  In  September  of  the 
same  year  a  decisive  battle,  resulting  in  favor  of  the  em- 
peror, was  fought  at  Nordlingen,  Bavaria.  The  influence 
of  France  became  greater  and  greater  as  the  war  ad- 
vanced and  the  great  leaders  were  one  by  one  removed  ; 
and  French  intervention  was  not  much  more  palatable 
to  Germans  then  than  now. 

(7)  The  Peace  of  Prague  (16^^).  In  May,  1635,  an- 
other peace — the  Peace  of  Prague — was  attempted.  The 
emperor  agreed  to  abandon  the  Edict  of  Restitution,  or 
rather  to  make  the  date  for  determining  the  ownership 
of  church  property  1624  instead  of  1555.  This  arrange- 
ment left  the  Palatinate  in  the  hands  of  the  Catholics. 
Most  of  the  Northern  bishoprics  were  to  be  given  to 
Protestants.  Lusatia  was  to  be  ceded  to  the  elector  of 
Saxony  and  Protestantism  was  to  be  protected  in  Silesia. 
Calvinism  was  excluded  from  recognition,  as  in  the  Augs- 
burg Treaty.  This  treaty  failed  to  satisfy  Sweden, 
France,  and  the  Calvinistic  princes.  The  French  and 
the  Swedes  won  many  important  victories.  By  1643  the 
fires  of  war  had  well-nigh  burned  out.  Negotiations 
looking  toward  the  pacification  of  Europe  now  began. 
The  situation  was  as  complicated  as  can  be  readily  con- 
ceived. Conflicting  interests  and  conflicting  demands 
were  so  numerous  and  so  intractable  as  often  to  fill  with 
discouragement  those  who  were  seeking  a  basis  of  settle- 
ment. 

(8)  The  Peace  of  Westphalia  (1648).  The  Peace  of 
Westphalia  was  the  final  result.  This  was  signed  by 
plenipotentiaries  of  the  various  sovereigns  concerned  on 
the  24th  of  October,  1648.  As  it  marks  the  close  of 
the  most  destructive  war  of  history,  so  it  was  the  most 
influential  treaty  ever  made.  There  were  in  reality  two 
treaties  signed  on  the  same  day,  the  one  at  Munster,  the 
other  at  Osnabriick.  The  former  was  between  the  em- 
peror and  the  King  of  France  and  his  allies,  and  the 
latter  between  the  emperor  and  the  Queen  of  Sweden 
and  her  allies.  They  are  substantially  the  same.  Their 
substance  can  be  given  only  in  a  condensed  form.  The 
treaties  guaranteed  "a  peace  Christian,  universal,  and 


CHAP.  III.]  THE   RELIGIOUS  WARS  409 

perpetual,  and  a  friendship  true  and  sincere,"  between 
the  contending  parties  and  their  allies,  each  party  pledg- 
ing itself  to  "observe  and  cultivate  sincerely  and  seri- 
ously this  peace  and  friendship,"  and  each  to  be  zealous 
for  the  "utility,  honor,  and  advantage  of  the  other." 
The  various  nations  were  to  perform  the  part  of  good 
neighbors  one  toward  the  other.  There  was  to  be  a  per- 
petual forgetting  of  past  differences  and  a  universal 
amnesty.  Anything  tending  to  awaken  ill  feeling  was 
to  be  studiously  avoided.  To  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  the 
Upper  Palatinate  and  the  electoral  dignity  were  given  in 
perpetuity.  An  eighth  electorate  connected  with  the 
Lower  Palatinate  was  created  in  favor  of  the  son  of 
Frederick.  Sweden  received  Western  Pomerania,  with 
the  control  of  the  mouths  of  the  great  German  rivers. 
The  Elector  of  Brandenburg  received  Eastern  Pomerania, 
together  with  the  bishoprics  of  Halberstadt,  Camin,  and 
Minden,  and  part  of  Magdeburg.  Denmark  received  the 
bishoprics  of  Bremen  and  Verden,  with  the  control  of  the 
mouths  of  the  Elbe  and  the  Weser.  France  secured  Al- 
sace, the  city  of  Strasburg  and  certain  vassals  of  the 
empire  being  excepted,  and  the  bishoprics  of  Metz,  Ver- 
dun, and  Toul.  Switzerland  and  the  Protestant  Nether- 
lands were  recognized  as  free  and  independent  countries. 
Provision  was  made  for  paying  off  the  armies,  which, 
without  a  satisfactory  settlement  of  past  claims,  would 
hardly  have  consented  to  the  peace.  The  religious  set- 
tlement was  much  like  that  of  the  Augsburg  treaty, 
only  it  was  far  more  definite,  and  made  full  provision  for 
the  recognition  of  Calvinism.  It  still  belonged  to  the 
prince  to  determine  the  religion  of  his  subjects,  and  to 
tolerate  or  exclude  dissent  according  to  his  own  good 
pleasure.  The  year  1627  was  now  fixed  upon  as  the 
date  of  reckoning,  as  regards  the  possession  of  ecclesias- 
tical property.  This  left  the  northern  bishoprics  in 
Protestant  hands.  The  war  had  taught  Protestants  and 
Catholics  alike,  that  nothing  could  be  gained  by  violent 
efforts  to  exterminate  each  other.  Both  parties  were 
now  willing  to  live  and  let  live.  The  proselytizing  spirit 
was,  for  a  time  at  least,  almost  extinct.  Each  civil  ruler 
could  now  feel  that  liis  right  to  his  territory  was  undis- 
puted, and  was  guaranteed  to  him  by  the  most  solemn 


410  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  v. 

covenants  of  all  concerned.  Each  ecclesiastical  party 
could  feel  sure  that  no  rival  party  was  plotting  its  ruin, 
and  it  was  now  possible,  as  it  had  not  been  before,  for 
two  or  three  forms  of  religion  to  exist  peaceably  side  by 
side.  The  universal  longing  for  peace  that  prevailed, 
and  the  universal  and  profound  joy  with  which  the  peace 
was  greeted,  we  can  scarcely  appreciate  unless  we  are 
able  to  realize  the  horrors  of  the  war.  The  papal  nuncio, 
Fabiana  Chigi,  to  use  the  language  of  the  Jesuit  Bou- 
geant,  pleaded,  protested,  fulminated  against  the  bishops 
and  Catholics  who  were  present  at  the  signing  of  the 
treaty.  The  pope,  finally  seeing  that  all  the  remon- 
strances of  his  nuncio  were  in  vain,  himself  published  a 
protestation  in  the  form  of  a  bull,  in  which  he  represents 
the  treaties  of  Munster  and  of  Osnabruck  as  "preju- 
dicial to  the  Catholic  religion,  to  the  divine  worship,  to 
the  Apostolic  Roman  See — in  granting  to  heretics  and 
their  successors,  among  otlier  things  ecclesiastical  goods, 
in  permitting  to  heretics  the  free  exercise  of  religion, 
the  right  to  ecclesiastical  offices,  dignities,"  etc.,  and 
declares  them  "perpetually  null,  void,  of  no  effect,  in- 
iquitous, unjust,  condemned,  reproved,  frivolous,  with- 
out force  and  effect,"  and  declares  that  no  one  is  bound 
to  observe  their  provisions.  So  little  regard  did  Rome 
have  for  the  peace  and  happiness  of  Europe,  and  so  de- 
termined was  she  to  leave  herself  free,  for  the  future  as 
in  the  past,  to  use  every  available  means  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  all  religious  opposition  ! 

The  extent  of  the  destruction  of  life  through  the 
Thirty  Years'  War  cannot  be  estimated.  If  we  take 
into  account  the  multitudes  who  died  of  starvation  and 
exposure,  the  hundreds  of  thousands  of  women  and 
children  who  were  slain  in  the  sacking  and  destroying  of 
the  towns  and  cities,  the  fearful  waste  of  life  that  must 
have  been  involved  in  camp-following,  the  deaths  caused 
by  the  war  would  amount  to  many  millions,  hi  Boiiemia, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  there  was  a  population  of 
two  million,  of  whom  about  eight-tenths  were  Protestant ; 
at  the  close  of  the  war  there  were  about  eight  hundred 
thousand  Catholics  and  no  Protestants.  Taking  Ger- 
many and  Austria  together,  we  may  safely  say  tliat  the 
population  was  reduced  by  one-half,  if  not  by  two-thirds. 


CHAP.  III.]  THE  RELIGIOUS  WARS  411 

And  the  deaths  were  in  most  cases  the  result  of  untold 
sufferings  and  as  horrible  as  we  can  conceive.  So  far  as 
the  cities  and  towns  were  not  utterly  destroyed,  they 
were  the  mere  shadows  of  what  they  had  been.  Their 
buildings  were  dilapidated  and  large  numbers  of  them 
unoccupied.  Business  of  all  kinds  had  been  almost  en- 
tirely destroyed.  Agriculture  had  equally  suffered. 
Live  stock  had  been  almost  exterminated  ;  farming  im- 
plements had  become  scarce  and  rude.  Desolation  was 
everywhere. 

The  physical  deterioration  of  the  people  must  have 
been  very  marked.  It  is  pretty  evident  that  there  had 
been  a  decided  intellectual,  moral,  and  physical  decline 
between  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  Thirty  Years'  War ;  this  process  was 
greatly  promoted  by  the  war.  The  persistent,  univer- 
sal, and  destructive  plundering  of  the  peasants  left  mul- 
titudes of  women  and  children  to  die  of  starvation  or  to 
become  camp-followers.  An  army  of  forty  thousand  is 
said  to  have  had  a  loathsome  camp-following  of  one  hun- 
dred and  forty  thousand.  The  misery  and  the  moral 
ruin  involved  in  such  a  state  of  things,  who  can  describe  ? 
There  is  no  reason  to  think  that  the  army  mentioned 
was  exceptional  in  the  number  of  camp-followers. 

Education  and  all  the  arts  of  civilization  except  war 
must  have  suffered  enormously.  But  enough.  We  are 
prompted  to  inquire  whether  this  war  was  a  necessity  ; 
whether  this  was  the  only  way  in  which  Protestants  and 
Catholics  could  be  taught  to  respect  each  other's  rights  ? 
We  cannot  answer  ;  but  we  have  grave  reason  for  doubt- 
ing whether  the  destroyer  of  old  evangelical  Christianity 
and  the  father  of  the  great  politico-ecclesiastical  Protes- 
tant movement,  which  called  forth  the  Counter-Reforma- 
tion and  the  Jesuits,  and  which  directly  and  indirectly 
led  to  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  was  after  all  as  great  a 
benefactor  of  the  human  race  and  promoter  of  the  king- 
dom of  Christ  as  has  commonly  been  supposed. 

LITERATURE:  Gardiner,  "  The  Thirtv  Years'  War,"  1874;  Gin- 
dely,  "  A  Hist,  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War"  (Eng.  tr.),  1884 ;  Schil- 
ler, "The  Thirty  Years'  War"  (Eng.  tr.) ;  Reuss,  ''La  Destruction 
du  Protestantisme  en  Bo/ieme,^^  1868;  Eougeant, ''Hist,  dii  Trait'e  de 
IVesiphalie,"  6  volumes,  1744  ;  Droyssen,  "  Gustav  Adolf, ^^  1869-70  ; 


412  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  V. 


"Richelieu,"  etc.,  in  Hauck-Herzo 


PERIOD  VI 

THE    ERA    OF    MODERN    DENOMINATIONALISM 

(A.  D.  1648-IQO2) 


CHAPTER   I 

CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  AGE 

I.  TOLERATION  AND  LIBERTY  OF  CONSCIENCE 

I .  Relation  of  the  Renaissance  and  the  Protestant  Revolu- 
tion to  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

The  principle  of  liberty  of  conscience  was  a  constituent 
element  of  the  mode  of  thought  that  dominated  the  Re- 
naissance and  its  offspring,  the  Protestant  Revolution. 
Most  humanists  were  tolerant  in  a  high  degree.  Repudi- 
ating as  did  the  leaders  of  the  Renaissance  the  theol- 
ogy of  the  schools  and  the  authority  of  the  papacy,  in- 
sisting as  they  did  on  the  direct  application  of  the  intel- 
lect to  nature  and  to  the  great  problems  of  philosophy 
and  religion,  and  themselves  skeptical  on  many  points, 
they  could  feel  no  obligation  to  seek  to  enforce  upon 
their  neighbors  any  particular  type  of  doctrine  or  prac- 
tice. They  believed  that  truth  should  be  diligently 
searched  for  with  the  use  of  all  the  powers  of  the  soul 
and  all  of  the  objective  means  available,  and  that  each 
individual  should  be  free  to  communicate  to  others  the 
results  of  his  researches. 

The  Protestant  Revolution  was  in  its  essence  a  protest 
against  the  authority  of  the  corrupt  hierarchy  in  doctrine 
and  in  practice,  and  an  assertion  of  the  right  of  each  be- 
liever, by  the  use  of  the  means  that  God  has  placed 
within  his  reach,  to  determine  for  himself  what  he  should 
believe,  how  he  should  worship,  and  how  he  should  live. 
Yet  Luther  and  Zwingli  were  led  by  temperament  and 
exigencies  that  arose  to  persecute  to  the  death  earnest 
evangelical  Christians  who  could  not  rest  content  with 
such  reforms  as  were  authorized  by  the  civil  authorities, 
while  Calvin  was  led  to  establish  a  theocracy  more  exact- 
ing in  relation  to  the  belief  and  the  moral  and  religious 
lives  of  the  entire  population  than  the  Jewish  or  the 
Roman  Catholic  theocracy  ever  was. 

41S 


4l6  A  .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

Socinians  were  humanistic,  and  so  were  skeptical  and 
tolerant ;  but  their  toleration  principles  and  their  tolerant 
practices  were  due  to  a  weakness  of  conviction  regard- 
ing any  particular  body  of  truth  and  their  need  of  tolera- 
tion for  themselves,  rather  than  to  their  conviction  that 
absolute  liberty  of  conscience  is  the  inalienable  right  of 
every  human  being,  and  that  the  cause  of  truth  and 
righteousness  gains  vastly  more  than  it  loses  by  allow- 
ing every  man  to  think  and  teach  what  seems  to  him 
right. 

The  Anabaptists,  like  the  mediaeval  evangelical  parties 
whose  principles  they  perpetuated,  repudiated  with  the 
utmost  decision  any  sort  of  interference  by  the  secular 
authorities  in  matters  of  religion  and  the  use  of  any 
other  than  moral  means  by  individual  Christians  or 
churches  for  the  enforcement  of  religious  duties.  Re- 
ligious liberty,  in  its  most  comprehensive  sense,  was 
fundamental  with  Christians  of  this  type.  Many  of  them 
erred,  however,  in  refusing  to  recognize  civil  government 
as  necessary  for  Christians,  and  in  making  the  holding 
of  civil  office  a  disqualification  for  church-membership. 

2.  The  Peace  of  Westphalia  and  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

Even  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  (1648)  did  not  involve 
anything  approaching  the  recognition  by  the  Continental 
powers  concerned  of  the  principle  of  liberty  of  con- 
science, which  came  much  later  and  is  not  yet  univer- 
sally accepted.  Roman  Catholic,  Lutheran,  and  Calvin- 
istic  princes  agreed  to  tolerate  each  other,  within  care- 
fully defined  limits,  not  because  they  were  tolerantly 
disposed,  or  were  convinced  that  toleration  was  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  nature  of  the  Christian  religion,  but 
because  they  realized  that  the  pacification  of  Europe, 
urgently  needed,  could  be  no  otherwise  brought  about. 
The  papacy  promptly  repudiated  the  treaty  as  in\ol\ing 
a  recognition  of  the  rights  of  others  than  Roman  Catho- 
lics, and  it  has  consistently  taught  and  practised  religious 
exclusiveness,  and  the  use  of  force  for  securing  religious 
uniformity  and  for  the  subjection  of  Christendom  to  the 
Roman  See.  Lutherans  were  still  ready,  as  far  as  might 
be  expedient,  to  persecute  Catholics  and  Calvinists  ; 
while  Catholics,  Lutherans,  and  Calvinists  were  of  one 


CHAP.  I.]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  AGE  417 

mind  in  their  intolerant  attitude  toward  Anabaptists  and 
forms  of  Christianity  that  had  not  attained  to  the 
position  of  State  Churches. 

The  present  age  is  pre-eminently  the  age  of  toleration 
and  of  liberty  of  conscience,  and  modern  denominational- 
ism  is  one  of  the  most  important  products  of  the  gradual 
recognition  of  the  rights  of  men  of  all  shades  of  belief,  so 
long  as  they  conduct  themselves  in  such  a  way  as  not  to 
endanger  public  morals,  to  put  in  practice  and  to  impress 
upon  others  their  religious  views. 

Toleration,  and  still  more  a  recognition  of  the  righteous- 
ness and  the  practicability  of  allowing  absolute  liberty  of 
conscience  to  all,  while  they  are  of  the  very  essence  of  the 
religion  of  Christ,  are  so  antagonistic  to  the  unregenerate 
nature  of  man,  and  were,  until  comparatively  recenttimes, 
so  contrary  to  the  experience  of  many  centuries,  that  they 
must  needs  come  slowly  to  common  acceptance.  Only 
a  few  individuals  who  had  made  up  their  minds  to  follow 
the  principles  of  New  Testament  Christianity  regardless 
of  consequences,  and  who  had  come  to  regard  the  cur- 
rent social  and  civil  arrangements  as  so  little  in  accord 
Avith  the  spirit  of  Christianity  as  to  be  unworthy  of  per- 
petuation, were  likely  to  venture  upon  the  advocacy  of 
these  principles  before  they  had  been  shown  by  experience 
to  be  practicable.  Such  were  the  Waldensesand  related 
parties  in  the  mediaeval  times  and  the  Anabaptists  of 
the  sixteenth  century. 

3 .  Influences  that  have  Opposed  the  General  Acceptance  of 
the  Principles  of  Toleration  and  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

(i)  The  Old  Testament  and  Christianity.  The  opinion 
generally  prevailed  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  pe- 
riod that  the  precept  and  example  of  the  Old  Testament 
regarding  the  treatment  of  dissenters  from  the  estab- 
lished form  of  religion  apply  to  Christianity  as  well  as 
to  Judaism.  We  have  seen  that  the  theocratic  idea  was 
as  fully  developed  and  as  tenaciously  held  by  the  great 
Calvinistic  bodies  as  by  the  Roman  Catholic  church  or 
by  the  Jews  of  the  ancient  time.  From  this  point  of 
view  toleration  of  error  was  not  simply  not  required  of 
Christians,  but  it  was  positively  wicked. 

(2)  Union  of  Church  and  State.     The  union  of  Church 

2B 


4i8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

and  State  universally  in  vogue  till  toward  the  middle 
of  the  seventeenth  century  was  regarded  by  those 
concerned  with  civil  administration,  no  less  than  by 
those  concerned  with  ecclesiastical  administration,  as  of 
fundamental  importance,  and  it  was  the  unanimous  con- 
viction that  toleration  of  dissent,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
granting  of  full  liberty  of  conscience,  was  incompatible 
with  the  successful  maintenance  of  a  State  Church. 

(3)  The  Spirit  of  Conservatism.  The  spirit  of  con- 
servatism and  the  natural  dislike  of  teachings  and  prac- 
tices to  which  men  are  unaccustomed,  and  the  great 
temptation  to  make  use  of  force  for  the  suppression  of 
what  is  regarded  as  dangerous  or  troublesome,  has  fur- 
nished a  mighty  obstacle  to  the  triumph  of  liberty  of 
conscience. 

4.  Influences  that  have  Favored  and  Promoted  the  Recogni- 
tion of  the  Right  of  Private  Judgment. 

(i)  Humanism.  Humanistic  insistence  of  the  right  of 
each  individual  to  determine  for  himself  by  research 
what  is  truth  in  every  realm  of  thought,  and  to  act  upon 
the  results  of  such  unfettered  application  of  the  mind  to 
the  facts  of  nature,  the  problems  of  being,  and  to  mat- 
ters of  religion. 

(2)  yoluutary  Relationship.  The  diffusion  of  the  old 
evangelical  view  of  religion  as  a  purely  voluntary  rela- 
tion of  the  believer  to  his  God,  and  as  completely  out- 
side the  sphere  of  civil  jurisdiction  or  social  compulsion 
of  any  kind.  This  type  of  religious  thought  was  per- 
petuated from  the  mediaeval  time  by  the  Anabaptists, 
and  was  taken  up  and  powerfully  ad\'ocated  by  English 
Anti-pedobaptists  (i6og  onward"),  and  \\'as  advocated 
with  great  power  and  consistency  in  America  by  Roger 
Williams  and  John  Clarke  (1638  onward),  and  by  them 
successfully  put  in  practice  in  Rhode  Island. 

(3)  Practicability  of  Toleration.  Demonstration  of  the 
practicability  of  the  toleration  of  other  than  the  estab- 
lished forms  of  religion  by  the  actual  practice  of  tolera- 
tion under  circumstances  that  made  it  necessary  (as  in 
Germany  after  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  in  England  dur- 
ing the  Cromwellian  age,  etc.). 

(4)  The  Scientific  Spirit.     The  pervasive  influence  of 


CHAP.  I.]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  AGE  419 

the  scientific  spirit,  which  has  encountered  sharp  antag- 
onism in  religious  intolerance,  and  has  been  led  thereby 
to  assume  a  hostile  attitude  toward  religion  in  general, 
has  operated  powerfully  against  the.  persecution  of  dis- 
senting forms  of  Christianity. 

11.  MODERN  DENOMINATIONALISM. 

Modern  denominationalism  is,  no  doubt,  the  most  char- 
acteristic feature  of  the  present  period.  It  was  impossi- 
ble for  denominationalism,  as  it  has  existed  since  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  to  flourish  without  a 
certain  measure  of  toleration.  With  the  growth  of  tol- 
eration and  the  emergence  of  liberty  of  conscience  it 
was  sure  to  flourish. 

I.  The  Rise  of  Modern  Denominationalism  Synchronises 
with  the  Peace  of  Westphalia. 

The  Peace  of  Westphalia,  involving,  as  it  did,  the 
recognition  by  Roman  Catholics,  Lutherans,  and  Zwin- 
glians  of  the  right  of  each  other  to  exist,  within  carefully 
defined  limits,  is  rightly  regarded  as  forming  an  epoch  in 
European  church  history,  it  synchronized  closely  with 
the  failure  of  the  Puritan  (Presbyterian)  party  in  Eng- 
land, which  had  recently  overthrown,  along  with  the 
tyrannical  government  of  Charles  I.,  the  corrupt  and  in- 
tolerant prelatical  government  of  which  Archbishop  Laud 
was  the  chief  representative,  to  enforce  its  views  on 
England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  and  the  triumph  of  the 
Independents  (Congregationalists  and  Baptists),  led  by 
Cromwell,  with  the  recognition  of  the  rights  of  all  evan- 
gelical Christians  not  disloyal  to  the  government  to  carry 
on  their  work  without  interference  and  even  with  the 
encouragement  of  the  State. 

2.  Is  the  Tendency  of  Protestantism  Toward  Endless 
Divisions  ? 

It  is  a  favorite  method  with  Roman  Catholic  polemi- 
cists to  make  much  of  the  unity  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  and  to  exaggerate  the  tendency  of  Protestant- 
ism to  endless  division  into  sects.  It  should  be  remem- 
bered that  the  unity  of  the  Roman  Church  during  the 


420  A   AlANLAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  Vl. 

mediaeval  time  was  more  apparent  than  real.  Various 
schools  of  thought  (nominalism,  realism,  conceptualism, 
etc.),  and  various  religious  orders,  representing  varying 
conceptions  of  Christian  life,  were  tolerated  side  by  side 
so  long  as  the  authority  of  the  church  was  not  im- 
peached. Since  the  Council  of  Trent,  far  less  of  re- 
ligious liberty  has  been  allowed,  but  throughout  the 
present  period  distinct  schools  of  thought  and  types  of 
life  have  ever  existed  within  its  communion.  It  is  true 
that  Protestantism  has,  from  the  beginning,  manifested 
a  divisive  spirit.  The  principle  of  freedom  of  thought, 
fundamental  in  evangelical  Christianity,  involves  the 
right  of  each  individual  believer  to  reach  his  own  con- 
clusions after  carefully  considering  with  all  his  powers 
the  facts  within  his  reach  and  to  impress  upon  others  the 
truths  of  which  he  has  become  convinced.  Men  of  light 
and  leading  who  have  reached  conclusions  of  fundamen- 
tal importance  not  otherwise  sufficiently  recognized  have 
become  the  founders  of  great  evangelical  denominations  ; 
while  ill-balanced  enthusiasts  and  fanatics  have  never 
failed  to  find  a  considerable  number  ready  to  follow  them 
in  their  wildest  vagaries. 

The  fact  that  there  are  at  present  in  the  United  States 
over  a  hundred  more  or  less  distinct  denominations  is  of 
less  importance  than  the  statement  would  seem  to  imply. 
Many  of  these  number  in  their  membership  only  a  few 
thousands,  and  are  dwindling  rapidly  away.  The  great 
mass  of  non-Catholic  Christians  are  gathered  in  a  few 
great  denominations  which,  by  reason  of  their  important 
services  in  the  past  and  of  the  principles  that  they  con- 
tinue to  emphasize,  meet  a  widely  felt  popular  need  ;  and 
by  reason  of  the  fact  that  their  churches  have  been  planted 
in  almost  every  community,  their  strong  institutions  for 
the  conservation  and  the  propagation  of  their  principles 
have  been  established,  and  a  social  prestige  that  has  en- 
abled them  to  influence  large  elements  of  the  population 
has  been  gained,  they  will  long  continue  their  distinct 
existence. 

A  Christian  denomination  with  a  noble  history,  with 
great  institutions,  and  with  a  large  body  of  learned  and 
forceful  men  devoted  to  its  maintenance,  is  one  of  the 
most  indestructible  of  social  organisms. 


CHAP.  I.]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  AGE  421 

Side  by  side  with  the  centrifugal  tendency  of  Protes- 
tantism, that  allows  each  individual  who  reaches  peculiar 
views  to  form  a  denomination  if  he  can  gain  sufficient 
followers,  is  a  mighty  centripetal  tendency  toward  the 
unification  of  religious  thought  and  life.  Among  the 
agencies  that  are  at  work  in  this  direction  may  be  men- 
tioned such  institutions  as  the  Evangelical  Alliance,  in 
which  all  evangelical  denominations  meet  on  a  footing  of 
equality  and  emphasize  the  points  in  which  they  can  join 
forces  against  Romanism  and  infidelity  ;  the  Young  Peo- 
ple's Society  of  Christian  Endeavor,  in  which  the  fea- 
tures of  evangelical  Christianity  which  the  various  de- 
nominations hold  in  common  are  magnified  and  the  sec- 
tarian spirit  is  deprecated  ;  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association,  which  is  equally  careful  to  put  into  the 
background  the  peculiar  teachings  of  the  various  de- 
nominations ;  the  almost  universal  reading  by  members 
of  the  various  denominations  of  the  religious  books  and 
periodicals  of  the  others ;  the  frequency  with  which 
members  of  one  denomination  attend  the  ministry  of 
members  of  others;  the  co-operation  of  members  of  all 
the  leading  denominations  in  social  reform  and  philan- 
thropy ;  the  frequent  intermarriages  between  members 
of  the  various  denominations  ;  the  education  of  members 
of  various  denominations  in  great  undenominational  uni- 
versities, etc. 

in.  OTHER   FEATURES   OF  THE    AGE. 

I.  It  has  been  beyond  any  other  period  an  age  of  mis- 
sionary endeavor.  The  missionary  work  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  had  been  organized  and  was  being 
vigorously  conducted  through  the  monastic  orders  before 
the  beginning  of  the  present  period.  The  Waldenses 
and  the  Bohemian  Brethren,  during  the  later  Middle 
Ages,  were  essentially  missionary  organizations  and  their 
work  was  widespread  and  effective.  The  Anabaptists 
of  the  sixteenth  century  followed  in  the  footsteps  of 
these  mediaeval  parties  in  giving  to  missionary  effort  the 
foremost  place  in  their  thoughts  and  their  endeavors, 
and  where  they  had  an  opportunity  to  perfect  their 
organization,  as  in  Moravia  and  the  Netherlands,  their 
work  was  conducted  systematically  and  effectively  and 


422  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

extended  throughout  Europe.  The  Lutherans  of  the 
sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries,  while  they  put 
forth  much  earnest  effort  for  the  diffusion  of  their  prin- 
ciples, had  no  distinctively  missionary  organization. 
Calvinists,  with  Geneva  as  a  great  rallying  point,  sent 
forth  multitudes  of  earnest  men  to  evangelize  among 
Catholic  populations,  but  no  missionary  society  was 
organized  during  the  preceding  period.  Now  all  the 
great  bodies  of  evangelical  Christians  are  vying  with 
each  other  not  only  in  reaching  with  evangelizing  influ- 
ences the  neglected  elements  of  the  populations  in  the 
lands  that  they  occupy,  but  in  sending  the  gospel  through 
consecrated  and  well-trained  missionaries  into  every  part 
of  the  great  heathen  world  and  to  countries  in  which 
corrupt  forms  of  Christianity  have  enslaved  but  not 
saved  the  people. 

2.  Never  before  did  practical  philanthropy  dissume  any- 
thing like  its  present  proportions.  Roman  Catholic  be- 
neficence, from  the  fourth  century  onward,  was  grounded 
on  the  supposition  that  almsgiving  is  a  means  of  salva- 
tion. No  doubt  it  did  something  for  the  relief  of  human 
misery,  but  it  was  conducted  with  so  little  wisdom  as 
probably  to  produce  as  much  misery  as  it  relieved.  It 
may  be  said  in  general  that  Protestantism  is  chiefly  con- 
cerned with  elevating  men  to  a  higher  plane  of  living 
and  by  insisting  on  a  pure  morality  preventing  crime 
and  misery,  while  Roman  Catholicism,  inefficient  as  a 
means  of  producing  a  high  standard  of  living  or  prevent- 
ing misery  and  crime,  devotes  its  charitable  efforts 
chiefly  to  the  relief  of  actual  misery  and  to  making 
provision  for  the  consequences  of  immorality  and  thrift- 
lessness.  A'\odern  humanitarianism,  in  the  good  sense 
of  the  term,  is  the  direct  product  of  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity. iVlediaeval  Roman  Catholicism  was  little  less 
cruel  than  the  paganism  that  it  supplanted,  and  modern 
Roman  Catholicism  in  its  Spanish  and  Jesuitized  forms 
has  probably  equaled  in  cruelty  any  class  of  pagans  that 
ever  existed.  Evangelical  Christianity,  emphasizing  as 
it  does  love  for  man  as  man,  tends  powerfully  toward 
the  prevention  of  cruel  disposition  and  act  and  greatly 
promotes  kindness  and  gentleness  of  character. 

3.  The  present  period  coincides  pretty  closely  with 


CHAP.  I.]  CHARACTERISTICS  OF  THE  AGE  423 

the  age  of  scientific  research  and  its  marvelous  results. 
Modern  science  is  a  product  of  the  Renaissance,  though 
it  made  little  progress  until  after  the  beginning  of  the 
present  period.  It  has  gone  hand  in  hand  with  evan- 
gelical Christianity,  though  some  of  its  leaders  have 
been  unbelievers  and  some  evangelical  Christians  have 
denied  the  right  of  scientific  research  and  especially  the 
right  to  promulgate  its  results.  It  is  coming  to  be  more 
and  more  clearly  seen  that  true  science  and  true  religion 
cannot  possibly  be  contradictory  the  one  to  the  other, 
and  that  such  hostility  as  has  existed  has  been  due  to 
imperfection  in  the  one  or  the  other  or  in  both,  or  imper- 
fect understanding  of  each  by  the  other.  As  science  be- 
comes more  complete  and  religion  as  doctrine  and  life 
becomes  more  perfectly  accordant  with  the  nature  and 
will  of  God,  we  may  expect  that  all  seeming  lack  of  har- 
mony between  the  two  will  disappear.  The  pervasive 
influence  of  the  scientific  thought  of  the  age  on  Christian 
thought  and  life  and  the  large  and  growing  number  of 
devout  Christians  who  are  deeply  interested  in  natural 
science  are  among  the  striking  and  characteristic  facts  of 
the  present  age.  That  Christians  should  endow  scien- 
tific research  and  that  many  Christian  institutions  of 
learning  should  devote  more  of  their  resources  to  scientific 
than  to  religious  instruction  is  characteristic  of  the  spirit 
of  the  age. 

4.  Closely  related  to  the  growing  consciousness  of 
harmony  between  natural  science  and  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity has  been  the  application  of  the  historical  method  to 
the  study  of  religious  doctrine  and  life.  This  has  been 
manifest  in  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  in  relation  to  the 
histories  and  religions  of  contemporary  peoples,  the  study 
of  Christian  doctrine  and  life  throughout  the  Christian 
centuries  in  their  relation  to  the  thought  and  life  by 
which  Christianity  has  been  surrounded,  the  study  of 
Christian  institutions  in  connection  with  the  circum- 
stances under  which  they  have  arisen  and  in  comparison 
with  the  institutions  of  other  religious  systems,  and  in 
the  comparative  study  of  religions  with  a  view  to  reach- 
ing a  true  philosophy  of  religion.  It  is  not  to  be  sup- 
posed that  such  comparative  study  of  religions  is  always 
conducted  with  right  motives  and  true  methods,  or  that 


424  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

its  results  are  always  wholesome.  But  the  historical 
method  is  good  and  the  ultimate  result  of  its  application 
to  every  department  of  life  and  thought  cannot  fail  to 
produce  beneficent  results. 

5.  The  wonderful  progress  that  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity has  made  in  the  world  during  the  present  period, 
and  the  rapidity  with  which  it  is  still  advancing,  and  the 
growing  pervasiveness  of  its  influence  on  civilization, 
notwithstanding  the  imperfection  with  which  it  has  been 
understood,  lived,  and  taught  by  most  of  its  adherents, 
constitute  the  most  conclusive  evidence  of  its  divine 
character  and  furnish  the  fullest  assurance  of  its  ultimate 
triumph.  It  is  becoming  more  and  more  evident  that 
Christianity  is  not  only  the  true  religion,  but  that  it  is 
the  highest  philosophy,  and  that  the  only  satisfactory 
philosophy  of  history  is  that  which  it  involves.  Progress 
is  the  keyword  to  the  understanding  of  history  and 
Christianity  is  the  embodiment  of  the  principle  of 
progress. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH 

I.   THE    POPES   OF   THE   MODERN    PERIOD 

Literature  :  Ranke,  ''Die  r6m.  P'apste,''  Bd.  III.,  1869  (also  Eiig. 
tr.);  Walch,  "Entwurf  ewer  Historie  d.  rotn.  Papste,"  1758;  Alzog, 
"Universal  Ch.  Hist.,"  Vol.  ill.  (Eng.  tr.);  Nippold,  '' Haudbuch 
d.  neuesten  Kirchengeschicfite,'^  Bd.  II.,  3d.  ed.,  1883;  Capefigue, 
"Louis  XIV.,"  1844;  pertinent  sections  in  the  works  on  Ch.  Hist, 
by  Gieseler,  Schrock,  Sheldon,  Hurst,  Baur,  etc. ;  articles  on  the 
various  popes  and  other  influential  leaders,  with  full  bibliographies, 
in  Hauck-Herzog,  Wetzer  und  Welte,  McClintock  and  Strong,  and 
Schaff-Herzog ;  and  literature  on  the  Jansenists,  the  Jesuits,  the 
French  Revolution,  the  Vatican  Council,  etc.  The  political  histories 
of  the  various  Catholic  countries  involved  should  be  consulted  in 
connection  with  contemporary  papal  history. 

(i)  Pope  Injiocent  X.  (1644-16^^)  was  a  feeble  prelate, 
who  in  the  absence  of  Donna  Olympia  Maidalchina,  his 
brother's  widow,  felt  "  like  a  ship  without  a  rudder." 
Donna  Olympia's  influence  over  him  was  so  great  that 
cardinals  and  others  who  wished  for  papal  favors  found 
it  advantageous  first  to  win  her  support.  This  relation- 
ship occasioned  much  scandal,  but  criminality  was  not 
proved.  By  his  intemperate  zeal  against  the  Cardinal 
Barbarini,  the  nephew  of  Pope  Urban  VIII.,  who  had 
placed  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  King  of  France, 
he  provoked  the  latter  to  send  an  army  into  Italy  which 
speedily  brought  him  to  terms.  He  humiliated  the  Duke 
of  Parma,  who  had  treated  with  contempt  his  demand 
for  the  payment  of  dues,  and  who  had  caused  to  be  slain 
the  Bishop  of  Castro,  whom  he  had  sent  to  enforce  his 
authority.  His  intervention  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese 
affairs  was  neither  profitable  nor  creditable.  His  repu- 
diation of  the  Peace  of  Westphalia  in  the  bull  Ze/o  domus 
Dei  (November,  1648)  was  completely  ineffective,  but 
the  bull  is  a  monument  of  his  intolerance  and  of  his 
indifference  to  the  peace  of  Europe. 

Innocent's  condemnation  of  the  "Five  Propositions," 

425 


426  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

alleged  to  have  been  taken  from  Jansenius'  "  iAugnsti- 
nus,"  was  to  figure  prominently  in  the  controversy  be- 
tween the  Jesuits  and  the  Jansenists  (see  section  on 
the  Jansenist  controversy),  and  was  an  act  of  subserv- 
iency to  the  French  government  under  Cardinal  Maz- 
arin.  Yet  he  supported  the  Fronde,  representing  an 
uprising  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  the  clergy,  and  the 
nobles,  under  Cardinal  Retz,  against  Mazarin. 

To  the  last  Donna  Olympia  retained  her  absolute  con- 
trol of  the  papal  administration  and  kept  Rome  and  Italy 
in  perpetual  unrest  by  her  extortionate  and  corrupt  pro- 
cedures. When  Innocent  was  dying  she  busied  herself 
with  getting  possession  of  what  valuables  he  had  retained, 
and  when  he  was  dead  she  refused  to  bear  the  expense 
of  his  funeral  on  the  ground  that  she  was  a  poor  widow. 
The  Jesuits  were  too  much  occupied  in  Germany,  Aus- 
tria, France,  Poland,  etc.,  to  exercise  much  influence  on 
this  administration,  and,  unless  they  could  have  gained 
an  ascendency  over  Donna  Olympia,  they  could  in  any 
case  have  accomplished  little. 

(2)  Alexander  yil.  (i6^^-i66y).  As  Fabio  Chigi,  he 
had  represented  the  papal  interests  in  the  negotiations 
that  led  to  the  Peace  of  Westphalia,  and  had  vehemently 
protested  against  any  sort  of  compromise  with  heresy. 
Soon  afterward  he  was  made  cardinal  by  Innocent  and 
thenceforth  participated  influentially  in  the  papal  admin- 
istration. The  condemnation  of  the  propositions  of  Jan- 
senius was  due  chiefly  to  his  zeal  against  heresy.  Inno- 
cent X.  having  yielded  somewhat  reluctantly  to  his  insist- 
ence. On  the  death  of  Innocent  X.  he  was  supported  by 
the  "Flying  Squadron,"  the  party  in  the  Curia  that  de- 
manded an  aggressive  and  uncompromising  policy  in 
relation  to  heresy.  The  absorption  of  Innocent  in  pro- 
moting the  interests  of  his  family  had  occasioned  much 
scandal,  and  the  new  pope  prudently  kept  his  relatives 
avvay  from  Rome  during  the  first  year  of  his  pontificate. 
But  the  temptation  to  place  them  in  positions  of  affluence 
and  influence  was  greater  than  his  power  of  resistance, 
especially  when  the  Jesuit,  Oliva,  who  had  gained  an 
ascendency  over  him,  advised  him  strongly  to  yield. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Christine  of  Sweden,  daugh- 
ter of  Gustavus  Adolphus,  the  great  champion  of  Prot- 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  427 

estantism  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  became  a  Catholic, 
abandoned  her  country,  and  threw  herself  upon  the 
pope's  bounty.  He  was  often  sorely  tried  by  her  unrea- 
sonable demands  upon  his  liberality. 

He  was  in  complete  harmony  with  the  Jesuits  in  his 
attitude  toward  Protestantism,  and  members  of  the 
society  were  highly  influential  in  his  administration. 
Oliva  so  won  his  confidence  and  support  as  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  him  vicar  of  the  general  of  the  society  some 
years  before  the  death  of  the  latter,  who  had  become 
unacceptable  to  the  rest  of  the  officials  and  was  thus 
practically  set  aside.  In  the  controversy  of  the  Jesuits 
with  the  Jansenists  he  gave  to  the  former  his  heartiest 
support.  He  procured  the  restoration  of  the  Jesuits  who 
had  been  banished  by  the  republic  of  Venice. 

The  refusal  of  the  French  ambassador  to  treat  with 
consideration  the  pope's  relatives  led  to  a  storming  of 
his  palace.  This  aroused  the  hostility  of  Louis  XIV., 
already  resentful  because  of  Alexander's  support  of 
Retz  and  the  Fronde  against  his  government.  The  king 
denounced  the  outrage  as  unworthy  even  of  barbarians, 
banished  the  papal  nuncio,  seized  Avignon  and  Venais- 
sins,  and  threatened  to  invade  the  States  of  the  Church. 
Finding  himself  without  political  support,  he  felt  obliged 
to  yield  to  the  hard  and  humiliating  terms  of  the  king. 

Alexander  followed  the  policy  of  Innocent  in  refusing 
to  recognize  Portugal's  independence  of  Spain  or  to  con- 
firm the  bishops  appointed  by  the  house  of  Braganza  in 
defiance  of  the  papacy.  Although  he  had  risen  to  power 
through  his  devotion  to  practical  politics,  as  pope  he  pre- 
ferred a  literary  life  and  delighted  in  association  with 
literary  men.  By  his  extravagance  he  brought  the 
papacy  to  a  state  of  bankruptcy. 

(3)  Clement  X.  {i66y-i669)  devoted  himself  zealously 
to  the  reformation  of  the  papal  finances,  and  was  influ- 
ential in  bringing  about  the  peace  of  Aix  la  Chapelle, 
1668,  and  in  allaying  the  Jansenist  strife  {Pax  Clemen- 
tina). 

(4)  Clement  XL  {i6jo-i6']6)  was  elected  by  the  cardi- 
nals, after  five  months  of  partisan  wire-pulling  and  bal- 
loting, as  a  very  old  man  who  could  do  little  harm  and 
whose  early  death  would  make  way  for  another  elec- 


428  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

tion.  The  administration  was  conducted  by  Cardinal 
Paluzzi  and  was  not  wanting  in  vigor  or  in  corrupt  deal- 
ing. Paluzzi  succeeded  in  again  embroiling  the  papacy 
with  Louis  XIV.,  the  bone  of  contention  being  the  royal 
claims  to  the  revenues  of  vacant  benefices  {regalia) 
which  had  long  been  recognized  and  acted  upon, 

(5)  Innocent  XI.  (i6y6-i68g).  Venedetto  Odescalchi 
(b.  1611)  received  his  early  education  from  the  Jesuits, 
and  was  about  to  enter  upon  a  military  life  when  a  car- 
dinal persuaded  him  to  accept  employment  in  the  Roman 
Curia.  He  was  rapidly  promoted  from  stage  to  stage 
until  he  became  one  of  the  most  influential  of  the  cardi- 
nals. He  was  greatly  beloved  by  the  Romans  because 
of  his  simplicity  and  purity  of  character  and  his  sincere 
devotion  to  the  well-being  of  the  people.  He  came  to 
be  known  as  the  "father  of  the  poor."  In  judicial  de- 
cisions he  was  so  impartial  as  to  be  free  from  any  sus- 
picion of  corruptibility. 

On  the  death  of  Clement  XI.  he  was  elected  pope, 
notwithstanding  the  determined  opposition  of  Louis  XIV. 
He  accepted  on  the  express  condition  that  he  should 
have  a  free  hand  in  seeking  to  reform  the  papal  adminis- 
tration and  the  lives  of  the  Roman  clergy. 

He  restricted  the  living  expenses  of  the  cardinals, 
abolished  all  sinecures,  and  bestowed  not  a  farthing  of 
the  church'sjunds  upon  his  relatives,  whom  he  carefully 
excluded  from  any  connection  with  his  administration. 
He  compelled  those  around  him  to  conform  to  his  simple 
mode  of  living,  and  required  prelates  outside  of  Rome  to 
retrench  their  expenditures  and  restrict  themselves  to 
the  proper  duties  of  their  offices.  In  making  new  ap- 
pointments he  insisted  on  evidence  of  good  character 
and  adequate  education.  He  required  the  lower  clergy 
to  live  morally,  and,  instead  of  attempting  to  deliver 
learned  discourses,  to  preach  to  the  people  the  crucified 
Christ  and  to  give  special  attention  to  the  moral  and 
religious  education  of  the  young.  He  required  the 
women  and  girls,  on  pain  of  excommunication,  to  dress 
modestly  and  to  avoid  all  unseemly  exposure  of  the 
person.  Three  years  later  he  prohibited  the  learning 
or  the  practice  of  music  by  Roman  women  of  the  lower 
classes.     Rigorous  laws  were  enacted  for  the  promotion 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  ROA'iAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  429 

of  morality  among  the  men  and  playhouses  were  abol- 
ished. 

In  the  rigor  of  his  ethical  code  and  in  his  profound 
religious  earnestness,  as  well  as  in  his  theocratic  ideas, 
he  greatly  resembled  John  Calvin.  He  condemned  with 
the  utmost  sternness  the  immoral  teachings  of  such 
Jesuits  as  Escobar,  Suarez,  and  Busenbaum.  He  sup- 
ported Tyrso  Gonzalez  in  his  efforts  to  suppress  the 
doctrine  of  Probabilism  among  the  Jesuits  and  procured 
his  election  as  general  of  the  society,  but  he  incurred 
thereby  the  undying  enmity  of  a  large  proportion  of  the 
members  of  the  society.  While  he  lived  they  shame- 
fully slandered  him  and  when  dead  they  refused  him 
their  blessing.  He  sympathized  to  a  considerable  extent 
with  the  Spanish  mystic  Molinos,  when  he  was  attacked 
by  the  Jesuits  and  condemned  by  the  Inquisition.  But 
Molinos  had  treated  the  church's  ceremonies  and  au- 
thority with  such  disrespect  and  had  advocated  a  type 
of  piety  so  remote  from  ecclesiasticism  that  the  pope 
thought  it  best  to  confirm  the  action  of  the  Inquisition, 
which  declared  sixty-five  propositions  from  his  writings 
heretical  and  blasphemous. 

While  he  heartily  approved  of  the  exterminating 
measures  of  Louis  XIV.  against  the  Huguenots,  culmi- 
nating in  the  revocation  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  (1685), 
he  yet  resolutely  refused  to  accept  the  Gallican  articles 
put  forth  by  the  French  clergy  (1682)  under  the  direction 
of  the  king  regarding  regalia  and  the  rights  of  the  national 
church  over  against  papal  authority,  and  he  could  not 
be  persuaded  to  confirm  as  bishops  those  who  had  been 
nominated  by  Louis  as  a  reward  for  their  subserviency. 

When  the  king  insisted  on  the  pope's  guaranteeing 
the  immunity  of  French  ambassadors  to  the  papal  court 
and  their  right  to  take  refuge  in  the  palace  of  the  French 
legation  when  pursued  by  papal  officers.  Innocent  issued 
a  bull  excommunicating  any  who  should  in  the  future 
claim  the  right  of  asylum.  The  king's  ambassador,  who 
had  been  excommunicated  by  the  pope,  entered  Rome 
with  a  guard  of  eight  hundred  troops  and  the  pope  placed 
the  Church  of  St.  Louis,  which  he  attended,  under  inter- 
dict. The  ambassador  felt  obliged  to  withdraw,  but  the 
French  nuncio  was  held  as  a  prisoner.     This  so  exas- 


430  A  AUNL'AL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

perated  Louis  that  he  seized  the  papal  city  of  Avignon, 
prohibited  the  exportation  of  French  money  to  Rome, 
and  was  on  the  point  of  having  a  French  patriarch,  inde- 
pendent of  the  pope,  placed  at  the  head  of  ecclesiastical 
administration.  Innocent  held  his  ground  and  persisted 
in  refusing  to  recognize  the  king's  newly  appointed 
bishops,  now  thirty-five  in  number.  As  a  way  out  of 
difficulty  he  suggested  the  intermediation  of  James  II.  of 
England  in  the  dispute  between  himself  and  France,  but 
this  had  no  important  result.  He  tried  to  dissuade 
James  II.  from  raslily  attempting  an  immediate  restora- 
tion of  Roman  Catholicism  in  England  and  disapproved 
of  the  acts  that  brought  about  his  downfall,  and  he  even 
treated  with  marked  coldness  his  ambassador,  who 
visited  Rome  to  secure  the  pope's  co-operation  in  the 
conversion  of  England.  He  suspected  in  James  devo- 
tion to  political  rather  than  religious  interests,  and  feared 
an  alliance  between  England  and  France  which  would 
be  disadvantageous  to  the  papacy. 

A  vacancy  in  the  archiepiscopal  electorate  of  Cologne 
brought  Louis  XIV.  and  Innocent  XI.  again  into  conflict. 
Louis  favored  the  candidacy  of  Cardinal  Furstenberg, 
who  was  deeply  indebted  to  him  and  would  forward  his 
political  schemes.  The  pope  supported  Joseph  Clem- 
ens, brother  of  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  who  also  stood 
for  Hapsburg  interests.  As  no  choice  could  be  reached 
without  papal  intervention,  Louis  sent  an  ambassador  to 
F^ome  to  negotiate  for  the  pope's  support  of  his  candi- 
date. Innocent  would  not  even  confer  with  the  ambassa- 
dor. Joseph  Clemens  was  elected,  and  the  fact  that 
James  II.  co-operated  with  Louis  XIV.  in  this  matter 
confirmed  the  pope  in  his  suspicion  regarding  his  mo- 
tives. It  was  suspected  that  Innocent  even  promoted  the 
supplanting  of  James  by  William  of  Orange.  Certain 
it  is  that  the  approaching  overthrow  of  James  was  known 
in  Rome  before  it  had  become  assured  in  England. 
When  the  dethroned  king  appealed  to  the  pope  for  aid 
he  was  coolly  informed  that  nothing  could  be  done  for 
him.  His  friendship  for  Louis  XIV.  had  destroyed  his 
chances  of  papal  favor.  When  Louis  XIV.  sought  to 
win  the  electorate  for  Furstenberg  by  armed  force  he 
was  met  by  an  offensive  alliance  (May,  16S9)  of  Eng- 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  431 

land,  the  empire,  and  Spain,  supported  by  the  pope. 
Innocent  was  greatly  concerned  for  the  stability  of  the 
empire.  He  secured  an  alliance  of  the  empire,  Poland, 
and  Venice  against  the  Turks,  whereby  the  latter  were 
driven  from  Hungary. 

From  what  has  been  here  recorded  it  is  evident  that 
Innocent  XI.  was  one  of  the  ablest  and  best  of  the  popes. 
The  hostility  of  France  long  frustrated  the  purposes  of 
his  successors  to  canonize  him.  He  deserves  credit  for 
having  materially  aided  in  preventing  Louis  XIV.  from 
carrying  out  his  schemes  of  aggrandizement  and  for 
having  consistently  striven  for  the  peace  of  Europe. 

(6)  Alexander  yill.  {1689-1691)  as  cardinal  had  sup- 
ported the  French  interests,  and  he  owed  his  election  to 
Louis  XIV.,  who  had  neglected  no  means  for  enlisting  in 
his  cause  a  majority  of  the  cardinals.  Louis  XIV.  was 
at  this  time  in  sore  straits  because  of  a  powerful  coali- 
tion that  had  been  formed  against  him,  and  he  regarded 
papal  support  as  almost  indispensable.  He  restored 
Avignon  to  the  papacy  and  renounced  the  right  of  mak- 
ing the  palace  of  the  French  legation  in  Rome  a  place  of 
refuge  for  fugitives  from  papal  justice.  The  pope,  in 
turn,  confirmed  the  French  bishops  who  had  been  active 
in  the  promulgation  of  the  four  Gallican  articles  that 
had  occasioned  most  of  the  trouble  between  Louis  XIV. 
and  Innocent  XL,  and  to  whom  the  latter  had  persist- 
ently refused  recognition.  He  required  of  them  not  a 
retraction  of  the  articles  as  their  private  opinion,  but 
only  a  renunciation  of  them  as  binding  on  the  French 
church.  Louis  objected  to  their  making  even  this  con- 
cession, and  Alexander  was  led  to  assume  the  attitude 
of  his  predecessor  and  to  absolve  the  French  clergy 
from  their  oath  to  the  king  in  connection  with  the  Galil- 
ean liberties.  He  gained  popularity  in  Rome  by  his 
abounding  liberality,  but  scandalized  right-thinking  peo- 
ple by  his  shameless  nepotism.  His  chief  merit  lies  in 
the  fact  that  he  condemned  the  new  doctrine  of  "  philo- 
sophical sin,"  that  was  being  promulgated  in  the  schools 
of  the  Jesuits.  A  "  philosophical  sin  "  is  one  committed 
without  a  clearly  conscious  design  of  offending  God  or 
breaking  his  law,  and  therefore  of  little  gravity  and 
easily  remissible.     He  enriched  the  Vatican  library  by 


432  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

the  purchase  of  the  library  of  Christiana,  queen  of  Swe- 
den, which  was  especially  rich  in  manuscripts. 

(7)  Innocent  XII.  (idgi-ijoo).  Born  of  a  distinguished 
family  of  Neapolitan  nobles  (161 5)  Antonio  Pignatelli, 
when  only  twenty  years  old,  entered  the  papal  service. 
He  was  created  cardinal  by  Innocent  XI.  (1681).  After 
a  prolonged  struggle  between  Hapsburg  and  French  fac- 
tions in  the  Conclave  for  the  election  of  a  successor  to 
Alexander  VIII.,  Pignatelli  was  elected  as  a  compromise 
candidate.  Though  he  had  been  educated  by  the  Jesu- 
its, he  was,  from  principle  or  from  policy,  a  rigorous 
moralist.  Like  Innocent  XI.,  he  took  a  firm  stand  against 
nepotism,  declaring  that  the  poor  were  his  *'  nephews." 
He  was  so  lavish  in  his  distribution  of  gratuities  to  the 
poor  that  on  his  return  to  the  city  after  journeys  thou- 
sands would  go  out  for  miles  to  meet  him,  crying,  "  There 
comes  the  father  of  the  poor,"  and  would  insist  on  bear- 
ing his  palanquin.  He  turned  a  portion  of  the  Lateran 
palace  into  a  hospital  and  made  special  provision  for  the 
education  of  poor  young  men. 

He  sought  to  restrict  the  nepotism  of  his  successors 
by  decreeing  in  a  Bull  (Romanum  decet  Pontificem),  that 
no  pope  has  the  right  under  any  pretext  whatever  to 
bestow  the  money,  goods,  or  offices  of  the  church  upon 
his  relatives.  In  case  such  are  absolutely  without  means 
they  should  take  their  places  along  with  the  rest  of  the 
almoners  of  the  church.  In  case,  on  the  ground  of  merit, 
a  relative  of  a  pope  should  be  made  cardinal,  his  income 
should  be  restricted  to  twelve  thousand  scudi.  He  in- 
sisted that  all  present  and  future  cardinals  should  take 
an  oath  to  observe  this  constitution  in  case  they  should 
be  elected  to  the  papal  office.  He  further  renounced  for 
himself  and  his  successors  the  right  to  sell  ecclesiastical 
offices  and  dignities  and  undertook  to  refund  moneys  re- 
ceived in  this  way.  Without  increasing  the  taxes  he 
was  able  by  simplicity  of  living  to  meet  these  expenses 
and  expend  large  sums  in  philanthropy.  He  enforced 
his  rigorous  moral  regulations  without  respect  of  per- 
sons. A  number  of  Roman  noblemen  were  banished. 
Women  addicted  to  gambling  were  thrown  into  prison. 
He  prohibited  the  acceptance  of  bribes  by  the  judges  and 
established   a   central   tribunal  {Curia  hinocentiana)   in 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  433 

place  of  the  numerous  ill-regulated  and  corrupt  courts 
of  the  city.  He  attempted  to  reform  the  monasteries, 
but  met  with  bitter  and  determined  opposition. 

He  scored  an  important  victory  in  France  in  the  per- 
mission given  to  the  French  bishops  by  Louis  XIV.  (1693) 
to  express  to  the  pope  their  disapproval  of  the  four  Galil- 
ean articles  of  1682  and  their  sorrow  for  having  participated 
in  this  act  of  insubordination.  Innocent,  in  turn,  gave 
his  approval  and  blessing  to  French  bishops  who  had 
been  appointed  since  the  breach  of  1682.  At  the  in- 
stance of  Bossuet  the  pope  reluctantly  condemned 
twenty-three  propositions  from  a  work  of  Fenelon's  on 
the  inner  life.  While  he  relieved  from  disabilities  some 
clergy  in  the  Netherlands  who  had  been  suspected  (but 
not  convicted)  of  Jansenism,  he  took  pains  to  make  it 
known  that  he  had  no  idea  of  receding  from  the  position 
taken  by  his  predecessors  respecting  the  five  proposi- 
tions as  belonging  to  Jansen  and  as  heretical  in  Jansen's 
sense. 

The  good  understanding  that  had  come  about  between 
the  pope  and  Louis  XIV.  bore  fruit  in  the  papal  approval 
of  the  succession  of  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  grandson  of 
Louis,  to  the  Spanish  throne.  This  decision  reversed 
the  policy  of  the  popes  since  Urban  VIIL,  who  had  inva- 
riably supported  the  house  of  Hapsburg.  The  change 
was  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  the  relations  between 
the  Roman  Curia  and  Austria  had  for  some  time  been 
lacking  in  cordiality  owing  to  the  renewal  by  the  latter 
of  claims  to  the  right  renounced  under  Innocent  XI.  to 
protect  fugitives  from  papal  justice,  and  the  offensive  as- 
sumption of  precedence  by  the  Austrian  ambassador  in 
a  certain  procession. 

Nothing,  it  is  probable,  gave  to  Innocent  XII.  more  joy 
than  the  conversion  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  of 
the  elector  Frederick  Augustus  of  Saxony,  who  hoped 
thereby  to  further  his  designs  upon  the  Polish  crown. 

(8)  Clement  XL  {iyoo-iy2i)  was  learned  and  states- 
manlike and  had  many  of  the  virtues  of  Innocent  XI. 
He  made  considerable  effort  to  reform  the  papal  admin- 
istration. Though  not  elected  through  French  influence, 
he  was  friendly  to  France.  In  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
succession,  while  affecting  neutrality,  he  secretly  sup- 

2C 


434  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [f>er.  vi 

ported  the  Bourbons.  His  relations  witli  the  emperor, 
Joseph  1.,  became  so  strained  in  consequence  that  he 
threatened  him  with  excommunication,  but  the  invasion 
of  the  States  of  the  Church  by  an  imperial  army  soon 
brought  him  to  terms  (1709),  so  that  he  felt  obliged  to 
recognize  Charles  III.  as  King  of  Spain  and  to  renounce 
his  claims  to  Comacchio,  Parma,  and  Modena.  This 
subserviency  to  the  emperor  aroused  Louis  XIV.  and 
Philip  of  Anjou  against  the  pope. 

A  controversy  was  raging  between  the  Jesuits  and  the 
Dominicans  regarding  the  conduct  of  the  former  in  their 
missionary  work  in  China.  It  was  claimed  by  the  Do- 
minicans that  the  Jesuits  adopted  pagan  customs,  allowed 
their  converts  to  worship  idols  after  covering  them  with 
the  cross,  and  devoted  themselves  more  to  secular  pur- 
suits than  to  religious.  In  this  controversy  Clement 
supported  the  Dominicans  against  the  Jesuits.  Yet  in 
their  controversy  with  the  Jansenists  he  zealously  sup- 
ported the  Jesuits  and  promoted  their  interests  by  estab- 
lishing (1718)  the  festival  of  the  Immaculate  Conception. 

(9)  Innocent  XIII.  (iy2i-iy24)  belonged  to  an  ancient 
Italian  family  that  had  produced  more  than  one  pontiff 
(among  them  Innocent  III.).  For  a  number  of  years 
(1697-1710)  he  was  papal  nuncio  in  Portugal,  where  he 
had  come  into  sharp  conflict  with  the  Jesuits,  who  finally 
drove  him  from  the  country.  Elected  pope,  partly 
tlirough  the  Hapsburg  interests,  he  invested  the  emperor, 
Charles  VI.,  with  Naples,  and  received  from  him  the  oath 
of  fidelity.  But  he  took  issue  with  the  emperor  regard- 
ing his  right  to  invest  Don  Carlos,  a  Spanish  prince, 
with  Parma  and  Piacenza,  which  was  claimed  as  papal 
territory.  The  controversy  between  the  Dominicans 
and  the  Jesuits  regarding  the  Chinese  missions  was  still 
raging.  He  withdrew  from  the  Jesuits  the  right  of  con- 
ducting a  mission  in  China,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
abolishing  the  order,  but  he  contented  himself  with  pro- 
hibiting the  reception  of  new  members.  Clement  XI. 
had  caused  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  anti-Jesuit 
(moderately  Jansenistic)  clergy  of  France  and  the  Neth- 
erlands by  the  promulgation  of  the  Constitution  Uni- 
genitus,  which  condemned  as  Jansenistic  one  hundred 
and  one  propositions  from  Quesnel's  "  New  Testament," 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN   CATHOLIC   CHURCH  435 

a  work  held  in  high  esteem  by  this  party.  Innocent, 
when  cardinal,  had  been  understood  to  disapprove  of 
this  measure.  In  1720  seven  French  bishops  asked  for 
the  revocation  of  the  constitution,  but  he  censured  them 
severely  and  required  of  them  and  the  French  clergy 
unconditional  acceptance.  The  emperor,  Charles  VI., 
objected  to  the  enforcement  of  the  constitution  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  for  a  time  the  pope  agreed  to  suspend 
its  operation,  but  later  the  emperor,  by  reason  of  a  quid 
pro  quo  in  the  way  of  papal  political  support,  withdrew 
his  objection,  and  persecution  was  renewed  in  1723. 
Innocent  granted  a  pension  to  the  English  Pretender 
(James  III.)  and  promised  him  a  large  subsidy  in  case  he 
should  find  an  opportunity  to  raise  a  rebellion  against 
the  existing  government. 

(10)  'Benedict  XIII.  (1^24-1^^0).  A  member  of  the 
Orsini  family  (b.  1649),  Pietro  Francisco  had  been  a 
cardinal  since  1672.  He  devoted  much  of  his  leisure  to 
theological  study  and  writing  and  published  a  number  of 
learned  works.  He  made  some  ineffective  efforts  to 
restrain  the  luxury  of  the  prelates.  The  Lateran  Coun- 
cil (1725)  enacted  severe  penalties  for  prelatical  extrava- 
gance and  maladministration,  but  these  were  never 
enforced.  The  council  confirmed  the  Constitution  Uni- 
genitus  and  strengthened  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits  against 
the  Jansenists  of  France  and  the  Netherlands.  But  to 
appease  the  Dominicans  Benedict  gave  them  (in  the 
Bull  Pretiosus  in  compedu  Dei,  1727)  the  privilege  of 
teaching  without  let  or  hindrance  the  doctrines  of  Au- 
gustine. 

His  political  administration  was  exceedingly  feeble. 
Political  negotiations  he  committed  to  Cardinal  Coscia, 
who  was  lacking  in  statesmanship  and  brought  nothing 
but  humiliation  to  his  superior.  Disputes  with  the 
emperor  regarding  ecclesiastical  administration  in  Sicily 
and  with  the  King  of  Sardinia  respecting  the  appointment 
of  prelates  resulted  in  papal  defeat.  When  the  Lucerne 
authorities  drove  from  his  post  an  unworthy  priest  and 
insisted  on  permitting  the  reading  of  the  German  Bible 
and  the  translation  of  the  church  service  into  German, 
he  attempted  to  compel  the  restoration  of  the  priest  and 
the  observance  of  the  old  order,  but  he  found   himself 


436  A   MANUAL  OF  CHl'RCH    HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

powerless  and  felt  obliged  to  yield.  The  financial  ad- 
ministration was  disastrous,  and  the  tyranny  of  Cardinal 
Coscia  brought  hatred  and  contempt  upon  the  pope. 

(ii)  Clement  XII.  {ij^o-i'j40),  a  Florentine  noble  of 
the  Corsini  family  (b.  1652J,  was  already  a  feeble  old 
man  when  appeinted  pope,  and  in  his  hand  the  papacy 
failed  to  hold  its  own  as  a  political  power.  Charles  ill. 
of  Naples  and  Philip  V.  of  Spain  introduced  reforms  that 
greatly  limited  the  papal  prerogative,  hi  France  the 
influence  of  Jansenism  reappeared  in  scientific  and  liter- 
ary attack  on  the  papacy.  Clement  was  ambitious  for 
the  extension  of  tlie  Catholic  faith  and  zealous  in  pro- 
moting foreign  missions.  He  made  himself  ridiculous  by 
offering  to  the  Protestant  princes  of  Germany  the  secu- 
larized Catholic  estates  if  they  would  only  return  to  the 
Catholic  faith  (the  Bull  Sedes  Apostolica). 

(12)  'Benedict  Xiy.  {iy40-iy^8),  a  member  of  the 
Lambertini  family  of  Bologna  (b.  1675),  was  highly 
educated  in  law  and  theology,  and  is  equally  distin- 
guished as  an  author  and  an  ecclesiastical  statesman. 
As  Cardinal-archbishop  of  Bologna  (1731)  he  was  greatly 
beloved  because  of  his  charity  and  his  devotion  to  the 
moral  and  spiritual  improvement  of  clergy  and  people. 
The  conclave  that  elected  him  was  divided  into  Aus- 
trian, French,  and  Spanish  factions.  After  six  months 
of  wire-pulling  and  intrigue  and  many  ineffective  ballots, 
Lambertini  was  chosen,  and,  in  honor  of  his  former 
patron,  Benedict  XIII.,  he  assumed  the  same  name.  He 
was  a  man  of  talent  and  character  and  often  bewailed 
the  fact  that  he  had  to  "  row  against  a  stream  of  lies." 
He  was  inclined  to  be  cynical  and  sometimes  frivolous, 
but  he  devoted  himself  very  zealously  to  the  work  of  his 
office.  He  did  much  for  the  promotion  of  agriculture 
and  trade  in  the  States  of  the  Church  and  introduced 
many  economic  reforms  in  the  city. 

He  failed  to  secure  from  the  King  of  Spain  a  with- 
drawal of  his  order  prohibiting  his  subjects  from  study- 
ing in  the  Roman  University.  He  secured  the  good-will 
of  the  King  of  Portugal  by  according  to  him  the  right  of 
nomination  to  all  vacant  bishoprics  and  abbacies,  and 
declared  him  "the  most  faithful  of  all  kings."  He 
settled  the  trouble  with  the  King  of  Naples  by  yielding 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  437 

to  his  demands.  He  pacified  King  Ferdinand  V.  of  Spain 
by  recognizing  his  right  to  nominate  to  all  benefices  in 
his  dominions  with  the  exception  of  fifty-two.  In  the 
war  of  the  Austrian  Succession  he  adopted  the  policy  of 
neutrality.  He  greatly  promoted  the  spread  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith  in  Hungary,  yet  he  was  the  most 
tolerant  of  all  popes  toward  Protestantism. 

He  was  the  first  to  recognize  the  Protestant  Margrave 
of  Brandenburg  as  King  of  Prussia,  and  he  won  thereby 
from  Frederick  I.  an  important  concession,  namely,  that 
in  all  disputes  among  his  Catholic  subjects  the  Bishop  of 
Breslau,  as  the  vicar-general  of  the  pope,  should  have 
the  final  decision.  He  had  little  disposition  to  persecute 
heretics  and  showed  great  moderation  in  his  dealing  with 
the  Constitution  Unigeniius. 

In  opposition  to  the  Bishop  of  Paris,  who  insisted  on 
withholding  the  sacrament  from  all  who  would  not  de- 
clare their  acceptance  of  the  constitution,  he  required  in 
an  encyclical  of  1756  that  all  be  admitted  to  communion 
who  did  not  publicly  condemn  the  constitution.  The 
Jesuits,  whose  opposition  he  had  already  incurred  by  his 
condemnation  of  their  heathenish  practices  in  China  and 
Malabar  (Bulls  Ex  quo  smgiilari,  1742,  and  Ommiim 
solicitiidinmn,  1744),  treated  the  encyclical  with  con- 
tempt, as  they  had  ignored  his  requirement  that  "the 
Christian  religion  be  preached  purely  and  truly  "  in 
heathen  lands.  He  made  an  earnest  effort  to  lessen  the 
number  and  the  evils  of  church  festivals  and  pilgrimages. 

In  1750  he  held  a  great  Jubilee,  to  which  even  Prot- 
estants were  invited,  but  they  responded  by  a  volley  of 
publications  sharply  polemical.  He  devoted  much  atten- 
tion to  literary  work  and  cultivated  the  society  of  the 
learned.  Asseman's  great  catalogue  of  the  Vatican  li- 
brary was  prepared  under  his  patronage  and  direction. 
He  established  learned  societies  for  the  study  of  Roman 
and  Christian  antiquities  and  church  history.  Among 
his  last  acts  was  an  effort  to  reform  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
especially  in  Portugal. 

(13)  Ckinent  XIII.  (ij^8-iy6g),  a  member  of  the 
Rezzonico  family  (b.  1693),  became  cardinal  in  1757, 
and  had  borne  a  high  reputation  for  virtue  and  piety. 
Whether  from  his  own  conviction  or  by  reason  of  the 


438  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

dominating  influence  of  Cardinal  Torrezziani,  he  was 
from  the  beginning  of  his  pontificate  a  stanch  sup- 
porter of  the  Jesuits.  Spain,  Portugal,  Sicily,  and 
Naples  had  banished  them  because  of  their  treasonable 
meddling  in  political  matters.  Clement  (in  the  Bull 
zApostolicum  pascendi  711111111s,  1765)  confirmed  the  insti- 
tution of  the  order  and  commended  it  as  useful  and  holy, 
in  another  Bull  {<tAnimantm  saliiti)  he  bestowed  the  high- 
est praises  on  the  society  and  put  under  an  interdict  the 
countries  from  which  its  members  had  been  banished, 
restricting  the  performance  of  religious  functions  therein 
to  Jesuits,  i'his  proceeding  brought  upon  the  papacy  a 
storm  of  protest,  and  the  pope  was  urged  by  cardinals  to 
abandon  the  society. 

He  attempted  to  coerce  the  Du!<e  of  Parma,  nephew  of 
the  King  of  Spain  and  grandson  of  the  King  of  France, 
into  subserviency  to  the  church.  Du  Tillot,  his  minis- 
ter, with  the  support  of  France,  retaliated  by  imprison- 
ing the  Jesuits  in  the  duchy.  The  kings  of  France  and 
Spain  (Bourbons)  protested  against  the  pope's  support 
of  rebels  (Jesuits),  demanded  a  recall  of  the  offensive 
brief,  and  insisted  upon  the  abolition  of  the  society. 
The  papal  policy  was  sharply  attacked  by  German 
prelates  as  well  as  by  French  and  Spanish  clergy  and 
statesmen,  and  papal  authority  seemed  almost  at  an 
end.  Clement,  however,  proved  unyielding,  and  de- 
clared that  he  was  not  aiming  to  please  men,  but  God. 
He  would  rather  lose  everything  than  violate  his  oath  of 
office  or  prove  a  traitor  to  the  church.  The  pope  was 
deprived  by  France  of  a  part  of  his  territorial  possessions 
(Avignon,  Venaissin,  Castro,  and  Roncigiione).  Ac- 
cording to  Carraccioli,  he  was  on  the  point  of  yielding  to 
overwhelming  force  and  making  the  required  concessions 
to  the  Bourbons  when  he  suddenly  died.  It  was  sus- 
pected that  he  was  poisoned  by  the  Jesuits,  whose  cause 
he  had  championed,  to  save  the  situation. 

(14)  Clement  XIl^.  (iy6Q-iyy4).  After  three  months 
of  sharp  intriguing  between  cardinals  who  were  sup- 
porters of  the  Jesuits  and  those  subservient  to  the  Bour- 
bons, the  latter  triumphed  and  Cardinal  Ganganelli 
(b.  1705)  was  elected.  The  final  decision  was  no  doubt 
influenced  by  the  threat  of  the  French  Cardinal  De  Bernis, 


CHAP.  11.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC   CHURCH  439 

on  behalf  of  his  sovereign,  that,  in  case  the  opposing  party 
should  make  a  choice  not  acceptable  to  France,  he  would 
be  simply  a  bishop  of  Rome  and  not  pope.  Whether  or 
not  before  his  election  he  had  pledged  himself  to  the 
Bourbons  to  abolish  the  Jesuits  is  uncertain.  His  many 
attempted  economic  and  social  reforms  were  unsuccess- 
ful, and  in  some  cases  made  bad  worse.  He  lacked  the 
cordial  support  of  the  cardinals,  whom  he  deeply  dis- 
trusted, and  soon  found  himself  almost  without  support 
in  the  Curia.  The  Jesuits  did  everything  in  their 
power  to  discredit  him  and  to  thwart  his  reformatory 
efforts. 

if  he  had  committed  himself  beforehand  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  order  he  was  politic  enough  to  hesitate  for 
some  time  to  carry  his  purpose  into  effect  and  to  delay 
action  until  it  might  appear  inevitable.  The  support  of 
the  society  had  brought  the  papacy  into  conflict  with 
the  chief  Catholic  powers,  and  if  it  was  to  be  abolished 
the  matter  must  be  so  managed  as  to  secure  from  these 
powers  as  large  concessions  to  the  papacy  as  possible. 
He  was  so  careful  to  commit  himself  to  no  one  of  the 
cardinals  that  his  policy  was  then,  and  has  to  some  extent 
continued,  a  mystery.  Early  in  his  pontificate  he  con- 
ferred upon  the  Jesuits  certain  new  privileges  for  the 
sale  of  indulgences  on  the  behalf  of  their  mission  work, 
and,  when  urged  to  abolish  the  society  by  the  King  of 
France,  he  refused,  on  the  ground  that  he  could  not  annul 
what  nineteen  of  his  predecessors  had  decreed  in  their 
favor.  Yet  he  refused  to  the  general  of  the  society  any 
access  to  his  person. 

He  seemed  to  ignore  the  fact  that  Naples,  Venice,  the 
Electorate  of  Bavaria,  Portugal,  Mainz,  and  Austria  had 
seriously  infringed  on  the  prerogative  of  the  Roman 
Curia.  The  measures  of  his  predecessor  that  had  aroused 
the  hostility  of  the  Bourbons  (the  brief  against  Parma 
and  the  Bull  In  Coena  Domini),  he  revoked  or  omitted  to 
enforce.  In  1770  diplomatic  relations  were  re-estab- 
lished with  Portugal.  France,  Spain,  and  Naples  still 
pressed  for  the  abolition  of  the  Jesuit  Society,  and  threat- 
ened in  case  of  the  pope's  refusal  to  withdraw  from  any 
relations  with  the  papacy  and  to  establish  an  indepen- 
dent patriarchate  for  the  three  kingdoms.     Having  made 


440  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

up  his  mind  to  yield  to  this  demand,  the  pope  sought  to 
secure  guarantees  that  the  powers  would  interfere  no 
further  with  papal  administration.  Maria  Theresa,  of 
Austria,  had  become  subservient  to  the  Jesuits  to  such 
a  degree  that  the  pope  was  obliged  by  his  spiritual  au- 
thority to  absolve  her  from  their  thraldom  before  she 
felt  free  to  consent  to  the  abolition  of  the  society. 

Clement  was  not  yet  ready  to  issue  a  Bull  for  its 
abolition,  but  preferred  to  test  the  sentiments  of  Chris- 
tendom and  the  society's  power  of  resistance  by  gradually 
depriving  it  of  its  means  of  exerting  influence.  His  first 
step  was  to  close  the  Collegium  Romaniim,  the  Roman 
Seminary,  and  the  Jesuit  houses  throughout  the  States 
of  the  Church  (1772).  He  next  withdrew  the  protection 
and  support  that  he  had  given  to  Jesuit  exiles  from  Por- 
tugal. Finally,  in  the  Bull  Domimis  ac  Redemptor  nosier 
(July  21,  1773),  a  carefully  prepared  document  that  had 
been  submitted  beforehand  to  the  representatives  of  the 
Catholic  powers,  he  decreed  the  abolition  of  the  society. 
The  utter  badness  and  mischievousness  of  the  society, 
the  hopelessness  of  its  reformation,  and  the  impossibility 
of  its  ever  again  subserving  the  interests  of  the  church, 
are  set  forth  in  language  as  drastic  as  their  bitterest  Prot- 
estant enemies  could  have  wished.  Papal  coins  were 
struck  during  the  same  year  with  the  inscription,  "De- 
part from  me  all  of  you,  1  never  knew  you." 

Many  of  the  bishops,  even  in  the  Bourbon  States,  had 
done  their  utmost  for  the  protection  of  the  society  to 
which  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  was  so  deeply  in- 
debted for  its  rehabilitation.  It  was  only  under  pressure 
that  seemed  absolutely  irresistible  that  any  pope  would 
have  ventured  upon  so  bold  and  revolutionary  a  step  as 
the  smiting  to  the  ground  of  this  great  champion  of  the 
papacy.  But  this  action  having  been  determined  upon 
as  a  political  necessity,  it  must  be  justified  in  the  eyes 
of  Christendom  by  the  admission  of  the  truth  of  the  ter- 
rible array  of  charges  that  had  been  made  against  the 
order  by  its  Catholic  opponents.  The  fact  was  and  is 
that  the  Society  of  Jesus  was  then,  and  is  to-day,  neither 
better  nor  worse  than  the  modern  Roman  Catholic 
Cliurch,  whose  battles  it  has  fought  and  whose  policy  it 
has  shaped. 


CHAP.  !!.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  44I 

In  Rome  a  number  of  Jesuit  leaders  were  thrown  into 
prison,  and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  prevent  mem- 
bers of  tlie  society  from  escaping  with  valuables  and 
records.  The  Bull  was  everywhere  greeted  with  joy, 
most  Catholics  having  become  convinced  that  the  order 
was  the  promoter  of  strife  and  that  its  sacrifice  was  the 
price  of  peace  and  prosperity,  and  feeling  that  an  incubus 
liad  been  removed. 

Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia  and  Catherine  of 
Russia,  the  one  a  Lutheran  and  the  other  a  Greek 
Catholic,  hoped  by  furnishing  protection  to  these  arch- 
enemies of  everything  antipapal  to  be  able  to  use  them 
for  the  discomfiture  of  the  Bourbons.  Evidently  the 
Jesuits  were  not  alone  in  their  advocacy  and  practice 
of  the  doctrine  that  the  end  justifies  the  means,  the  civil 
rulers  of  Europe  being  almost  as  free  in  the  choice  of 
means  for  the  accomplishment  of  ends  deemed  desirable 
as  if  Christian  ethics  had  never  been  heard  of. 

The  king  of  France  promptly  showed  his  appreciation 
of  the  subserviency  of  the  pope  by  restoring  the  papal 
property  that  had  been  seized.  Clement  died  the  next 
year,  and  on  general  principles  Jesuit  poisoning  was  sus- 
pected. 

(15)  Pius  VI.  {1773-1799)-  Born  (1717)  of  impov- 
erished noble  parents  he  was  educated  with  reference  to 
an  ecclesiastical  career,  and  in  1755  became  secretary  to 
Benedict  XIV.  His  promotion  thenceforth  was  rapid, 
and  in  1776  he  attained  to  the  highly  influential  position 
of  treasurer  of  the  Papal  Chancery.  His  fidelity  and 
zeal  in  the  financial  administration  proved  so  inconvenient 
to  some  of  his  influential  opponents  that  they  induced 
Clement  XIV.  to  bestow  upon  him  a  cardinal's  hat  in 
order  to  be  rid  of  him.  As  Cardinal  Braschi  he  earnestly 
opposed  Clement's  measures  against  the  Jesuits,  and 
thereby  incurred  the  pope's  bitter  resentment.  It  is  re- 
lated that  the  only  word  the  pope  ever  addressed  to  him 
afterward  were:  "I  want  deeds,  not  words."  His 
private  life  was  by  no  means  free  from  scandal,  and 
those  who  opposed  his  candidacy  for  the  papal  office  did 
not  hesitate  to  bring  against  him  the  gravest  charges. 
To  weaken  the  force  of  the  criticism  to  which  he  had 
been  subjected  he  began  his  pontifical  career  with  an 


442  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

effort  to  reform  the  morals  and  to  abate  the  luxury  of 
the  Roman  clergy.  Naturally  his  reformatory  measures 
were  not  taken  very  seriously,  and  clerical  life  remained 
much  as  it  had  long  been.  He  refused  to  confirm  the 
Bull  of  his  predecessor  against  the  Jesuits  and  encouraged 
the  society  to  maintain  its  organization  and  to  continue 
its  work  in  Prussia  and  Russia. 

in  1781  the  Emperor  Joseph  11.  prohibited  all  connec- 
tion between  monastic  orders  in  his  dominion  and  foreign 
monastic  officials.  The  pope  visited  the  imperial  court 
to  negotiate  for  better  terms,  but  was  treated  disrespect- 
fully by  Kaunitz,  the  imperial  secretary  of  State,  and 
could  gain  no  concession  from  the  government,  in  1783 
the  emperor  appointed  a  new  Archbishop  of  Milan  with- 
out having  secured  the  pope's  approval,  and  when  the 
pope  refused  to  confirm  the  appointment  he  was  informed 
by  Kaunitz  that  the  matter  could  be  attended  to  by  a 
provincial  synod.  The  pope  threatened  to  punish  the 
emperor's  contumacy  by  excommunicating  him.  The 
emperor  returned  the  insolent  letter  and  demanded  the 
punishment  of  its  writer.  A  conference  in  Rome  be- 
tween pope  and  emperor  (1783)  resulted  in  no  better 
understanding.  In  the  following  year  the  emperor  re- 
stricted the  worship  of  relics  and  levied  a  tax  on  pilgrim- 
ages to  shrines,  etc.  In  1785  he  ordered  the  removal  of 
side-altars  from  the  churches,  and  in  1786  caused  the  in- 
troduction of  the  vernacular  into  the  church  services. 
A  revolution  in  Belgium  withdrew  the  attention  of  the 
emperor  from  the  execution  of  these  reforming  measures, 
and  with  his  death  in  1790  they  were  abandoned.  The 
rumblings  of  the  French  Revolution  would  probably  have 
deterred  him,  had  his  life  been  extended,  from  persisting 
in  his  policy  of  antagonizing  the  papacy. 

Joseph  II.,  one  of  tlie  "benevolent  despots,"  like  Frederick  the 
Great  of  Prussia,  and  several  other  sovereigns  of  tite  time,  had  be- 
come deepiv  imbued  with  the  skepticism  of  the  French  school  (Vol- 
taire, Rousseau,  Diderot,  D'Alembert,  etc.),  and  cared  little  about 
religion  in  anv  form.  Tliat  his  opposition  to  the  papacv  met  witli 
little  popular  disapproval  indicates  clearly  the  widespread  skepti- 
cism and  indifferentism  of  the  age. 

The  French  Revolution  (1789  onward)  greatly  in- 
creased the  difficulties  in  which  the  papacy  was  involved. 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC   CHURCH  443 

Skepticism  had  made  the  great  mass  of  the  French  people 
open-eyed  to  the  corruptions  and  oppressions  of  the 
hierarchy,  and  had  prepared  them  to  see  in  the  special 
exemptions  and  privileges  of  the  church,  no  less  than  in 
those  of  the  nobility,  the  cause  of  their  many  woes. 
That  the  property  and  privileges  of  the  church  should 
have  been  among  the  first  objects  of  attack  when  the 
people  rose  in  their  might  to  demand  "  liberty,  equality, 
and  fraternity  "  is  precisely  what  might  have  been  ex- 
pected ;  for  the  church  had  received  its  property  and 
privileges  at  the  hands  of  the  monarchy  (from  Clovis  or 
Louis  I.  to  Louis  XVL),  had  wrought  hand  in  hand  with 
the  monarchy  for  the  crushing  out  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  (Huguenots,  etc.),  and  its  prelates  being  for  the 
most  part  members  of  noble  families,  appointed  by  royal 
favor  without  regard  to  religious  qualifications,  were  as  a 
class  indifferent  to  the  people's  woes,  and  lived  in  lux- 
urious ease  at  their  expense.  When  fifty  thousand 
French  priests  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-two  French 
bishops  refused  to  accept  the  Constitution  of  1791,  which 
Louis  XVL  had  felt  constrained  to  approve,  the  pope 
issued  a  Bull  denouncing  the  Constitution  and  prohibit- 
ing its  acceptance  by  the  French  clergy.  The  French 
National  Assembly  retaliated  by  confiscating  Avignon 
and  Venaissin,  papal  possessions  in  France,  and  the  pope 
was  helpless.  Excommunication  and  interdict  had  lost 
their  force,  for  the  people  no  longer  believed  that  their 
temporal  or  spiritual  well-being  was  in  the  hands  of  pope 
or  priest,  and  they  could  smile  at  papal  and  prelatical 
anathemas.  The  confiscation  of  the  estates  of  the 
church,  the  complete  abrogation  of  ecclesiastical  privi- 
leges, the  proscription  and  persecution  of  the  clergy  be- 
cause of  their  opposition  to  the  revolution,  and  finally 
the  legislative  annihilation  of  the  Christian  religion  with 
the  attempt  to  obliterate  all  Christian  institutions  by 
changing  the  calendar,  etc.,  grew  out  of  the  widespread 
popular  conviction  that  the  dominant  form  of  Chris- 
tianity, with  which  Christianity  itself  was  identified,  was 
the  arch-enemy  of  human  rights  and  the  enslaver  of 
men's  bodies,  minds,  and  consciences. 

It  should  be  noted  that  a  large  number  of  prelates  and  lower  clergy 
cast  in  their  lot  with  the  revolutionary  cause,  among  them  the  Abbe 


444  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Sieves,  the  Abbe  Gregoire,  the  archbishops  of  Vienna  and  Bordeaux, 
the  bishops  of  Chartres,  Coutance,  Hhodez,  and  Autun  (Talley- 
rand). Some  of  the  members  of  the  monastic  orders,  like  Fouche 
and  Chabot,  became  notorious  fortiieir  fanatical  support  of  the  most 
extreme  measures  of  the  Republicans  (Reign  of  Terror). 

in  1795  Pius  VI.  joined  tlie  coalition  of  European 
powers  against  France  and  put  an  army  of  twelve  thou- 
sand men  in  the  field.  Napoleon  Buonaparte,  at  the 
head  of  the  victorious  French  army,  seized  the  pope's 
possessions  in  Bologna  and  Ferrara  and  compelled  him 
to  pay  an  indemnity  of  twenty-one  million  francs.  When 
the  pope  resorted  to  efforts  at  evasion  the  indemnity  was 
increased.  In  1798  Rome  was  captured  by  the  French, 
a  republic  was  proclaimed,  and  the  pope  was  taken  to 
France  as  a  prisoner,  where  he  died,  August,  1799. 

Few  popes  have  been  more  unfortunate  than  Pius  VI. 
Though  not  distinguished  for  piety  or  morality,  he  was 
fully  seized  of  the  dignity  of  his  position  and  the  neces- 
sity of  preserving  intact  the  prerogatives  that  had  come 
from  centuries  of  conflict,  and  he  did  not  quail  before  the 
mighty  personality  of  the  great  Napoleon.  No  doubt  he 
was  statesman  enough  to  foresee  that  the  excesses  of 
the  Revolution  would  lead  to  a  reaction  that  would  more 
than  counterbalance  the  humiliations  and  the  Josses  of 
his  own  time. 

(16)  Pius  yil.  (1800-1820).  Barnabas  Louis  Chiara- 
monti,  son  of  Count  Scipio  Chiaramonti,  was  born  August 
14,  1740,  and  when  sixteen  years  of  age  became  a  Ben- 
edictine monk.  In  due  time  he  became  an  abbot  in  his 
order,  and  in  1785  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  College 
of  Cardinals  by  Pius  VI.,  his  relative.  As  cardinal  he 
opposed  the  uncompromising  attitude  of  the  pope  and  the 
dominant  faction  in  the  Curia  and  expressed  his  hearty 
accord  with  the  democratic  aspirations  of  the  Italian 
people.  "  Become  out-and-out  Christians,"  he  said  in  a 
sermon  (1797),  "and  you  will  also  be  thorough-going 
democrats."  His  attitude  toward  the  Italian  Republic 
(established  by  Napoleon  in  dependence  on  France)  was 
not  quite  consistent,  but  in  general  he  gave  his  support 
to  the  new  regime.  After  months  of  delay  he  was  unan- 
imously elected  to  succeed  Pius  VI.,  whose  papal  name 
he  adopted.    The  Napoleonic  wars  were  still  raging  when 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN   CATHOLIC  CHURCH  445 

he  entered  upon  his  office.  Three  months  after  his  elec- 
tion Napoleon  became  master  of  Italy  through  his  victory 
over  the  Austrians  at  Marengo,  in  July,  1801,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  making  a  concordat  with  Napoleon,  which  in- 
volved the  restoration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in 
France  with  a  reduction  of  the  episcopate  from  a  hun- 
dred and  fifty-eight  to  sixty,  the  resignation  of  all  exist- 
ing French  bishops,  the  right  of  Napoleon  as  first  consul 
to  nominate  bishops,  the  payment  of  the  clergy  out  of 
the  State  treasury,  a  recognition  of  the  obligation  of 
obedience  to  the  civil  government,  the  renunciation  on 
the  part  of  the  pope  of  all  claim  to  the  confiscated  estates 
and  valuables  in  France,  the  forgiveness  of  priests  who 
had  married  during  the  revolution,  and  the  control  of 
public  worship  by  a  civil  council.  All  of  the  higher 
clergy  were  obliged  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
government  and  all  appointments  of  parish  clergy  were 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  government.  The  advan- 
tages on  the  papal  side  were  largely  neutralized  by 
Napoleon's  "Organic  Articles,"  published  in  France 
simultaneously  with  the  concordat.  In  the  opinion  of 
Consalvi,  the  pope's  chief  counselor,  the  concordat  as 
interpreted  by  Napoleon  turned  the  structure  that  had 
been  erected  with  such  an  expenditure  of  time  and  diplo- 
macy into  a  heap  of  ruins.  These  laws  of  Napoleon  con- 
tained full  regulations  for  the  conduct  of  religious  affairs 
in  France  and  involved  an  almost  complete  ignoring  of 
the  Roman  Curia.  The  pope  protested,  but  in  vain. 
Napoleon  rapidly  approaching  the  height  of  his  glory  had 
no  idea  of  sharing  his  authority  even  in  religious  matters 
with  another. 

The  pope's  dissatisfaction  with  Napoleon's  arbitrary 
and  drastic  methods  did  not  prevent  him  from  going  to 
Paris  to  assist  in  the  coronation  of  the  first  consul  as 
emperor.  The  refusal  of  the  pope  to  annul  the  marriage 
of  Jerome  Buonaparte  to  Miss  Patterson,  of  Baltimore, 
was  a  grievous  offense  to  Napoleon,  thwarting  as  it  did  a 
cherished  plan  for  the  formation  of  another  advantageous 
alliance  with  a  royal  family. 

As  early  as  1805  Napoleon  seems  to  have  resolved 
upon  the  secularization  of  the  States  of  the  Church.  In 
1809  he  annexed  the  papal  territory  to  France,  made  of 


446  A  A\ANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Rome  an  imperial  city,  and  by  way  of  recompense  to 
the  pope  provided  him  with  an  annual  income  of  two 
million  francs  to  be  paid  out  of  the  imperial  treasury. 
By  this  means  he  hoped  to  make  the  pope  completely 
subservient  to  his  own  European  interests.  Pius'  pro- 
test was  answered  promptly  by  his  arrest  and  by  his  im- 
prisonment in  the  fortress  of  Savona,  on  the  gulf  of 
Genoa.  In  1812,  as  he  was  entering  upon  the  Russian 
campaign,  Napoleon  had  the  pope  brought  to  Fontaine- 
bleau  and  compelled  him  to  sign  a  concordat  to  the 
effect  that  he  would  abandon  iiis  claim  to  the  States  of 
the  Church  and  would  make  Avignon  his  place  of  resi- 
dence (January,  181 3).  As  soon  as  he  felt  free  to  do  so 
the  pope  disowned  the  concordat,  which  he  had  signed 
under  compulsion.  Napoleon's  aim  in  this  measure  was 
to  repeat  the  proceeding  of  Philip  the  Fair  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  fourteenth  century  and  by  retaining  the 
pope  in  France  to  use  him  more  freely  for  imperial  pur- 
poses, and  to  prevent  him  from  meddling  unduly  in 
Italian  politics.  The  failure  of  the  Russian  expedition 
and  the  destruction  of  Napoleon's  prestige  enabled  Pius 
VII.  to  return  to  Rome  (1814).  An  ovation  awaited  him 
there  and  rejoicing  was  general  throughout  Italy  over 
Napoleon's  fall  as  well  as  in  most  of  the  other  countries 
that  he  had  subjugated. 

In  August,  1814,  feeling  keenly  the  need  of  its  aid  in 
restoring  the  church  to  its  former  dignity  and  influence, 
Pius  VII.  re-established  the  Jesuit  society  which  had  so 
well  maintained  its  organization  and  discipline  that  it 
was  ready  at  once  to  enter  upon  the  task  of  rehabil- 
itating and  directing  the  policy  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  Under  its  influence  the  pope  issued  (1816)  a 
Bull  declaring  Bible  societies  "a  fiendish  instrument  for 
the  undermining  of  the  foundation  of  religion." 

The  policy  of  this  pope  was  to  a  very  large  extent 
shaped  by  Cardinal  Consalvi,  who  amid  all  the  intrigues 
and  disasters  of  the  revolutionary  period  had  been  un- 
swerving in  his  maintenance  of  the  rights  of  the  papacy. 
He  was  of  noble  parentage  (b.  1757)  and  had  been  edu- 
cated by  the  ex-Jesuit,  Zaccaria,  in  a  school  which  en- 
joyed the  patronage  of  Pius  VI.,  who  took  the  young 
scholar  into  his  service  as  soon  as  his  education  had  been 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  447 

completed.  Immediately  after  liis  election  Pius  VII.  com- 
mitted to  him  tlie  chief  business  of  the  office  of  secretary 
of  State,  and  shortly  afterward  made  him  cardinal  and 
official  Secretary  of  State.  From  beginning  to  end  Con- 
salvi  was  the  soul  of  the  administration  of  Pius  Vll.  He 
was  declared  by  a  Roman  contemporary  to  be  "a  worthy 
successor  of  the  political  geniuses  in  the  Roman  court, 
who  had  been  half  swans  and  half  foxes."  It  was  fur- 
ther said  of  him,  "if  one  would  escape  his  sagacity  it 
was  not  enough  to  keep  silent,  but  it  was  necessary  to 
avoid  thinking  in  his  presence."  He  had  guarded  the 
interests  of  the  papacy  as  carefully  as  possible  in  the 
negotiations  that  led  to  the  concordat  of  1801,  and  had 
refused  in  1809  to  go  with  the  other  cardinals  to  Paris  at 
Napoleon's  bidding  until  actually  forced  to  do  so.  He 
refused  a  pension  of  thirty  thousand  francs  offered  him 
by  Napoleon,  and  showed  by  his  words  and  actions  how 
deeply  he  resented  Napoleon's  assumption  of  ecclesias- 
tical authority  and  his  determination  to  use  the  papal  or- 
ganization for  his  own  purposes.  By  his  obstinacy  he 
incurred  the  wrath  of  Napoleon  and  was  kept  a  prisoner 
until  after  the  concordat  of  Fontainebleau  (January, 
181 3).  He  disapproved  of  the  concessions  made  in  this 
concordat  by  the  humiliated  and  discouraged  pope. 
The  protest  that  the  pope  made  against  the  terms  of  the 
concordat  under  Consalvi's  influence  led  to  his  further 
harassment  by  the  emperor.  He  represented  the  papacy 
in  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (181 5)  and  was  chiefly  instru- 
mental in  rehabilitating  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
after  the  revolution.  It  had  been  under  his  advice  that 
the  Jesuits  were  restored.  On  the  death  of  Pius  VII.  he 
might  have  been  expected  to  ascend  the  papal  throne  ; 
but  the  Roman  clergy  and  people  were  weary  of  his  iron 
rule  and  the  cry  went  up  from  the  populace  in  the  hear- 
ing of  the  Conclave:  "Heaven  save  us  from  such  a 
despot  as  Consalvi." 

(17)  Leo  XII.  {1821-182Q)  successor  of  Pius  VII.,  was 
an  Italian  noble  of  the  Genga  family  (b.  1760)  who  had 
been  made  cardinal  in  1816  and  had  become  a  bitter  ad- 
versary of  Consalvi.  Yet  his  policy  did  not  differ  essen- 
tially from  that  of  the  great  diplomatist.  Consalvi  was 
not  resentful,  but  gave  to  the  new  pope  the  benefit  of  his 


448  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

deep  insijiht  into  ecclesiastical  politics  and  soon  won  his 
unbounded  admiration.  France,  Spain,  England,  the 
South  American  Republics,  etc.,  in  their  relations  to  the 
papacy,  Consalvi  knew  to  perfection,  and  the  art  of 
shrewd  diplomacy  and  dissimulation  no  one  could  teach 
better  than  he.  His  wonderful  knowledge  of  existing 
conditions  and  relations  gave  him  deep  insight  into  the 
future  and  enabled  him  in  some  measure  to  foresee  the 
reaction  in  favor  of  the  papacy  that  was  to  follow  the 
French  Revolution.  The  pope  rewarded  the  aged  states- 
man by  making  him  Prefect  of  the  Propaganda. 

Leo  permitted  the  publication  of  two  writings  that  from 
motives  of  prudence  Consalvi  had  disapproved,  the  one 
by  the  Dominican  Anfossi,  which  insisted  that  the  res- 
toration to  the  papacy  of  the  Patrimony  of  Peter  was 
necessary  to  the  salvation  of  those  who  had  unright- 
eously appropriated  it  ;  the  other  by  Fea,  who  sought  to 
establish  the  de  jure  supremacy  of  the  papacy  over  secu- 
lar princes  in  worldly  as  well  as  in  spiritual  matters. 

Before  his  elevation  to  the  pontifical  office  Leo  had  fig- 
ured as  an  opponent  of  the  Jesuits.  As  pope  he  outdid 
his  predecessor  in  showing  them  favor.  He  restored  for 
them  the  Collegium  Romanum,  the  Oratorio  del  Cara- 
vita,  and  the  Osservatorio  Gregoriano,  and  left  nothing 
undone  that  would  increase  their  efficiency  as  the  fore- 
most agency  in  the  restoration  and  extension  of  ecclesi- 
astical dominion. 

Under  Jesuit  influence  he  issued  (May,  1824)  an  En- 
cyclical, in  which  he  denounced  modern  forms  of  Chris- 
tianity that  call  themselves  "  philosophical  "  and  preach 
toleration  and  indifferentism,  and  Bible  societies  which 
are  spreading  themselves  over  the  whole  earth  and  in 
contempt  of  the  prohibition  of  the  church  are  translating 
or  rather  perverting  the  Holy  Scriptures  into  the  lan- 
guages of  the  peoples,  so  that  in  them  (the  translated 
Scriptures)  not  Christ's,  but  man's,  nay,  the  Devil's 
gospel  is  to  be  found. 

In  a  brief  published  in  1826  he  set  forth  his  abhor- 
rence of  all  non-Catholic  Christians  :  "  Every  one  sepa- 
rated from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  however  un- 
blamable in  other  respects  his  life  may  be,  because  of 
this  sole  offense,  that  he  is  sundered  from  the  unity  of 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  449 

Christ,  has  no  part  in  eternal  life  ;  God's  wrath  hangs 
over  him." 

hi  1824,  following  the  advice  of  Consalvi,  he  pro- 
claimed a  jubilee  in  thankfulness  to  God  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Revolution.  Special  indulgences  were  offered 
for  prayers  for  the  extirpation  of  heresy,  in  connection 
with  the  jubilee  the  Spanish  Minorite  Julianus,  an  intol- 
erant fanatic,  was  canonized,  and  miracles  (.-')  in  St._ 
Peter's  (among  them  the  flying  of  a  half-roasted  bird 
from  a  spit)  attested  the  divine  recognition  of  his  saint- 
hood. Other  canonizations,  as  that  of  the  Jesuit  Rodri- 
guez and  that  of  Gallantini,  founder  of  the  Congregation 
of  Christian  Instruction,  showed  clearly  the  reactionary 
and  intolerant  tendency  of  the  administration.  The 
jubilee  was  conducted  with  great  pomp.  The  Propaganda 
rejoiced  in  the  conversion  on  this  occasion  of  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  Protestants  and  Jews.  These  conversions, 
we  have  reason  to  suspect,  were  deliberately  arranged 
for  and  as  regards  their  authenticity  stand  on  the  same 
plane  as  the  miracle  of  the  roasted  bird.  Everything 
possible  was  done  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  the 
victory  that  had  been  won  by  constituted  authority,  civil 
and  ecclesiastical,  over  revolution.  The  Duke  of  Angou- 
leme  accepted  with  much  ceremony  the  consecrated 
sword  that  Daun  had  received  when  in  conflict  with 
Frederick  the  Great.  The  Queen  of  Sardinia  was  the 
recipient  of  the  golden  rose.  The  indulgences  connected 
with  the  jubilee  were  extended  during  the  months  that 
followed  into  other  countries. 

Leo  succeeded  in  making  concordats  highly  advanta- 
geous to  the  Roman  See  with  the  German,  Dutch,  South 
American,  and  other  governments.  Everywhere  the 
spirit  of  reaction  against  revolution  was  manifest  and  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  came  to  be  looked  upon  even  by 
Protestant  rulers  and  statesmen  as  a  conservative  force 
that  could  not  safely  be  ignored. 

Leo's  secretary  of  State,  Bernetti,  was  almost  equal  to 
Consalvi  in  astuteness.  He  affected  such  liberality  of 
sentiment  that  Chevalier  Bunsen,  when  residing  in  Rome 
as  a  member  of  the  Prussian  legation,  became  warmly 
attached  to  him,  and  when  Bernetti  visited  England  in 
the   interests   of  English   and    Irish  Catholics,  Bunsen, 

2D 


450  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

then  Prussian  ambassador  at  the  Court  of  St.  James, 
procured  for  him  a  cordial  reception  by  leading  Anglican 
churchmen  whereby  he  was  able  in  a  measure  to  over- 
come the  deep-seated  aversion  of  the  English  people  to- 
ward the  Roman  Curia.  The  emancipation  of  the  Cath- 
olics of  Ireland  was  not  fully  accomplished  under  Leo, 
but  he  prepared  the  way  for  the  achievement  of  this  im- 
portant end  under  Gregory  XVI. 

Tiie  publication  of  Lamennais'  essay  on  "  Indifferent- 
ism  in  the  Matter  of  Religion  "  (1817-1824)  made  a  tre- 
mendous sensation  and  caused  a  remarkable  revival  of 
Ultramontane  sentiment  in  France  and  elsewhere.  His 
visit  to  Rome  was  triumphal.  He  declined  a  cardinal's 
hat  offered  to  him  by  the  pope.  While  courted  by  the 
pope  he  was  regarded  with  marked  disfavor  by  the  Jes- 
uits and  the  Sorbonne  Faculty,  who  doubtless  perceived 
underneath  his  fervid  mysticism,  which  for  the  moment 
ministered  or  seemed  to  minister  to  enthusiastic  devotion 
to  the  papal  cause,  those  rationalistic  and  socialistic  ten- 
dencies that  led  to  the  censure  of  his  writings  by  Greg- 
ory XVI.  and  to  his  complete  estrangement  from  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith.  Lamennais  died  a  pronounced 
free-thinker  (1854). 

The  sufferings  of  Pius  VII.  and  his  heroic  bearing  dur- 
ing the  revolutionary  age  had  won  for  him  a  multitude  of 
friends  outside  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  His  most 
famous  monument  is  the  work  of  the  Danish  Protestant, 
Thorwaldsen.  Leo,  whose  earlier  life  as  an  ecclesiastic 
had  not  been  free  from  scandal,  as  pope  lived  ascetically, 
occupying  with  a  cat  for  company  an  almost  unfurnished 
room  and  eating  almost  nothing  ;  yet  because  of  his  ar- 
rogance he  became  universally  hated,  princes  and  beggars 
vying  with  each  other  in  their  expressions  of  disapproval. 
Pius  had  risen  to  popularity  on  the  floodtide  of  reaction 
against  the  anarchism  and  irreligion  of  tlie  French  Revo- 
lution. Leo  was  able  for  a  while  to  ride  upon  the  same 
floodtide  ;  but  the  revolutionary  reaction  was  absolutely 
beyond  his  control  and  he  could  not  or  would  not  adjust 
himself  to  the  changing  conditions.  He  was  ambitious  to 
be  regarded  as  a  reformer  and  introduced  somewhat  rig- 
orous measures  for  the  enforcement  of  moral  living 
among  the  Roman  clergy  and  the  Roman  women,  re- 


CHAP,  n.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC   CHURCH  451 

stricted  the  privileges  of  the  Jews,  and  exercised  a  rigor- 
ous censorship  over  works  of  science.  One  of  his  press 
censors  condemned  a  scientific  work  by  Galvani  on  the 
supposition  that  its  author  was  John  Calvin.  Popular 
opposition  to  the  papal  administration  became  so  out- 
spoken and  violent  that  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition 
had  to  be  enlarged  to  accommodate  the  hordes  of  offend- 
ers (1826). 

Meanwhile  Ultramontane  principles  were  being  sub- 
jected in  France,  Belgium,  Germany,  etc.,  to  a  fierce 
literary  onslaught.  Richard  Rothe,  the  famous  Lutheran 
theologian,  had  become  fascinated  with  the  idea  of  the 
unity  and  ascetical  piety  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
under  influences  like  those  which  produced  the  remarka- 
ble Romanizing  revival  in  the  Church  of  England  (Trac- 
tarianism).  A  visit  to  Rome  completely  disenchanted 
him  and  produced  in  him  the  conviction  that  Rome  knew 
nothing  of  the  true  spiritual  life  that  belongs  to  evangeli- 
cal Christianity.  He  became  deeply  conscious  of  the 
utter  unscrupulousness  and  immorality  of  Roman  Cath- 
olic polemics  and  propagandism. 

The  administration  of  Leo  XIL  was  so  unpopular  and 
his  person  was  an  object  of  such  general  execration, 
that  it  was  not  unnatural  that  his  death,  which  was  an 
occasion  of  general  rejoicing,  should  have  been  attributed 
to  poisoning. 

(18)  Puis  nil.  (March,  1820-Decemher,  i8p).  As 
Cardinal  Castaglioni  (b.  I76i)the  new  pope  had  suffered 
much  from  the  French  Revolution  and  Napoleon.  He  had 
been  educated  by  the  Jesuits  and  was  one  of  the  fore- 
most canonists  of  the  time.  He  had  been  made  cardinal 
by  Pius  Vll.  in  consideration  of  his  valiant  defense  of 
papal  rights,  it  is  said  to  have  been  the  wish  of  Pius 
VII.  that  Castlglioni  should  succeed  him.  His  policy  as 
pope  was  in  general  identical  with  that  of  the  two  pre- 
ceding popes  and  the  influence  of  the  Jesuits  was  every- 
where manifest. 

Pius  VIII.  began  his  reign  with  a  public  denunciation 
of  liberty  of  conscience,  Bible  societies.  Freemasonry, 
and  the  Carbonari  (the  social  democracy  of  Italy).  Dur- 
ing his  brief  pontificate  Catholic  emancipation  (including 
the  right  of  Catholics  to  sit  in  Parliament  and  to  hold 


452  A   A\ANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

civil  offices)  was  completed  in  England  (April,  1829),  and 
the  exodus  to  Rome  from  the  Church  of  England,  begun 
some  time  before,  was  greatly  accelerated,  especially 
among  the  clergy,  the  nobility,  and  the  gentry. 

During  this  year  the  Jesuits  appointed  a  new  general 
(the  Belgian  Roothan),  who  proved  one  of  the  most  ac- 
complished and  effective  in  the  history  of  the  society. 
The  work  of  the  society  grew  so  rapidly  under  his  ad- 
ministration and  by  reason  of  the  strong  papal  support 
given  it  that  high  administrative  officers  for  France, 
Spain,  Italy,  and  Germany  were  found  necessary.  They 
had  a  momentary  triumph  in  France,  whose  Bourbon 
king,  Charles  X.,  is  said  to  have  been  more  popish  than 
the  pope  and  whose  policy  was  thoroughly  Jesuitical  and 
Ultramontane ;  but  the  revolutionary  reaction  (July, 
1830)  was  too  mighty  for  the  combined  forces  of  pope, 
king,  and  Jesuits.  The  July  revolution  in  France  was 
followed  by  revolutionary  proceedings  in  Belgium,  Po- 
land, Ireland,  and  several  Protestant  countries.  The 
principles  of  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity,  that  had 
been  sternly  repressed  since  181 5,  had  gathered  energy 
for  a  fresh  outbreak  and  no  human  power  could  hold 
them  in  check. 

Lamennais  won  the  approval  of  Pius  VIll.  by  his  radical 
Ultramontane  utterances.  His  periodical,  " L'Avenir" 
("The  Future"),  was  the  organ  of  extreme  Ultramon- 
tane opinion  and  his  writings  supplied  ammunition  for 
O'Connell,  the  Irish  orator  and  agitator,  and  for  many 
other  lesser  lights  among  Ultramontane  propagandists. 
He  designated  Hildebrand  (Gregory  Vll.)  as  the  great- 
est patriarch  of  European  liberty,  and  insisted  that  the 
popes  of  the  present  day  may  and  should  depose  diso- 
bedient princes  as  in  the  medieval  time. 

Under  Pius  VII.,  Prussia,  through  Niebuhr's  diplo- 
macy, had  signed  a  concordat  with  the  Roman  Curia 
that  conferred  privileges  upon  Roman  Catholics  greater 
in  some  respects  than  those  enjoyed  by  the  evangelicals. 
The  reckless  use  of  these  legalized  privileges  led  to  a 
controversy  between  Pius  VIII.  and  Frederick  William 
111.  (1829-1830).  In  legalizing  mixed  marriages,  the 
Prussian  government  had  intended  simply  to  bestow 
upon   Roman  Catholics  a  parity  of   privilege  with   the 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  453 

evangelicals.  The  Prussian  Catholics,  following  the  in- 
structions of  the  Roman  Curia,  would  solemnize  no  mar- 
riage without  a  solemn  promise  on  the  part  of  the  con- 
tracting parties  that  the  children  born  of  the  marriage 
should  be  brought  up  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  The 
pope  so  far  modified  his  previous  position  as  simply  to 
withhold  the  priestly  benediction  from  those  not  making 
the  required  promise  and  giving  them  only  passive  as- 
sistance (assistentia  passiva). 

It  was  with  the  utmost  reluctance  that  Pius  Vlii.  con- 
sented to  recognize  Louis  Philippe  as  king  of  the  French 
and  to  permit  the  French  bishops  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  him  and  to  include  his  name  in  the  prayers 
of  the  church.  Already  in  feeble  health  when  he  was 
elected  pope,  his  absorption  in  the  great  ecclesiastico- 
political  questions  of  the  time  soon  exhausted  what 
vitality  remained  to  him  and  he  succumbed  to  the  strain, 
December,  1830. 

(19)  Gregory  Xyi.  (18^1-1846).  A  member  of  the 
Venetian  Cappellari  family  (b.  1765)  and  educated  in 
Ultramontanism,  the  new  pope  had  been  since  early 
youth  an  advocate  of  papal  infallibility  (1786).  He  had 
not  been  a  leader  in  the  College  of  Cardinals  and  was 
not  among  the  prominent  candidates  for  the  papal  office. 
When  the  supporters  of  the  two  great  rival  candidates 
despaired  of  securing  a  majority  for  their  respective 
favorites,  the  choice  of  Cappellari  was  made  as  a  com- 
promise measure.  The  election  was  hastened  by  the 
urgent  appeal  of  Austria  in  view  of  the  revolution  that 
was  breaking  out  in  central  Italy. 

The  policy  of  non-intervention  in  Italian  affairs  by 
France  or  other  powers,  proclaimed  by  Louis  Philippe, 
left  the  Italian  democracy  free  to  engage  in  revolutionary 
proceedings.  Two  days  after  the  election  of  Gregory 
XVI.  (February  4),  revolution  broke  out  in  Bologna  and 
the  Italian  tricolor  was  hoisted  as  a  declaration  that  the 
dominion  of  the  pope  was  at  an  end.  From  Bologna  as 
a  center  the  revolution  spread  to  other  parts  of  Italy. 
An  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  (February  12,  13)  to 
arouse  the  Roman  populace  to  revolution,  and  a  short 
time  afterward  outside  revolutionaries  approached  close 
to  the  gates  of  the  city.     Powerless  to  pacify  turmoiled 


454  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

Italy,  the  pope  appealed  to  Austria,  which  was  anxious 
for  an  opportunity  to  intervene  in  Italian  affairs,  and  an 
Austrian  army  was  soon  in  the  field.  The  provisional 
government  that  had  been  established  at  Bologna  by  the 
revolutionaries  was  put  to  flight  and  most  of  the  con- 
spirators, including  Louis  Napoleon,  were  compelled  to 
leave  Italy. 

By  inviting  Austria  to  aid  in  quelling  the  revolution, 
Gregory  had  incurred  obligations  to  satisfy  the  demands 
of  the  Catholic  powers  for  the  reformation  of  papal 
administration  in  Italy.  A  papal  edict  (March  2$)  con- 
firmed the  lavish  promises  of  reform  that  had  been  made 
by  Bernetti,  Secretary  of  State.  The  promised  reforms 
not  having  appeared,  the  five  great  powers  united  in  a 
memorandum  of  reforms  thought  to  be  essential  to  the 
maintenance  of  order  in  Italy.  The  reforms  suggested 
embraced  the  admission  of  laymen  to  administrative  and 
judicial  positions,  the  leading  of  the  communes  through 
self-chosen  counselors,  the  constitution  of  a  body  of 
provincial  counselors,  and  a  junta  or  administrative  as- 
sembly of  notables  who  should  furnish  a  guarantee  for 
continuity  in  the  government.  These  reforms  should 
not  be  limited  to  the  districts  threatened  with  revolution, 
but  should  be  extended  throughout  the  whole  papal  ter- 
ritory, including  Rome. 

Gregory  pursued  dilatory  tactics  and,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, ignored  these  demands  for  reform,  but  in  1832  he 
introduced  important  improvements  in  the  ecclesiastical 
administration  and  promulgated  a  new  code  of  laws. 
Various  economic  reforms  were  attempted.  The  courts 
were  secularized  and  the  administration  of  justice  was 
considerably  improved.  Gregory  was  zealous  in  the 
fostering  of  learning,  the  fine  arts,  and  the  sciences. 
His  friendliness  to  learning  was  manifested  in  his  ap- 
pointment of  Angelo  Mai,  the  great  patristic  scholar,  and 
Mezzofanti,  the  phenomenal  linguist,  as  cardinals. 

Gregory  showed  that  he  was  perpetuating  the  policy 
of  his  immediate  predecessors  by  publishing  (1832)  an 
encyclical  (Mimri  t'o.O,  directed  against  Lamennais,  now 
a  pronounced  liberal,  and  his  school,  and  against  tlie 
Belgian  government  that  had  recently  declared  itself  in 
favor  of   religious    liberty,  which  the  pope  pronounced 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  455 

mere  craziness  (deliramentiim).  His  sharp  condemnation 
of  the  rationalism  of  the  school  of  Hermes  in  Germany 
(1835)  startled  Germany.  He  gave  every  encourage- 
ment to  the  propagation  of  the  doctrine  of  the  immacu- 
late conception  of  Mary  without  proclaiming  it  as  a 
dogma. 

An  ill-advised  letter  to  the  French  ambassador  in 
Rome  by  Gregory's  Secretary  of  State,  Bernetti,  reflect- 
ing on  the  Austrian  government,  found  its  way  to  the 
Austrian  court  and  led  to  a  demand  for  Bernetti's  re- 
moval that  could  not  safely  be  refused.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Lambruschini,  a  disciple  of  Consalvi,  to  whom 
the  pope  committed  unreservedly  the  administration 
(1836).  The  intolerant  and  reactionary  proceedings  of 
Gregory  were  largely  attributable  to  Lambruschini's 
influence.  He  made  of  little  effect  the  concessions  that 
had  been  granted  to  the  Italian  democracy,  restricted 
the  application  of  the  amnesty  that  had  been  promised 
to  the  revolutionists,  and  refused  to  give  municipal 
government  to  the  city  of  Rome. 

The  remarkable  victory  of  Gregory  over  the  Prussian 
government  in  the  matter  of  mixed  marriages  and  in  that 
of  the  Hermesian  rationalism  was  due  in  large  measure 
to  the  statesmanship  of  Lambruschini.  The  insubordi- 
nation of  Droste-Fischerung,  who  by  his  professions  of 
loyalty  to  the  Prussian  government  and  of  his  willing- 
ness to  abide  by  the  compromise  arrangement  regarding 
mixed  marriages  had  been  accepted  by  Frederick  Wil- 
liam III.  as  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  but  who  once  in  the 
office  had  adopted  an  Ultramontane  policy  and  had  ig- 
nored the  rights  of  the  government  to  interfere  with 
Roman  Catholic  administration  in  Prussia,  so  exasper- 
ated the  king  that  the  archbishop  was  removed  from  his 
office  and  thrown  into  prison.  The  immediate  occasion 
of  the  strife  was  the  effort  of  the  archbishop,  on  behalf 
of  the  Roman  Curia,  to  employ  drastic  measures  for  the 
suppression  of  rationalistic  teaching  in  the  Catholic  fac- 
ulty of  the  University  of  Bonn,  which  was  supported  by 
the  government.  This  proceeding  threw  Prussia  into  a 
state  of  turmoil  and  brought  upon  the  Prussian  govern- 
ment the  execration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  world. 
Gregory  XVI.  protested  most  vehemently  against   this 


456  A   MANUAL  OF   CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

interference  with  tiie  freedom  of  the  church.  The  death 
of  Frederick  William  111.  and  the  succession  of  Frederick 
William  IV.  gave  an  opportunity  to  the  government  to 
change  the  policy  of  antagonism  to  a  policy  of  concilia- 
tion. The  Archbishop  of  Cologne  was  not  restored,  but 
concessions  were  made  to  the  Roman  Curia  in  the  mat- 
ters that  had  occasioned  the  conflict  which  amounted  to 
a  victory  for  the  papacy. 

Gregory  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  save  the 
Jesuits  of  France,  who  had  incurred  the  disfavor  of  Louis 
Philippe  and  his  minister,  Thiers  ;  but  he  felt  obliged  at 
last  to  acquiesce  in  their  suppression  (1845).  Gregory 
is  said  to  have  practised  a  rigorous  asceticism,  sleeping 
very  little  and  on  the  floor,  eating  the  plainest  food,  and 
devoting  much  time  to  religious  exercises.  Filled  with 
dark  forebodings  regarding  the  future  of  the  papacy  and 
of  Italy,  but  consoled  by  the  fact  that  the  Romans  were 
going  wild  over  a  favorite  ballet  dancer  ("  As  long  as  my 
Romans  applaud  the  appearing  of  a  dancing  girl,  they 
make  no  revolutions"),  he  died  June  i,  1846. 

(20)  Pins  IX.  (1846-18^8).  The  successor  of  Gregory 
XVI.,  an  Italian  noble  (Count  Giovanni  Maria  Mastai 
Ferreti,  b.  1792),  had  in  his  youth  served  in  the  French 
army,  and  had  entered  the  papal  service  as  early  as  1823. 
He  became  Archbishop  of  Spoleto  in  1827,  and,  in  spite 
of  his  liberal  views,  that  had  become  somewhat  notorious, 
he  was  made  cardinal  by  Gregory  XVI.  in  1840.  He  was 
elected  pope  with  less  than  the  usual  amount  of  opposi- 
tion, the  Conclave  requiring  only  two  days  to  reach  a 
decision.  On  the  day  of  his  coronation  he  is  said  to 
have  remarked  :  "  To-day  persecution  begins,"  and  his 
pontificate  was  certainly  a  stormy  one. 

With  a  view  to  pacifying  the  States  of  the  Church, 
which  were  still  in  a  revolutionary  condition,  he  pro- 
claimed a  universal  amnesty,  and  emptied  the  prisons  of 
their  thousands  of  political  victims.  At  the  same  time 
he  inaugurated  such  measures  of  political  reform  as  he 
thought  calculated  to  meet  the  reasonable  demands  of 
the  revolutionary  party.  A  liberal  Secretary  of  State 
was  appointed,  and  a  new  Council  of  State  made  up  of 
younger  and  more  progressive  prelates  was  provided  for. 
Commissions  were  created  for  the  reformation  of  the  ad- 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  457 

ministrative  system  and  the  revision  of  the  laws.  Con- 
servatives were  alarmed,  but  the  populace  cried,  "  Long 
live  Pio  Nono."  But  these  measures  soon  proved  to  be 
inadequate,  and  agitation  for  constitutional  liberty  and 
Italian  unity  and  independence  was  renewed.  The 
social  democracy  ("  Young  Italians  "  or  Mazzinists)  urged 
the  pope  to  lead  a  crusade  of  united  Italy  against  Austrian 
domination,  and  when  he  refused  they  repudiated  utterly 
his  right  to  secular  authority. 

As  a  compromise  measure  he  assented  (March,  1848) 
to  a  new  Roman  Constitution  and  to  the  institution  of  a 
reform  ministry,  with  the  liberal  statesman  Mamiani  at 
its  head,  and  with  only  two  clerical  members.  In  the 
new  Constitution  the  College  of  Cardinals  formed  a  sort 
of  senate,  while  matters  of  taxation  and  legislation  were 
committed  to  two  chambers.  Large  numbers  of  laymen 
were  admitted  to  the  civil  service. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  year  1848  was  one  of  the  most 
revolutionary  since  the  close  of  the  French  Revolution  (1789-1795). 
In  all  the  leading  countries  of  Europe  spirited  agitation  for  popular 
rights  and  constitutional  government  alarmed  the  conservatives  and 
called  for  vigorous  repressive  measures.  "On  every  side  thrones 
and  dynasties  seemed  tottering  to  ruin,  and  each  day  brought  the 
news  "of  another  revolution"  (Lodge).  In  Switzerland  the  radical 
party  succeeded  in  reuniting  all  the  cantons,  Catholic  and  Protestant, 
into  a  well-ordered  and  compact  confederation.  The  movement 
carried  with  it  the  abolition  of  the  league  of  Roman  Catholic  can- 
tons (Sonderbund)  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  In  Sardinia  and 
Lombardy  the  Jesuits  were  expelled  in  response  to  the  demands  of 
the  revolutionary  partv  early  in  1848.  Naples  and  Sicily  soon  fol- 
lowed. Popular  uprisings  in  Austria  and  Prussia  extorted  from  the 
rulers  important  constitutional  concessions,  and  necessitated  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  Jesuits,  who  were  universally  regarded  as  the  arch- 
enemies of  popular  rights.  In  March,  1848,  the  Austrian  democracy 
compelled  Metternich,  the  great  conservative  statesman  who  more 
than  any  other  man  was  responsible  for  the  repressive  measures 
adopted  by  the  European  powers  (181 5  onward)  to  relinquish  the 
Austrian  chancellorship  and  to  leave  Vienna.  The  terrified  emperor 
saw  no  alternative  to  granting  their  demand  for  a  constitution.  A 
popular  uprising  in  Berlin  compelled  Frederick  William  IV.  to  with- 
draw his  troops  from  the  citv,  and  to  promise  parliamentary  govern- 
ment (March,  1848),  and  led  to  the  formation  of  a  great  German 
national  union  with  a  parliament  elected  by  universal  suffrage.  This 
body  met  at  Frankfurt-on-the-Main  (May,  1848),  but  did  not  ac- 
complish all  that  its  promoters  hoped  for. 

Encouraged  by  the  seeming  success  of  the  popular 


458  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

movement  in  Germany  and  Austria,  the  Italian  provinces, 
including  the  States  of  the  Church,  rose  in  their  might 
and  drove  the  Austrian  troops  from  Milan  and  Venice. 
The  refusal  of  the  pope  to  co-operate  in  the  struggle  for 
Italian  independence  and  unity  caused  him  to  be  looked 
upon  as  a  traitor.  He  felt  obliged  to  dismiss  the  Maniiani 
ministry,  and  to  commit  the  public  administration  to  the 
conservative  Count  Rossi.  The  assassination  of  Rossi 
(November  15,  1848)  precipitated  a  crisis.  The  demand 
of  the  liberals  for  the  appointment  of  a  ministry  in  sym- 
pathy with  Italian  unity  and  freedom  were  so  peremptory, 
and  their  attitude  so  threatening,  that  the  pope  was  con- 
strained (November  24,  1848)  to  leave  the  city  and  to 
take  refuge  at  Gaeta,  in  the  province  of  Naples.  Maz- 
zini,  Mamiani,  and  Galetti,  as  statesmen,  and  Garibaldi 
as  military  chieftain,  were  at  the  head  of  the  national 
liberal  movement.  Having  frightened  the  pope  away, 
they  proclaimed  a  republic,  with  Galetti  as  chief  minister 
and  Mamiani  as  foreign  minister.  A  constituent  as- 
sembly elected  by  popular  suffrage  deprived  the  pope  of 
his  temporal  power  and  confiscated  all  ecclesiastical 
property  (February,  1849). 

The  appeal  of  the  pope  to  the  Catholic  powers  for  in- 
tervention was  responded  to  by  France,  which,  though 
at  that  time  a  republic,  was  willing  to  avail  itself  of  the 
opportunity  to  regain  a  foothold  in  Italy.  Rome  was 
wrested  from  the  revolutionists  by  the  French  (July  3, 
1849),  ^'""d  the  Austrians  succeeded  in  reoccupying  the 
papal  legations  in  the  north  of  Italy.  The  pope  promised 
financial  and  administrative  reforms,  and  was  able  to  re- 
turn to  Rome  in  April,  1850.  Cardinal  Antonelli,  one  of 
the  most  astute  of  ecclesiastical  statesmen  and  a  de- 
termined reactionary,  was  at  once  entrusted  with  the 
chief  responsibility,  and  the  Jesuits,  who  now  returned 
to  Rome  in  large  numbers,  were  put  in  charge  of  public 
instruction  throughout  the  papal  States.  The  clergy 
were  once  more  in  charge  of  the  details  as  well  as  the 
administration  of  the  civil  service,  and  the  popular  out- 
cry against  clerical  arrogance,  corruption,  and  inefiflciency 
became  as  violent  and  persistent  as  before. 

Under  the  leadership  of  Count  Cavour,  the  Pied- 
montese   agitation    for   Italian  unity  and   independence 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  459 

reached  alarming  proportions,  the  secularization  of  the 
papal  States  and  the  exclusion  of  the  Austrians  being 
the  prominent  features  of  his  policy.  As  early  as  1856 
a  secret  understanding  seems  to  have  been  reached  be- 
tween Cavour  and  Louis  Napoleon,  which  involved  the 
co-operation  of  the  latter  in  the  realization  of  the  Italian 
policy  of  the  former,  and  the  securing  in  return  of  cov- 
eted territory  on  the  French  border. 

At  the  beginning  of  1859  Napoleon  declared  his  policy 
regarding  Austria  and  Italy,  and  shortly  thereafter  war 
was  raging  between  Austria  and  Sardinia  supported  by 
France.  Austria  was  speedily  driven  from  Bologna, 
Ancona,  Romagna,  the  Legations,  Parma,  and  Modena, 
which  were  appropriated  by  Sardinia  ;  Tuscany,  Naples, 
and  Sicily  were  afterward  similarly  dealt  with,  and  by 
the  treaty  of  Zurich  Lombardy  became  a  part  of  the  new 
Italian  kingdom. 

Victor  Emmanuel  was  not  satisfied  with  even  this 
measure  of  achievement.  He  next  proceeded,  with  the 
consent  of  Napoleon,  to  appropriate  Umbria  and  the 
Marches,  which  had  belonged  to  the  papal  States.  The 
pope  had  only  a  fifth  of  his  territory  left,  embracing 
Rome  and  its  environs,  with  a  total  population  of  seven 
hundred  thousand,  and  with  a  debt  of  eleven  million 
dollars  incurred  in  defense  of  his  possessions.  Of  the 
debt  he  was  promptly  relieved  by  the  generosity  of  Ro- 
man Catholics  throughout  the  world,  largely  through 
Peter's  Pence. 

Even  yet  the  revolutionists  were  not  satisfied,  but 
they  insisted  on  making  Rome  the  capital  of  Italy  and 
secularizing  the  rest  of  the  papal  territory.  "Rome  or 
death  "  was  their  watchword,  it  was  only  the  influence 
of  Napoleon  that  prevented  Victor  Emmanuel  from  at 
once  completing  his  work  of  unification.  In  1864  a 
treaty  was  signed  by  Louis  Napoleon  and  Victor  Em- 
manuel in  accordance  with  which  Florence  should  be  the 
capital  of  Italy,  the  integrity  of  the  remaining  States  of 
the  Church  was  guaranteed,  and  the  French  army,  with 
the  exception  of  certain  frontier  garrisons,  was  to  be 
withdrawn  from  the  States  of  the  Church  within  two 
years. 

It  was  not  until  the  outbreak  of  the  Franco-Prussian 


460  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

war  (1870)  that  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  troops  left 
Victor  Emmanuel  free  to  complete  his  task  of  unification 
and  to  transfer  his  capital  to  the  Eternal  City.  Cavour's 
maxim  :  "  A  free  Church  in  a  free  State  "  was  not  fully 
put  into  practice  ;  for  the  administration  of  ecclesiastical 
matters  throughout  united  Italy  was  assumed  by  the 
State,  which  provided  also  the  ecclesiastical  revenues  by 
public  taxation.  The  popes  have  regarded  themselves, 
since  the  secularization  of  the  States  of  the  Church,  as 
prisoners  in  the  Vatican,  and  they  cease  not  to  call  the 
attention  of  the  faithful  throughout  Christendom  to  the 
enormity  of  the  outrage  that  has  been  perpetrated  on 
the  Holy  See. 

The  ecclesiastical  proceedings  of  the  pontificate  of  Pius  IX.,  in- 
cluding the  dogma  of  the  immaculate  conception,  the  celebration  of 
the  nineteenth  centennial  anniversary  of  the  martyrdom  of  Peter,  the 
Encyclical  and  Syllabus,  and  the  Vatican  Council,  may  be  more  ad- 
vantageously treated  in  another  section. 

By  fostering  to  the  utmost  superstitious  regard  for  relics, 
shrines,  etc.  (appearance  of  the  mother  of  God  at  Lourdes 
in  1858  and  miraculous  cures  ascribed  to  her)  ;  by  vir- 
tually deifying  the  mother  of  our  Lord  and  in  every  way 
promoting  her  cult  (1854) ;  by  condemning  Protestantism 
as  involving  and  naturally  giving  birth  to  socialism,  ra- 
tionalism, pantheism,  atheism,  anarchism,  and  every 
perverse  mode  of  thought  and  life  ;  by  repudiating  modern 
civilization  as  contradictory  of  the  spirit  of  the  gospel 
(Encyclical  and  Syllabus,  1864)  ;  by  asserting  the  right 
of  the  church  to  suppress  by  force  all  erroneous  teach- 
ing and  practice  and  to  command  civil  rulers  to  execute  its 
behests  (ibid.)  ;  by  asserting  the  right  of  the  church  to 
annul  the  allegiance  of  disobedient  rulers,  and  the  duty 
of  all  true  believers  to  prefer  the  interests  of  the  church 
to  those  of  the  State  and  to  obey  the  head  of  the  church 
rather  than  the  civil  magistrate  (ibid.)  ;  by  riding  rough- 
shod over  the  consciences  of  liberal  Roman  Catholics  in 
France,  Belgium,  Germany,  etc.,  in  pursuance  of  Jesuit 
policy  ;  by  assuming  for  the  papacy  the  right  to  define 
ecclesiastical  dogma  and  to  require  its  universal  accept- 
ance without  the  concurrence  of  a  general  council  (as  in 
the  promulgation  of  the  dogma  of  the  immaculate  con- 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN   CATHOLIC  CHURCH  461 

ception,  1854)  ;  by  forcing  the  dogma  of  papal  infallibil- 
ity through  a  general  council  (the  Vatican,  1869-1870), 
without  giving  an  opportunity  to  the  opposing  minority 
freely  to  discuss  the  question,  Pius  IX.  provoked  a  wide- 
spread spirit  of  revolt  among  the  more  intelligent  and 
conscientious  members  of  his  own  communion,  and  led 
some  civil  rulers,  notably  the  emperor  of  Germany,  in 
whose  domains  the  conflict  between  papal  and  civil ' 
authority  had  long  been  raging,  to  adopt  drastic  meas- 
ures for  the  protection  of  themselves  against  the  exer- 
cise of  irresponsible  authority  on  the  part  of  the  pope 
(May  Laws,  etc.). 

The  movement  for  Italian  unity,  nationality,  and  in- 
dependence of  papal  and  Austrian  foreign  powers,  had 
gone  on  gaining  momentum  under  the  wise  leadership  of 
Victor  Emmanuel  with  the  military  support  of  Garibaldi 
and  the  friendly  though  interested  co-operation  of  Louis 
Napoleon,  until  all  Italy  had  been  brought  under  a  single 
government  with  the  exception  of  the  city  of  Rome, 
whose  retention  by  the  pope  had  been  guaranteed  by 
Louis  Napoleon,  who  kept  an  army  in  Italy  for  the  main- 
tenance of  this  arrangement.  The  Franco-Prussian  war 
(1870)  that  broke  out  almost  immediately  after  the  dogma 
of  papal  infallibility  had  been  proclaimed,  led  to  the  im- 
mediate withdrawal  of  the  French  army  from  Italy.  This 
was  promptly  followed  by  the  occupation  of  Rome  by 
Victor  Emmanuel  and  the  transference  thither  of  the 
capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Italy.  Thus  Pius  IX.,  one  of  the 
most  arrogant  of  popes,  who  had  recently  proclaimed 
himself  infallible  and  had  lost  no  opportunity  for  assert- 
ing his  lordship  over  civil  rulers,  had  the  humiliation  of 
seeing  not  only  the  patrimony  of  Peter  that  for  over  a 
thousand  years  his  predecessors  had  made  the  greatest 
sacrifices  to  hold  intact  and  to  increase,  snatched  from 
his  grasp  (1866),  but  Rome  itself  appropriated  by  his 
enemy  and  himself,  stripped  of  temporal  power,  a  pris- 
oner, so  called,  in  the  Vatican,  which  as  a  matter  of 
favor  he  was  allowed  to  occupy. 

This  seeming  reverse,  however,  proved  a  blessing  in 
di.sguise  to  Roman  Catholicism;  for  it  aroused  to  so  great 
an  extent  the  sympathy  of  Catholic  Christendom  as 
enormously  to  increase  the  papal   revenues,  freed  the 


462  A   .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

Roman  Curia  from  the  difficult,  unprofitable,  and  often 
scandalous  work  of  secular  administration,  and  enabled 
it  to  devote  itself  more  assiduously  to  tiie  larger  and 
more  profitable  fields  of  ecclesiastical  enterprise  through- 
out the  world  ;  while  it  enabled  the  papacy  to  make 
more  plausible  its  claim  of  being  a  universal  spiritual 
force  and  did  much  to  allay  the  fears  that  had  been 
awakened  by  the  intolerant  utterances  and  boundless 
claims  of  authority  that  had  been  set  forth  by  the  pope 
during  recent  years.  While  no  doubt  sincerely  lament- 
ing the  loss  of  temporal  power,  Pius  IX.  was  not  slow 
to  avail  himself  of  the  advantages  of  the  new  situation. 
While  he  anathematized  Victor  Emmanuel  in  every 
member  of  his  body  and  in  every  bodily  and  mental 
function,  and  posed  as  a  martyr  before  his  sympathetic 
followers,  he  rejoiced  greatly  in  his  swelling  coffers  and 
pressed  the  work  of  world-conquest  with  ever-increasing 
vigor.  Never  before  had  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
been  so  well  organized,  so  conscious  of  its  mission  of 
universal  conquest,  so  wise  to  avail  itself  of  everything 
that  would  tend  to  further  its  ends. 

During  this  pontificate  new  monastic  orders  were 
founded  and  old  ones  took  on  new  life  and  greatly  in- 
creased in  membership  and  activity.  Tertiaries  (lay 
friends  and  supporters  of  the  various  orders)  were  en- 
couraged and  utilized,  Pius  unions  (1848  onward),  the 
aim  of  which  was  to  foster  among  the  people  zeal  for 
Ultramontane  Catholicism  and  hatred  of  Protestantism, 
secret  societies,  Bible  societies,  and  everything  con- 
demned by  Pius  IX.,  spread  over  Roman  Catholic  Chris- 
tendom and  proved  a  mighty  agency  for  propagating  Ul- 
tramontane views.  Other  types  of  Catholic  opinion 
were  fostered  by  St.  Francis  Xavier  unions  (foreign  mis- 
sions), Borromaeus  unions  (circulation  of  Catholic  litera- 
ture), etc. 

(21)  Leo  Kill.  Pius  IX.  had  come  to  be  looked  upon 
by  the  faithful  Catholics  of  his  time  as  almost  super- 
human in  his  sanctity  and  spiritual  power  and  a  wide- 
spread confidence  prevailed,  fostered  by  a  portion  of  the 
Catholic  press,  that  the  aged  pontiff  would  not  die  until 
he  should  see  himself  victorious  over  his  enemies.  The 
fiftieth  anniversary  of  his  ordination  as  bishop  (1877) 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  463 

was  celebrated  throughout  the  Catholic  world  with  great 
fervor  and  in  such  a  way  as  to  minister  powerfully  to 
his  popular  influence  and  to  his  financial  resources.  He 
died  before  the  German  government  had  shown  any 
signs  of  yielding  in  the  contest  for  church  autonomy 
that  had  raged  since  1870,  but  with  the  full  assurance 
that  his  German  bishops  and  clergy  would  suffer  any- 
thing rather  than  yield  to  demands  that  he  regarded 
as  tyrannical  and  as  subversive  of  religious  freedom. 
Yet  he  had  really  won  the  victory  that  his  successor 
was  to  enjoy. 

Never  had  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  been  more 
active  in  the  acquisition  of  valuable  property,  in  the 
erection  of  costly  buildings,  in  the  founding  of  schools, 
colleges,  hospitals,  etc.,  or  more  successful  in  drawing 
upon  public  treasuries  and  non-Catholic  private  purses 
for  the  support  of  its  educational  and  philanthropical 
work  than  during  the  later  years  of  Pius  IX.  In  England 
and  America  as  well  as  in  Germany,  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  went  forward  with  leaps  and  bounds  during  this 
long  reign. 

The  Roman  Conclave  required  only  two  days  to  elect 
and  proclaim  Joachim  Pecci  the  successor  of  Pius  IX.  In 
honor  of  Leo  XII.,  who  had  introduced  him  into  clerical 
life,  he  adopted  his  name.  Because  of  his  earnest  and 
successful  efforts  to  make  peace  with  the  powers  that 
were  in  conflict  with  the  papacy  he  has  been  designated 
the  "peace-pope";  but  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose 
that  his  desire  for  peace  has  been  such  as  would  lead 
him  to  compromise  the  papal  principles  that  he  inherited 
from  his  immediate  predecessors,  or  that  he  has  ever 
been  content  with  the  worse  end  of  a  bargain.  His  policy 
has  been  the  well-known  Jesuitical  policy  that  has  been 
in  force  since  the  French  Revolution,  and  involves  un- 
compromising hostility  to  modern  civilization  and  modern 
thought,  the  utter  denial  to  Protestantism  of  the  right  to 
be  considered  a  valid  form  of  Christianity,  and  the  great- 
est freedom  in  the  use  of  means  for  the  attainment  of 
advantages  for  the  church.  The  means  employed  by 
Pius  IX.,  have  been  continued  in  use,  employed  on  a 
larger  scale,  improved  upon  by  experience,  and  applied 
with  greater  skill.     If  his  administration  provokes  less 


464  A   .MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

antagonism  than  did  tliat  of  his  predecessor,  it  is  partly 
because  lie  had  the  work  of  Pius  IX.  behind  him,  and 
had  no  occasion  to  shock  Christendom  by  the  proclama- 
tion of  fresh  dogmas,  and  partly  because  of  the  superior 
astuteness  and  finesse  of  his  diplomatists. 

It  is  certain  that  no  government  in  the  world  is  equipped 
to-day  with  diplomatists  who  understand  better  what 
they  wish  to  accomplish,  who  are  more  conversant  with 
all  the  phases  of  the  matters  with  which  they  have  to  deal, 
and  who  can  present  their  views  more  effectively  and 
with  less  risk  of  giving  offense,  than  the  Roman  Curia. 

Papal  infallibility,  which  it  seemed  necessary  to  Pius 
IX.  and  his  Jesuit  advisers  to  proclaim,  but  the  proclama- 
tion of  which  involved,  as  they  fully  realized,  grave  dif- 
ficulties, had  now  been  accepted  by  all  but  an  insignifi- 
cant fraction  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  was 
already  admirably  serving  its  purpose  of  increasing  the 
boldness  and  aggressiveness  of  the  adherents  of  the 
papacy.  Some  civil  governments  had  protested  against 
the  dogma,  but  Pius  had  held  his  ground  and  his  adher- 
ents under  hostile  governments  had  shown  a  spirit  of 
uncompromising  resistance  ;  and  the  unfriendly  nations 
were  already  reaching  the  conviction  that  self-interest 
dictated  a  policy  of  conciliation  with  this  great  world- 
power  that  had  such  a  dominion  over  the  hearts  and 
consciences  of  its  subjects  rather  than  a  policy  of  exter- 
mination which  might  end  in  disaster  and  would  cer- 
tainly turmoil  their  countries  for  an  indefinite  period. 

Leo  found  the  world  ready  for  conciliation  and  he 
adapted  his  diplomacy  to  the  changed  situation.  His 
conflicts  with  civil  governments  have  been  few  and 
unimportant.  The  concessions  he  has  gained  have  been 
many  and  valuable. 

No  sooner  was  he  installed  in  the  papal  office  than  he 
expressed  to  the  governments  that  had  been  at  war  with 
his  predecessor  a  desire  for  the  restoration  of  friendly 
relations.  In  less  than  two  years  (October,  1879)  Bis- 
marck, on  behalf  of  the  German  Empire,  intimated  his 
willingness  to  negotiate  for  a  settlement,  and  a  few 
months  later  (May,  1880)  he  began  to  make  important 
concessions,  in  a  short  while  Bismarck  had  abandoned 
nearly  everything  that  he  had  contended  for  and    had 


CHAP.  II.]         THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  465 

"  gone  to  Canossa."  The  German  Catholics,  under  the 
direction  of  the  Roman  Curia,  had  organized  themselves 
as  a  political  faction  and  could  give  a  solid  vote  for  or 
against  government  measures.  This  faction  came  to  be 
known  as  the  Center.  The  social  democracy  (the 
Left)  was  increasing  in  power  and,  with  the  help  of  the 
Center,  could  greatly  embarrass  the  government.  Bis- 
marck felt  it  necessary  to  make  concessions  to  the 
Catholics  in  order  to  gain  the  support  of  the  Center. 

Pius  IX.  had  refused  to  allow  the  Italian  clergy  to 
recognize  the  government  of  Victor  Emmanuel  by  taking 
part  in  political  life.  Leo  encouraged  them  (1880)  to 
participate  in  politics  as  a  means  of  advancing  the  inter- 
ests of  the  church  ;  but  he  was  and  has  remained  far 
from  acquiescing  in  the  robbing  of  the  church  of  the 
patrimony  of  Peter. 

Leo's  attitude  toward  non-Catholic  forms  of  Christi- 
anity was  no  more  conciliatory  that  of  Pius  IX.  His 
sentiments,  expressed  some  years  before  his  elevation 
to  the  papacy,  remained  unchanged  :  Protestantism  is 
"a  pest,  the  most  pestilential  heresy,  a  perverse,  oppor- 
tunist system  arising  from  pride  and  godlessness."  In 
his  second  Encyclical  he  declared  Protestantism  to  be 
the  mother  of  that  "death-bringing  pest,"  socialism. 
Referring  to  the  evangelical  schools  that  had  been 
established  in  Rome,  he  spoke  of  the  shamelessness 
with  which,  under  the  very  eyes  of  the  pope,  schools 
were  erected  in  which  "tender  children  have  horrible 
errors  thrust  down  their  throats,"  and  from  which  the 
most  immoral  and  injurious  influences  proceed.  He 
adopted  as  his  own  (in  his  first  Encyclical)  the  denunci- 
ations of  evangelical  Christianity  and  of  modern  modes 
of  thought  contained  in  the  Encyclical  and  Syllabus  of 
Pius  IX.  and  fully  sympathized  with  the  Mariolatry 
fostered  by  his  predecessor.  He  spoke  of  Mary  as  "the 
immaculate  queen  of  heaven  "  and  of  Joseph  as  "the 
heavenly  patron  of  the  church." 

Equally  significant  of  his  agreement  with  Pius  in  his 
hostility  to  Protestantism  and  to  modern  science,  phi- 
losophy, and  institutions,  was  his  third  Encyclical  (1879), 
in  which  he  recommended  the  study  of  Thomas  Aquinas 
as  the  foundation  of  all  studies  in  schools  and  seminaries 


466  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

and  as  the  supreme  authority  in  matters  of  science, 
philosophy,  and  theology.  The  result  was  that  the 
works  of  the  great  mediaeval  divine  have  become  a 
text-book  in  the  schools  of  the  Jesuits  and  in  Roman 
Catholic  schools  in  general. 

As  the  excesses  of  the  French  Revolution,  while  they 
brought  immediate  calamity  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  wrought  mightily  for  its  rehabilitation  and  the 
increase  of  its  influence,  and  furnished  an  occasion  for 
the  restoration  of  the  Jesuits  to  their  place  as  the  power 
behind  the  papal  throne  ;  as  the  revolutionary  proceed- 
ings of  1830  and  1848  had  enabled  the  papacy  to  gain 
further  favor  as  the  enemy  of  revolution  and  the  cham- 
pion of  law  and  order ;  so  the  rapid  growth  of  socialism, 
anarchism,  communism,  nihilism,  and  the  excesses  that 
have  been  committed  by  these  enemies  of  current  forms 
of  government  have  ministered  to  the  advancement  of 
papal  interests  during  the  past  twenty-five  years. 

Roman  Catholicism  has  greatly  profited  also  in  recent 
times  by  the  wide  diffusion  of  rationalistic  modes  of 
thought  in  Germany,  France,  the  Netherlands,  the 
United  States,  etc. 

Having  a  thoroughly  wrought-out  and  self-consistent 
policy  ;  claiming  to  have  apostolic  succession,  to  be  the 
sole  depository  of  the  truth,  the  authoritative  interpreter 
of  Scripture,  and  the  one  stable  and  unerring  guide  of 
consciences  ;  pointing  to  the  utter  uncertainty  and  con- 
fusion that  have  resulted  from  the  exercise  of  the  right 
of  private  judgment  in  the  non-Catholic  world,  the 
multiplicity  of  contending  sects,  the  conflicts  of  opinion 
in  individual  sects,  the  disputes  about  the  authority  and 
the  interpretation  of  the  Scriptures  ;  and  confidently 
attributing  popular  infidelity,  philosophical  error,  and  all 
perverse  social  theories  and  practices  to  the  rejection  of 
the  authority  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  Roman 
Catholics  invite  all  who  are  weary  of  endless  strife, 
confusion,  and  uncertainty  to  come  to  mother  church 
and  find  the  rest  that  their  souls  long  for. 

Being  utterly  unscrupulous  in  their  statements  and 
interpretations  of  history,  they  seek  to  make  it  appear 
that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  ever  been  the 
promoter  of  true  civil  and  religious  liberty,  of  which  its 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  467 

opponents  have  been  the  enemies,  claiming  for  the 
hierarchical  church  all  the  beneficent  features  of  history, 
and  ascribing  to  the  enemies  of  the  church  all  the  evils. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  many  earnest  souls  have  been 
ensnared  by  the  subtleties  of  such  Roman  Catholic 
sophistry. 

The  Roman  Curia  is  to-day  on  friendly  terms  with 
nearly  all  the  governments  of  the  world,  and  througli 
skillful  diplomacy  is  exerting  a  tremendous  political 
influence  and  is  constantly  strengthening  its  hold.  Not 
only  has  Germany  gradually  withdrawn  all  the  measures 
adopted  (1870  onward)  for  protection  against  Roman 
Catholic  encroachment,  but  very  recently  (June,  1902) 
the  German  emperor  has  made  a  great  parade  of  a  com- 
pliment bestowed  by  Leo  Xlll.  on  the  law-abiding  quality 
of  the  German  people  under  the  present  administration. 
The  United  States  government,  while  founded  on  the 
principle  of  absolute  separation  of  Church  and  State, 
recognizes  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  negotiates  with 
its  diplomatists  with  respect  to  the  ecclesiastical  affairs 
of  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  and  has  recently  sent 
a  high  official  to  confer  with  the  pope  himself  with 
respect  to  the  property  of  the  friars  in  its  new  posses- 
sions. 

M.  CONTROVERSIES    AND  MOVEMENTS    INSIDE  THE  ROMAN 
CATHOLIC  CHURCH. 

1 .  7he  Jansenist  Controversy. 

LITERATURE:  Jansen,  '''' /itigustimis  sen  TDocirina  Si.  Augustini  de 
Hiimance  Naturce  Sanitate,  /Egritudine,  Mediciiia  adv.  Pelagianos  et  Mas- 
silienses,''''  1640;  works  of  St.  Cyran,  Arnauid,  Pascal,  Quesnel, 
and  other  Jansenists  ;  Sainte-Beuve,  "Port  Royal,"  1840-1860; 
Reuchlin,  '' Gesch.  von  Port  Royal,''''  1839-1844;  Bouvier,  ''Etude 
Critique  stir  le  Jansenisme,"  1864;  Leydecker,  Historia  Jansenismi,'' 
1695  ;  Vandenpeerenboom,  "  Comeliusjansenitis,'^  1882  ;  Beard,  "  Port 
Royal,"  i860,  1861  ;  Schimmelpennick,  "  Select  Memoirs  of  Port 
Royal,"  183^  ;  Tregelles,  "  The  Jansenists,"  185 1  ;  Neale,  "  History 
of  the  So-called  Jansenist  Church  in  Holland,"  1858;  Fuzet,  " /.« 
Jansenistes  du  XVIl"  Steele,^'  1877  ;  "  Princeton  Review,"  1856,  on 
Jansen  and  Quesnel ;  Stephen,  "  Essays  in  Ecclesiastical  Biogra- 
phy," art.  "The  Port  Royalists";  Hunt,  "Contemporary  Es- 
says," art.  "The  Jansenists  "  and  "  The  Old  Catholic  Church  of 
Utrecht";  art.  "The  Later  Jansenists"  in  "Quarterly  Review," 
July,  1891  ;  W.  R.  Williams,  "Miscellanies";  art.  on  Jansen, 
Jansenism,  Port  Royal,  Duvergier,  Arnauid,  Pascal,  Quesnel,  and 


468  A   AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PHR.  vi. 

other  Jansenist  leaders,  in  Haiick-Herzog,  Wetzer  und  Welte, 
Lichtenberger,  and  McClintock  and  Strong  ;  on  the  Jansenist  bish- 
oprics of  Holland,  see  art.  in  Hauck-Herzog,  ed.  3,  Bd.  VIII.,  Sett. 
5C)9h6o6,  by  Gerth  von  Wijk. 

(i)  l^ise  of  the  Controversy.  It  has  been  remarked  in 
an  earlier  chapter  that  while  Augustine  was  canonized 
and  continued  to  be  held  in  high  honor,  his  teachings  at 
an  early  date  lost  their  hold  upon  ecclesiastical  thought. 
They  made  a  profound  impression  on  the  minds  of  Do- 
minican thinkers  like  Thomas  Aquinas  in  the  Middle 
Ages  ;  but  they  were  so  completely  stripped  of  their 
evangelical  significance  and  their  power  in  the  alembic 
of  scholasticism  that  they  were  scarcely  recognizable. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  writings  of  Augustine  were 
studied  with  diligence  and  good  effect  by  members  of  the 
Augustinian  Order,  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life,  and 
evangelical  mystics,  for  some  time  before  the  Protestant 
Revolution,  and  that  Luther  and  Calvin  alike  were 
deeply  indebted  to  the  great  bishop  of  Hippo  for  their 
doctrinal  systems.  The  Dominicans  of  the  Reformation 
time  were  still  stanch  defenders  of  Augustinianism  and 
abhorred  Pelagianism.  The  doctrinal  canons  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  while  they  sharply  combat  the  Augus- 
tinianism of  Luther  and  Calvin,  are  very  careful  to  avoid 
Pelagian  or  even  semi-Pelagian  forms  of  expression,  and 
might  with  propriety  be  designated  as  semi-Augustinian. 
The  Jesuits  joined  hands  with  the  Franciscans  (Scotists) 
at  the  council  and  afterward  in  seeking  to  minimize  the 
Augustinian  element  in  the  canons  and  in  interpreting 
the  canons  in  a  semi-Pelagian  sense.  Bajus,  professor 
at  Louvain,  taught  what  has  b-een  designated  a  "  Paul- 
ine-Augustinian  theology "  in  opposition  to  the  tlien 
widely  prevalent  semi-Pelagianism  of  the  Franciscans 
and  Jesuits,  who,  in  turn,  secured  the  condemnation  of 
seventy-six  articles  drawn  from  his  writings  (1567  and 
1579).  hi  1588  the  Jesuit  Molina,  under  the  pretext  of 
making  an  effort  to  harmonize  Augustinianism  and 
Pelagianism,  set  forth  views  that  were  far  more  than 
half  Pelagian  and  were  hardly  distinguishable  from 
Pelagianism  pure  and  simple.  This  type  of  semi- 
Pelagianism  spread  rapidly  among  the  Jesuits  and  out- 
side their  ranks,  but  was  bitterly  assailed  by  the  Do- 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  469 

minicans.  To  allay  the  controversy,  Clement  VIII. 
summoned  a  body  of  theologians  (1597)  to  determhie 
accurately  the  relation  of  grace  to  conversion  ;  ten 
years  later  the  "congregation"  was  dismissed  by  his 
successor  without  having  reached  a  decision  and  the 
matter  was  deferred  to  "a.  more  opportune  time." 

Cornelius  Jansen,  born  in  North  Holland  (1585),  was 
;  educated  at  the  University  of  Louvain,  where  the  Au- 
gustinianism  of  Bajus  was  still  remembered,  and  in  com- 
mon with  his  brilliant  fellow-student,  Duvergier  (St. 
Cyran),  conceived  an  intense  hatred  for  Aristotle  and 
the  scholastic  theology  and  an  enthusiastic  admiration 
for  Plato  and  Augustine.  He  is  said  to  have  read  the 
anti-Pelagian  writings  of  Augustine  thirty  times  and  the 
rest  of  his  works  ten  times,  and  he  reached  the  convic- 
tion that,  while  the  great  theologian  made  some  mistakes 
during  his  earlier  career  as  a  theologian,  after  he  became 
bishop  he  was  kept  by  special  divine  grace  from  error 
and  was  "inspired  by  God's  Spirit  for  this  work  of  ex- 
pounding the  doctrines  of  grace,  whereunto  he  was  pre- 
destined by  God's  grace."  He  would  not  have  esteemed 
it  a  hardship  to  be  left  alone  on  an  island  with  Augus- 
tine's works  and  the  Bible  as  his  sole  literary  diet.  In 
the  Arminian  controversy,  which  attracted  attention  at 
the  time  even  in  Catholic  circles,  he  approved  of  the 
teachings  of  the  Gomarists  (hyper-Calvinists),  while  he 
regarded  the  Arminians  as  standing  on  the  same  doc- 
trinal platform  with  the  Jesuits.  Though  he  had  in- 
curred the  hostility  of  the  Jesuits  he  was  appointed 
professor  of  biblical  literature  in  the  University  of  Lou- 
vain (1630)  and  in  reward  for  his  sharp  polemics  against 
Louis  XIII.  of  France  and  his  minister,  the  Cardinal 
Richelieu,  who  were  at  that  time  joining  forces  with  the 
Protestants  of  Germany  and  the  Netherlands  against 
Spain  and  Austria,  he  was  appointed  bishop  of  Ypres 
(1636).  Two  years  later  he  died  (1638)  leaving  ready 
for  publication  his  "/lugustvius,"  in  which  he  had  very 
carefully  arranged  the  teachings  of  Augustine  bearing 
on  the  original,  fallen,  and  regenerated  states  of  man, 
with  special  reference  to  the  Pelagian  teachings  of  the 
Molinists.  It  included  a  historical  account  of  the  devel- 
opment  of    semi-Pelagianism   in    the    Roman    Catholic 


470  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Church,  Tlie  work  was  published  by  his  friends  two 
years  later  (1640),  After  the  historical  introduction,  the 
author  proceeds  to  discuss  the  foundations  and  the 
sources  of  authority  in  theological  matters.  He  care- 
fully points  out  the  limitations  of  human  reason,  repudi- 
ates human  philosophy  as  a  source  of  error  and  con- 
fusion, lays  much  stress  on  tradition  which  he  supposes 
Augustine  to  have  gathered  up  in  its  most  authentic 
form,  and  gives  little  place  to  Scripture  authority,  except 
so  far  as  it  is  included  in  tradition  (tlie  Scriptures  being 
themselves  truths  and  facts  handed  down  by  tradition). 
In  this  and  in  other  respects  Jansen  showed  himself  rad- 
ically opposed  to  Protestantism  and  to  old-evangelicalism 
alike. 

His  anthropological  teachings  (Vol.  11.)  are  Augustinian 
(Calvinistic).  He  insists  that  man  and  angels  were 
created  free  from  any  germ  of  evil,  but  with  positive 
holiness,  freedom  of  will,  and  divine  grace,  this  last 
being  inherent  in  his  nature  and  not  superadded.  Every 
good  deed  of  Adam,  as  well  as  his  fall,  was  absolutely 
free.  He  is  most  careful  to  fix  the  responsibility  of  the 
fall  on  man  himself,  and  to  exclude  the  possibility  that  it 
grew  out  of  defective  equipment.  Hereditary  sin  is  not 
a  mere  imputation  of  guilt,  but  is  a  self-propagating  evil 
un-nature,  the  flesh  contaminated  by  concupiscence  con- 
taminating also  the  soul  ;  and  so  our  inmost  will  and  our 
hearts'  own  desires  are  in  captivity  to  sin.  "  Manicha?- 
ism  and  Pelagianism  place  concupiscence  before  sin,  Au- 
gustine, after  sin."  In  his  fallen  state,  man  has  freedom 
to  withhold  himself  from  individual  evil  acts,  but  not 
from  sinning.  Yet  he  insisted  that  inasmuch  as  man  in 
sinning  gives  his  will  up  to  evil  he  is  responsible  and 
guilty.  "  For  acquiring  merit  and  demerit  in  the  state 
of  fallen  nature  there  is  not  requisite  freedom  from  all 
necessity,  but  freedom  from  all  constraint,  /'.  i\,  from 
violence  and  natural  necessity,  suffices." 

In  Vol.  III.  he  treats  of  the  grace  of  Christ,  which  he 
exalts  as  highly  as  any  evangelical  could  wish.  Hvery 
good  impulse  is  divine  grace.  Grace  is  not  mere  revela- 
tion, it  is  "  medicinal  aid."  Divine  grace  is  "actual," 
irresistibly  conquering,  and  reaching  its  end.  In  the 
Christian  life  the  indi\idual  acts  and  the  entire  course  of 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  471 

life  are  matters  of  divine  grace.  Yet  man  is  not  a  dead 
instrument,  but  God's  grace  works  through  his  will. 

The  Jesuits  tried  to  prevent  the  publication  of  the 
"  Augustinus  "  and  induced  the  pope  to  censure  it  (in 
the  Bull  In  eminenti,  1642).  But  the  pope  deprecated 
controversy,  and  the  universities,  bishops,  and  provincial 
authorities  were  able  for  some  years  to  prevent  the  pub- 
lication of  the  Bull  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands.  The 
Jesuits  were  feared  and  hated  in  the  Netherlands  and 
every  effort  was  being  made  at  this  time  to  prevent 
them  from  gaining  the  ascendency.  The  condemnation 
of  the  "  Augiistinus"  meant  a  Jesuit  triumph;  hence 
the  great  interest  that  was  manifested  in  the  fate  of  this 
work. 

St.  Cyran  died  (October,  1643,)  and  Dr.  Anton  Ar- 
nauld,  who  had  been  won  to  the  support  of  Augustinian- 
ism  by  St.  Cyran  and  had  just  become  a  member  of  the 
Sorbonne  (he  was  the  twentieth  child  of  the  famous 
jurist  of  the  same  name,  who  had  been  a  member 
of  the  parliament  of  Paris,  and  was  born  in  1612), 
was  now  the  most  influential  leader  of  the  party.  He 
published  in  1643  a  treatise  on  "Frequent  Communion," 
which  was  permeated  with  Jansenistic  Augustinianism 
and  was  aimed  against  the  laxity  of  the  Jesuits  in  ad- 
mitting the  grossest  sinners  without  proper  penance 
to  communion  on  the  supposition  that  participation  was  a 
means  of  grace  even  for  such.  This  work,  written  in 
the  most  devout  spirit  by  a  man  of  remarkable  ability, 
produced  a  profound  impression  on  the  religious  life  of 
France  and  the  Netherlands  and  greatly  increased  the 
sentiment  against  the  Jesuits. 

(2)  Port  'l^oval.  One  of  the  most  famous  nunneries  in 
France  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  was 
that  of  Port  Royal.  It  was  founded  in  1204,  belonged 
to  the  Cistercian  Order,  and  had  received  from  the  pope 
many  privileges  and  immunities,  among  them  that  of 
celebrating  the  Supper  in  times  of  interdict  and  that  of 
furnishing  a  place  of  retirement  for  those  who  wished  to 
withdraw  from  the  world  for  religious  exercises  without 
assuming  monastic  vows.  In  1692  Jacqueline  (as  Mere 
Angelique),  daughter  of  the  famous  jurist  Anton  Ar- 
nauld  and  sister  of  the  great  Jansenist  leader  of  the  same 


472  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

name,  when  only  eleven  years  old,  became  abbess,  Si.\ 
years  later  (1608)  she  had  a  deep  religious  experience, 
and  from  this  time  onward  carried  on  the  work  of  the  in- 
stitution with  such  enthusiasm  as  to  attract  a  large  num- 
ber of  devout  and  highly  educated  men  and  women, 
among  them  several  of  her  own  brothers  and  sisters. 
The  work  of  the  institution  was  at  this  time  transferred 
from  the  country  to  Paris.  St.  Francis  de  Sales,  a  de- 
vout ascetic  and  mystic,  had  been  the  spiritual  adviser 
of  the  M^re  Angelique.  He  was  succeeded  (1623)  by 
Bishop  Zamet  of  Langres.  A  devotional  (ascetical) 
book  by  Agnes  Arnauld  (1633)  was  condemned  by  the 
Sorbonne  and  defended  by  Zamet  and  St.  Cyran.  Like- 
mindedness  in  this  matter  led  Zamet  to  introduce  St. 
Cyran  to  Port  Royal  and  his  burning  zeal  and  his  won- 
derful spiritual  power  so  increased  the  number  of  nuns 
that  the  work  had  to  be  transferred  again  to  the  country 
(Port  Royal  des  Champs).  Attracted  by  St.  Cyran  and 
by  the  enthusiastic  mystical  piety  of  the  nunnery,  a 
number  of  devout  and  highly  educated  men,  most  of 
them  belonging  to  the  nobility  and  gentry,  established 
themselves  as  recluses,  first  in  the  court-yard  of  the  Paris 
institution  and  afterward  in  the  partially  demolished 
buildings  in  the  country  seat  of  the  nunnery.  Without 
taking  vows,  they  lived  lives  of  devout  ascetics,  occupy- 
ing themselves  with  religious  exercises,  study,  writing, 
and  the  instruction  of  youth.  The  first  of  the  Port  Royal 
brethren  were  Le  Maitre  and  De  Sericourt,  sons  of  a  sis- 
ter of  Mere  Angelique,  who  herself  became  a  member  of 
the  nunnery  on  the  death  of  her  husband  (1644).  These 
with  d'Andilly  and  De  Sa^i,  their  brothers,  were  among 
the  bright  and  sliining  liglits  of  the  community.  Among 
other  distinguished  members  were  Palla,  the  physician, 
Lancelot,  Fontaine,  and  the  Due  de  Luynes.  At  a  later 
date  Antoine  Arnauld  and  Blaise  Pascal  added  the  lustre 
of  their  great  names  to  this  brilliant  community.  Among 
the  later  celebrities  of  the  community  may  be  mentioned 
Nicole,  the  apologist,  Tillemont,  the  historian,  Quesnel, 
the  expositor,  and  Racine,  the  poet. 

(3)  Papal  Condemnation  of  tJie  Five  Alleged  Propositions 
from  the  "Augustinns."  As  early  as  1642  one  Habert  had 
in  Notre  Dame,  Paris,  denounced  the  followers  of  Jan- 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  473 

sen  as  vipers  "that  mangle  their  mother's  bosom."  Ar- 
nauld  published  "  An  Apology  for  Jansen  "  (1644),  which 
was  answered  by  Habert,  and  a  rejoinder  to  Habert's  re- 
iterated charges.  The  king,  supported  by  the  Archbishop 
of  Paris  and  the  papal  nuncio,  had  required  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris  to  accept  and  publish  the  papal  censure  of 
1642.  This  the  Sorbonne  peremptorily  refused  to  do 
(January,  1644).  By  1649  Jesuit  influence  had  so  far 
prevailed  in  the  university  that  Nicholas  Cornet,  syndic 
of  the  theological  faculty,  brought  forward  seven  proposi- 
tions on  grace,  embodying  in  a  somewhat  distorted  form 
the  views  of  Jansen  without  mentioning  his  name.  He 
professed  not  to  know  whether  the  propositions  were 
orthodox  or  heterodox  and  arranged  for  their  reference 
to  a  commission.  Against  this  proceeding  sixty  Augus- 
tinian  doctors  protested  in  vain.  The  commission  which 
was  about  to  condemn  the  propositions  and  refer  the 
matter  to  the  pope  was  broken  up  by  a  dispute  between 
two  high  officials  for  precedence,  and  the  Jansenist  part 
sought  to  secure  the  intervention  of  the  parliament  to 
prevent  the  reference  of  the  propositions  to  the  pope. 
The  king  and  a  number  of  bishops  requested  the  pope 
to  decide  as  to  the  orthodoxy  of  the  propositions,  in 
May,  1653,  a  papal  decision  came  forth  condemning  as 
heretical  the  following  five  propositions: 

I.  There  are  some  commandments  of  God  which  the  just,  although 
willing  and  anxious  to  obey  them,  are  unable  with  the  strength  they 
have  to  fulfill,  and  the  grace  by  which  they  might  fulfill  them  is  also 
wanting  to  them.  2.  in  the  state  of  fallen  nature,  inward  grace  is 
never  resisted.  3.  in  the  fallen  state,  merit  and  demerit  do  not  de- 
pend on  a  liberty  which  excludes  necessity,  but  on  a  liberty  which 
excludes  constraint.  4.  The  Semi-Pelagians  admitted  the  necessity 
of  an  inward  prevenient  grace  for  the  performance  of  each  particular 
act,  and  also  for  the  first  act  of  faith,  and  vet  were  heretical,  since 
they  maintained  that  this  grace  was  of  such  "a  nature  that  the  will  of 
man  was  able  either  to  resist  or  obey  it.  5.  It  is  Semi-Pelagian  to 
say  that  Christ  died,  or  shed  his  blood,  for  all  men  without  excep- 
tion. 

The  pope  was  glad  of  this  opportunity  to  assert  his 
authority  in  France  because  of  the  prevailing  Gallican- 
ism  among  the  prelates  and  in  the  royal  court.  As  Car- 
dinal Retz,  who  had  been  supported  by  the  pope,  was  in 
prison  because  of  his  complicity  in  the  Fronde  move- 


474  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

ment  against  the  government,  and  it  seemed  desirable  to 
Cardinal  Mazarin,  the  chief  minister  of  the  crown,  to 
show  as  much  regard  as  possible  to  the  papal  Bull,  he  had 
the  young  king  issue  a  proclamation  requiring  all  the 
bishops  of  France  to  receive  and  publish  this  condemna- 
tion of  the  "  Five  Propositions  "  as  heretical  in  Jansen's 
sense  and  as  extracted  from  Jansen's  "  /liigiisttJiiis." 

(4)  Jansenist  Resistance  and  IDefense.  Many  of  the 
Jansenists  declared  themselves  ready  to  condemn  the 
articles  in  their  heretical  sense,  but  not  as  teachings  of 
Jansen.  They  persistently  denied  that  these  articles 
were  to  be  found  in  the  "  Augustinus,"  or  that  their  doc- 
trine was  that  of  Jansen.  it  is  true  that  the  articles  are 
not  found  in  the  exact  form  in  which  they  are  condemned 
in  Jansen's  work,  but  their  teaching  does  not  seem  to 
differ  materially  from  that  of  the  ''  Augiistinus."  Ar- 
nauld's  defense  of  the  principles  of  the  Jansenists  and  his 
justification  of  their  refusal  to  profess  belief  that  the 
articles  in  the  sense  in  which  they  were  condemned 
were  from  the  "  Angustimis  "  or  to  do  more  than  prom- 
ise a  respectful  silence  regarding  the  matters  in  dispute, 
led  to  his  expulsion  from  the  Sorbonne  (January,  1656). 
Eighty  doctors  who  refused  to  vote  for  his  expulsion 
shared  his  fate.  Blaise  Pascal,  one  of  the  greatest 
thinkers  of  his  age,  had  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Port 
Royalists,  and  in  his  "  Letters  to  a  Provincial  "  (1656 
onward),  held  up  to  ridicule  by  an  almost  unequaled  com- 
bination of  learning,  intellectual  acuteness,  and  sarcasm, 
the  Dominicans  for  professing  to  be  Augustinian  in  theol- 
ogy and  yet  joining  in  the  persecution  of  the  Jansenists 
and  the  Jesuits  for  their  shockingly  immoral  teachings 
and  practices.  These  writings  had  an  extensive  circula- 
tion and  did  effective  service. 

The  alleged  miraculous  healing  of  a  chronic,  distressing,  and  ap- 
parently incurable  eye  trouble  in  the  case  of  Marguerite  Perier,  a 
niece  of  Pascal  ( 1656),  greatly  increased  the  religious  enthusiasm  of 
the  ascetics  of  Port  Royal,  but  did  not  tend  to  alleviate  the  persecut- 
ing measures  that  were  being  launched  against  them. 

(5)  Sharpening  of  Persecuting  Measures.  Urged  by  the 
Jesuits  and  by  a  majority  of  the  French  clergy,  who 
were  unsympathetic  with   the    rigorous  Calvinism  and 


CHAP.  H.]  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  475 

the  ascetical  piety  of  the  Jansenists,  Alexander  VII.,  a 
year  after  his  election  (1656),  repeated  the  condemnation 
of  the  five  articles  as  being  utterances  of  Jansen  and  laid 
increased  emphasis  on  the  acceptance  of  the  fact  as  to 
Jansen's  authorship.  The  articles,  moreover,  must  be 
accepted  as  condemned  in  Jansen's  sense.  The  French 
government  required  all  ecclesiastics  to  sign  a  most 
comprehensive  and  unequivocal  acceptance  of  the  papal 
statement  of  fact  and  of  the  condemnation  of  the  articles 
within  one  month  of  the  date  of  the  order.  The  king 
decided  to  require  nuns  as  well  as  clergy  and  monks  to 
make  the  required  declaration.  The  chief  end  in  view 
was  to  bring  the  sisters  of  Port  Royal  under  condemna- 
tion. Mazarin,  who  was  weary  of  the  controversy  and 
reluctant  to  enter  upon  exterminating  measures  against 
the  Jansenists  desired  by  pope,  Jesuits,  king,  and  many 
prelates,  kept  the  matter  in  abeyance  until  his  death 
(March,  1661).  The  young  king  was  now  free  to  do  the 
bidding  of  his  Jesuit  confessors.  He  ordered  every 
bishop  to  require  clergy,  monks,  nuns,  and  schoolmasters 
to  sign  the  declaration  regarding  the  "  Five  Propositions." 
Many  of  the  leading  Jansenists  went  into  retirement. 
Those  who  were  apprehended  were  thrown  into  prison. 
De  Sa^i,  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  zealous  of  the  Port 
Royalists,  was  sent  to  the  Bastille.  The  sisters  of  Port 
Royal  were  imprisoned  and  otherwise  cruelly  treated. 
Many  of  the  bishops  were  Augustinian  in  their  views 
and  sought,  in  conforming  to  the  papal  and  royal  require- 
ments, to  save  themselves  from  condemning  the  Augus- 
tinian truth  contained  in  the  five  articles.  Four  would 
only  promise  a  respectful  silence  on  the  matter  in  dispute. 
A  commission  was  appointed  by  the  pope,  at  the  request 
of  the  king,  to  try  the  four  bishops.  On  the  death  of 
Alexander  VII.  and  the  succession  of  Clement  IX.,  nine- 
teen French  bishops  petitioned  the  new  pope  on  behalf 
of  the  four  and  protested  to  the  king  against  the  invasion 
of  the  liberties  of  the  church  involved  in  the  proceedings 
that  had  been  instituted  against  them.  In  September, 
1668,  Clement  withdrew  the  requirement  of  a  declaration 
that  the  condemned  articles  were  those  of  Jansen  in 
their  heretical  sense  and  advised  that  reconciliation  with 
the  four  bishops  be  effected.     There  was  a  temporary 


476  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [I'ER.  VI. 

cessation  of  persecuting  measures  and  the  principles  of 
the  Jansenists  were  rapidly  diffused. 

It  was  a  matter  of  surprise  and  chagrin  to  Louis  XIV. 
that  in  his  controversy  with  the  pope  regarding  royal  and 
papal  prerogatives,  Arnauld  and  some  of  the  Jansenist 
bishops  supported  the  papal  contention.  He  was  in- 
formed, furthermore,  that  Arnauld  and  Nicole  had  fur- 
nished material  for  the  sixty-five  lax  moral  propositions 
of  the  Jesuits  that  the  pope  had  been  induced  to  condemn 
(1679).  This  he  regarded  as  a  personal  affront,  for  he 
had  been  availing  himself  freely  of  the  benignant  ethical 
principles  of  his  confessors.  Arnauld  fled  to  the  Nether- 
lands, where,  to  the  end  of  his  life  (1694),  his  literary 
labors  on  behalf  of  reformed  Roman  Catholicism  were 
abundant  and  effective. 

(6)  The  Overthrow  of  the  Jansenisis  in  France.  In  1 701 
a  controversy  among  the  Jansenists  themselves  as  to 
whether  a  Jansenist  could,  with  a  good  conscience,  sub- 
scribe the  formulary  against  the  "Five  Propositions" 
and  so  retain  his  office,  while  rejecting  the  papal  decision 
regarding  the  Jansenian  authorship  of  the  articles  in  their 
heretical  sense,  led  Louis  XIV.,  who  had  long  earnestly 
desired  the  destruction  of  the  Jansenist  party  and  had 
been  sorely  disappointed  because  of  the  miscarriage  of 
earlier  measures,  to  seek  and  secure  from  Pope  Clement 
XL  a  more  effective  measure.  The  pope  now  issued  a 
Bull  {l/ineam  Domini,  July,  1705),  requiring  the  uncon- 
ditional condemnation  with  mouth  and  heart  of  the  "  Five 
Propositions"  as,  in  their  heretical  sense,  the  statements 
of  Jansen.  This  led  to  a  complete  breaking  up  of  the 
Port  Royal  establishment  (1709-1710)  and  to  a  general 
persecution  of  Jansenists. 

Noailles,  Cardinal-Archbishop  of  Paris,  had  sought  to 
save  the  Port  Royal  sisters  from  their  fate  by  inducing 
them  to  profess  a  "  human  faith  "  in  the  pope's  declara- 
tion regarding  the  articles.  He  had  also  encouraged  the 
use  of  Quesnel's  annotated  New  Testament.  The  pope, 
at  the  instance  of  the  king  and  the  Jesuits,  forbade  the 
reading  of  Quesnel's  New  Testament.  Noailles  sought 
to  secure  a  delay  in  the  execution  of  the  Bull  yincam 
Domini  and  showed  his  strong  Jansenist  sympathies  by 
withdrawinc  from  most  of  the  Jesuits  the  riirht  to  hear 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN   CATHOLIC   CHURCH  477 

confessions  in  his  diocese.  The  Roman  Curia  was  led 
by  the  controversy  regarding  Quesnel's  New  Testament 
to  condemn  the  Jansenist  doctrine  that  laymen,  and  even 
women,  have  tne  right  and  are  under  obligation  to  edify 
themselves  and  to  instruct  others  through  the  reading  of 
the  Holy  Scriptures.  In  171 3  the  pope  condemned  (Bull 
Unigenitiis)  one  hundred  and  one  propositions  from 
Quesnel's  New  Testament  as  heretical.  The  following 
are  samples  : 

"  The  grace  of  Jesus  Christ  is  necessary  to  all  good  works ; 
without  it  nothing  (trulv  good)  can  happen."  "  No  grace  is 
imparted  otherwise  than  through  faith."  "  Outside  the  church  no 
grace  is  bestowed."  "  Faith  justifies  when  it  works,  but  it  works 
only  through  love." 

The  aged  king  insisted  upon  the  immediate  carrying 
into  effect  of  this  anti-Jansenist  measure.  Noailles, 
while  he  consented  to  abandon  his  support  of  Quesnel's 
New  Testament,  wished  to  delay  the  attempt  to  suppress 
its  use  until  further  explanations  could  be  procured  from 
the  pope.  The  Sorbonne  was  divided  in  opinion  and 
several  distinguished  professors  of  theology  were  driven 
from  their  positions. 

(7)  ''Appellants  "and  "Acceptants."  The  death  of  Louis 
XIV.  and  the  succession  to  the  regency  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  who  regarded  both  sides  of  the  controversy  as 
mere  foolishness  and  was  indifferent  to  religious  matters, 
prevented  the  full  execution  of  the  measures  contem- 
plated against  Jansenism  and  encouraged  a  freedom  of 
expression  regarding  the  points  at  issue  that  had  been 
for  some  time  impracticable.  Those  who  had  been  ban- 
ished for  sympathy  with  Jansenism  now  returned.  The 
Sorbonne  refused  to  accept  the  Bull  condemning  the 
propositions  from  Quesnel's  New  Testament.  Papal 
threats  proved  unavailing  and  several  bishops,  who  had 
earlier  accepted  the  Bull,  now  joined  with  the  minority 
in  demanding  of  the  pope  further  explanations,  hi  1717 
a  number  of  bishops  appealed  from  the  pope  to  a  future 
general  council,  declaring  the  Bull  subversive  of  Catholic 
doctrinal  and  ethical  teaching.  Noailles  and  a  large 
number  of  bishops,  as  well  as  several  theological  Facul- 
ties (including  that  of  Paris)  and  a  considerable  proportion 


478  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

of  the  secular  and  the  monastic  clergy,  arrayed  tliem- 
selves  as  "Appellants"  against  the  pope  and  the  "Ac- 
ceptants."  A  polemical  writing  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Rheims,  leader  of  the  "  Acceptants,"  was  burnt  by  the 
public  executioner  by  order  of  the  Parliament,  but  the 
pope  gave  him  soon  after  a  cardinal's  hat. 

in  1720  the  government  prohibited  further  discussion 
on  the  matters  in  dispute.  The  Bishop  of  Senez  was 
deposed  for  expressing  approval  of  Quesnel's  New  Testa- 
ment and  his  chief  prosecutor  was  made  cardinal  (1727). 
Appellant  Benedictines  and  Carthusians  took  refuge  in 
Utrecht,  whose  archbishop  had  already  severed  his  dio- 
cese from  Rome.  The  Oratorians  in  convention  (1727), 
refused  to  accept  the  papal  Bull  and  suffered  severe 
persecution, 

(8)  The  Convulsionaires  of  St.  Medard.  Francis  of  Paris, 
a  Jansenist  ascetic,  died,  it  was  said,  with  his  appeal  against 
the  papal  Bull  in  his  hand.  His  grave  in  the  churchyard  of 
St.  Medard,  in  Paris,  became  the  resort  of  multitudes  of 
Jansenists  rendered  fanatical  by  persecution  and  all  sorts 
of  miracles  were  supposed  to  be  wrought  there.  The 
king  had  the  churchyard  walled  up  and  guarded  by  sol- 
diers (1732).  This  only  increased  the  fanaticism.  The 
maddened  people  went  into  strange  convulsions.  While 
in  this  state  ignorant  people,  and  even  young  children, 
are  said  to  have  delivered  the  most  exalted  religious 
discourses  and  to  have  become  so  immune  from  pain  and 
bodily  injury  that  they  could  submit  to  being  pounded 
with  sledges  against  stone  walls  until  the  walls  would 
crumble,  lie  with  iron  spikes  under  their  backs  and  have 
heavy  weights  dropped  upon  their  stomachs,  and  even 
suffer  crucifixion,  without  pain  or  permanent  harm. 
These  "succors,"  as  the  poundings,  crucifixions,  etc., 
were  called,  were  begged  for  by  the  subjects  and  seemed 
to  relieve  the  fearful  tension  of  their  nervous  systems. 
It  is  possible  that  contemporary  descriptions  of  these 
phenomena  are  considerably  exaggerated,  but  the  main 
facts  seem  well  attested.  From  this  time  onward  the 
Jansenist  movement  dwindled  in  France. 

(9)  The  Jansenists  of  Holland.  As  Jansenism  origi- 
nated in  the  Netherlands,  so  it  found  there  its  most 
abiding  dwelling-place.     In  1702  Peter  Codde,  vicar  of 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  479 

the  Utrecht  chapter,  while  spendnig  some  time  in  Rome, 
became  suspected  of  Jansenist  heresy.  He  was  detained 
for  some  months  in  the  papal  capital  and  his  position  was 
filled  by  De  Cock,  a  Jesuit.  The  chapter  refused  to 
recognize  De  Cock  and  the  government  of  Holland 
deposed  and  banished  him.  hi  1703  Codde  returned  to 
Utrecht  and  led  in  the  movement  for  independence  from 
the  Roman  See.  The  Utrecht  clergy  were  outraged  by 
the  Bull  Unigenitus  against  Quesnel's  New  Testament. 
In  1723  the  Utrecht  chapter  chose  Cornells  Steenoven 
archbishop,  having  previously  made  arrangements  with 
the  Roman  Catholic  Bishop  of  Babylon,  who  had  spent 
some  time  in  Holland  and  sympathized  with  the  Jansen- 
ists,  for  his  ordination.  Partly  to  make  sure  of  the 
perpetuation  of  their  apostolic  succession  and  partly  to 
extend  their  influence,  the  Dutch  Jansenists  constituted 
two  bishoprics,  Haarlem  (1742)  and  Deventer  (17^8). 
These  have  survived  to  the  present  time  and  have  at 
present  an  aggregate  membership  of  about  eight  thou- 
sand. It  was  from  the  Jansenist  Bishop  of  Deventer 
that  the  Old  Catholics  received  their  ordination  in  1873. 
(10)  Cliaraderistics  of  the  Jansenists.  From  what  has 
already  appeared  it  is  evident :  a.  That  Jansenism  was 
an  attempt,  on  the  basis  of  Augustinian  doctrine,  to  re- 
form the  Roman  Catholic  Church  from  within,  b.  That, 
while  its  doctrinal  system  had  much  in  common  with 
Calvinism,  the  spirit  of  the  movement  was  fundamentally 
antagonistic  to  evangelical  Christianity.  The  Jansen- 
ists were  as  bitterly  opposed  as  the  Jesuits  to  the  Hugue- 
nots of  France,  and  were  willing  to  make  capital  of  their 
intolerance  toward  these  persecuted  people,  c.  That  it 
was  a  protest  against  Jesuitical  Pelagianism  and  casuistry, 
with  the  laxity  of  religious  practice  and  of  morals  prac- 
tised and  fostered  by  the  Jesuits,  d.  That  the  type  of 
religious  life  represented  was  the  ascetical,  enthusiastic 
mysticism  of  the  mediaeval  time.  e.  That  owing  to  cir- 
cumstances it  made  common  cause  with  Gallicanism  in 
its  protest  against  papal  measures  that  were  distasteful, 
and  asserted  the  right  of  private  judgment  over  against 
the  requirement  of  blind  obedience  to  ecclesiastical  and 
royal  authority.  /.  That  it  did  not  have  in  it  the  ele- 
ments of  true  church  reformation. 


480  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

2.  The  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Literature  :  Baird,  "  The  Huguenots  and  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,"  2  vols.,  1895.  This  masterly  work  meets  every 
requirement  of  the  student.  Special  phases  of  the  subject  may  be 
further  traced  out  with  the  help  of  the  references  given  by  Baird. 

(i)  Attitude  of  the  French  Government  and  the  Roman 
Curia  toward  the  Huguenots  at  the  Beginning  of  the  Present 
Period.  The  Edict  of  Nantes,  granted  to  his  Protestant 
subjects  who  had  placed  him  on  the  throne  and  whose 
fellowship  he  for  political  reasons  had  abandoned,  by 
Henry  IV.,  has  been  fittingly  called  "the  great  charter 
of  the  Protestant  liberties,"  and  declares  itself  to  be 
"perpetual  and  irrevocable."  The  edict  did  not  put 
Protestantism  on  a  parity  with  Roman  Catholicism,  but 
constituted  it  a  religion  tolerated  and  with  well-defined 
restrictions.  In  many  portions  of  France  the  Huguenots 
were  in  the  ascendency  and  were  in  a  position  to  exer- 
cise a  controlling  influence  in  local  affairs.  In  many 
others,  while  they  were  numerically  inferior  to  the 
Catholics,  their  superior  intelligence,  force  of  character, 
wealth,  etc.,  gave  them  the  leadership.  Forty-eight 
cities  of  refuge,  garrisoned  by  Huguenot  troops  at  the 
government's  expense,  had  been  given  them  as  a  guar- 
antee against  the  well-known  persecuting  fury  of  the 
State  religion.  A  hundred  other  cities  were  also  virtu- 
ally under  their  control.  The  cities  of  refuge  had  been 
granted  by  the  edict  for  only  eight  years,  but  the  time 
had  been  afterward  extended.  The  Huguenots  were  in 
a  position  at  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century 
to  put  in  the  field  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men,  and 
their  naval  strength  was  superior  to  that  of  the  king. 
They  had  the  privilege  of  keeping  two  deputies-general  at 
the  royal  court  to  look  after  the  faithful  observance  of  the 
edict  and  to  safeguard  the  rights  of  their  brethren.  Their 
religious  assemblies,  including  the  national  synods,  and 
even  their  political  assemblies,  were  tolerated.  In  fact, 
we  have  in  the  great  Huguenot  body,  under  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  a  State  within  a  State.  Yet  it  is  remarkable, 
that  side  by  side  with  the  strenuousness  and  vigilance  of 
the  Huguenots  in  preserving  intact  the  rights  that  they 
enjoyed  under  the  edict,  they  were  among  the  foremost 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  48 1 

in  their  recognition  of  the  absolute  authority  of  the  crown 
outside  of  the  sphere  guarded  by  the  edict,  and  did  much 
to  encourage  the  growing  feeling  of  irresponsible  autoc- 
racy that  culminated  in  the  claim  of  Louis  XIV.  to  be 
himself  the  State.  The  French  government,  under  Marie 
de  Medici,  Louis  XIIL,  Anne  of  Austria,  and  Louis  XIV., 
with  Richelieu  and  Mazarin  as  chief  ministers,  was  bit- 
terly hostile  to  the  Huguenots  and  lamented  the  neces- 
sity of  allowing  them  any  privileges.  The  French  Cath- 
olic clergy,  instigated  by  the  Jesuits,  did  everything  in 
their  power  to  keep  alive  the  hatred  and  suspicion  of  the 
Catholic  population  and  of  the  court  against  these  ene- 
mies of  the  papacy.  The  Roman  Curia  regarded  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  as  a  calamity,  and  lost  no  opportunity 
for  bringing  pressure  to  bear  in  favor  of  its  abrogation. 
While  each  ruler,  almost  to  the  time  of  the  revocation  of 
the  edict  (1685),  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  confirm  the 
arrangement,  it  soon  came  to  be  well  understood  that 
they  were  doing  it  under  protest,  and  their  insistence  on 
insulting  the  Huguenots  by  designating  them  in  public 
documents  "the  pretended  reformed  religion,"  was  a 
perpetual  source  of  irritation. 

It  will  not  be  practicable  here  to  give  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  grievances  that  led  to  the  first  Huguenot 
war  (1620),  which  resulted  in  a  considerable  weakening 
but  by  no  means  a  complete  overthrow  of  the  military 
power  of  the  Huguenots;  of  the  second  Huguenot  war 
(1625)  and  the  peace  (1626)  on  terms  more  favorable  to 
the  Huguenots  than  would  have  been  possible  had  it  not 
been  for  an  alliance  that  had  been  formed  between  France, 
England,  the  Netherlands,  Venice,  and  Savoy,  and  the 
insistence  of  the  foreign  powers  upon  the  pacification  of 
France  and  the  continued  toleration  of  the  Huguenots  ; 
or  of  the  third  Huguenot  war  (1626-1629)  that  resulted 
in  the  fall  of  La  Rochelle,  their  most  important  remain- 
ing stronghold,  and  a  still  further  weakening  of  their 
power  to  defend  themselves,  but  not  in  the  revocation 
of  the  edict. 

Under  Richelieu  (1629-1643),  and  Mazarin  (1643- 
1660),  France  was  too  much  absorbed  in  foreign  wars  to 
carry  on  to  completion  the  work  of  religious  unification 
that  Bourbon  absoluteness  and  Roman  Catholic  bigotry 

2F 


482  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

demanded.  These  have  been  called  halcyon  days  for 
the  Huguenots.  While  they  had  much  to  suffer  at  the 
hands  of  the  government  and  the  hierarchy,  they  made 
wonderful  progress  in  many  ways.  They  came  to  be  the 
chief  capitalists  and  directors  of  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial enterprise.  The  learned  professions  came  more 
and  more  under  their  control.  Their  schools  and  col- 
leges greatly  flourished.  Their  pulpit  almost  equaled  in 
eloquence  and  greatly  surpassed  in  spiritual  power  that 
of  the  Established  Church  at  its  best  under  Louis  XIV. 
Their  great  temples  were  thronged  with  eager  hearers. 
In  the  Fronde  uprising  against  the  government,  supported 
by  the  Cardinal  of  Retz  and  the  pope,  the  Huguenots 
stood  by  the  government  of  Louis  XIV.  and  received 
therefor  the  warm  commendation  of  Mazarin  and  of 
Louis  XIV.  himself,  who  (1649-1650)  expressed  a  deter- 
mination to  execute  to  the  letter  every  edict  favorable  to 
the  reformed,  and  to  leave  them  unmolested  in  their  per- 
sons and  their  worship.  In  1652  he  expressly  ratified 
and  confirmed  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  In  1659  Mazarin  re- 
plied in  the  most  friendly  language  to  the  address  of  the 
last  National  Synod,  and  signed  himself  "  Your  very  af- 
fectionate servant,  to  serve  you."  Mazarin  made  Bar- 
tholomew Hervart,  a  Huguenot,  controller  general  of 
finances,  and  the  treasury  department  became  filled 
with  Huguenots.  Not  only  was  the  edict  confirmed, 
but  all  other  laws  that  had  been  enacted  in  their  favor, 
some  of  which  had  been  suspended  in  their  operation 
under  Louis  XIII.,  were  revived  by  the  Declaration  of  St. 
Germain  en  Laye  (May,  1652),  while  it  repealed  all  spe- 
cial legislation  in  favor  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
Encouraged  by  the  tokens  of  royal  favor  the  Huguenots 
were  exultant,  and  no  doubt  in  some  cases  went  consid- 
erably beyond  the  prescribed  limits  and  showed  an  ag- 
gressiveness in  ministering  to  persecuted  Protestants  in 
foreign  lands  and  in  pressing  every  department  of  their 
home  work,  that  alarmed  tlie  Roman  Catholic  authorities 
and  made  the  king  feel  that  his  kingdom  was  unsafe  with 
such  a  body  of  people  enjoying  such  guaranteed  privileges 
in  its  midst.  In  1656  a  remonstrance  was  presented  to  the 
king  by  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  on  behalf  of  the  Cath- 
olic clergy  in  which  the  privileges  of  the  Huguenots  are 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  483 

exaggerated,  their  aggressiveness  and  insolence  spoken 
of  in  the  spirit  of  an  alarmist,  and  the  Catholic  religion 
itself  is  represented  as  in  danger.  The  Bishop  of  Bor- 
deaux claimed  that  the  royal  Declaration  of  1652  "  ruined 
the  greatness  of  the  church  and  tended  to  her  destruc- 
tion." The  triumph  of  Puritanism  in  Great  Britain 
under  Cromwell  greatly  alarmed  the  Catholics  of  France, 
while  the  death  of  Cromwell  (1658)  and  the  reactionary 
spirit  that  was  soon  manifest  encouraged  the  government 
of  Louis  XIV.  to  enter  upon  vigorous  repressive  measures. 

(2)  Repressive  Measures  (i6^g  onward).  In  the  Univer- 
sity {Academie)  of  Montauban,  a  great  Huguenot  center, 
the  government  had  compelled  the  Huguenots  to  give  up 
a  portion  of  the  building  for  use  as  a  Jesuit  college.  In 
1659  the  Jesuits  erected  a  platform  in  the  courtyard  for 
the  performance  of  a  play.  The  Huguenot  students  de- 
molished it  and  came  into  sharp  collision  with  the  Cath- 
olic students.  One  of  the  Huguenot  students  for  the 
ministry  was  arrested  and  locked  up  in  the  castle.  The 
Huguenot  students  rashly  broke  down  the  castle  door 
and  rescued  their  fellow.  This  was  the  beginning  of  the 
Huguenots'  woes.  Complaint  was  made  by  the  bishop 
to  the  court  and  the  transactions  were  presented  in  the 
most  unfavorable  light.  The  institution  of  learning  was 
taken  away  from  the  Huguenots  and  soon  came  into  the 
hands  of  the  Jesuits.  A  public  meeting  of  the  Protestant 
citizens  remonstrated  against  this  act  of  spoliation  and 
requested  to  be  allowed  to  present  the  facts  correctly  for 
the  consideration  of  the  government.  Those  who  took 
part  in  the  meeting  were  charged  with  sedition  and  an 
army  was  quartered  upon  the  city.  Of  those  who  had 
been  at  all  active  in  the  protest  some  were  sentenced  to 
death,  some  to  the  galleys,  and  others  to  banishment. 
Most  of  those  on  whom  the  heavier  penalties  fell  were 
able  to  escape.  Only  two  were  executed  at  this  time. 
Some  were  led  by  the  persecution  to  renounce  their 
faith.  The  most  important  Huguenot  church  buildings 
were  appropriated  by  the  Catholics,  and  the  evangelical 
cause  was  brought  to  ruin. 

At  the  National  Synod  of  1659  the  king's  commissioner 
announced  that  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  king  to  allow 
no  more  assemblies  of  this  kind.     Daille  made  a  noble 


484  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

defense  of  his  constituency  and  encouraged  his  brethren 
to  steadfastness.  The  nominations  sent  to  the  king  for 
the  office  of  deputy  general  of  the  Huguenots  was  ignored 
by  the  government  and  the  position  left  unfilled.  The 
years  1660-1685  were  a  time  of  terrible  and  increasing 
sufferings  for  the  Huguenots.  Deprivation  of  churches 
and  colleges,  exclusion  from  public  offices,  ruinous  fines, 
torture,  imprisonment,  condemnation  to  the  galleys, 
forcible  separation  of  Huguenot  children  from  their  pa- 
rents to  be  educated  as  Catholics,  the  dragonnades  (the 
quartering  of  soldiers  on  Huguenot  families  with  permis- 
sion to  treat  the  householders  as  slaves,  and  worse,  with 
the  understanding  that  relief  could  come  only  from  their 
acceptance  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith) — all  these  things 
were  endured.  The  wealthy  classes  were  able  to  leave 
the  country  with  a  considerable  part  of  their  means  and 
their  business  skill.  When  it  was  seen  that  vast  num- 
bers were  emigrating  and  that  the  country  was  being 
thereby  impoverished,  every  effort  was  made  to  prevent 
escape  by  sea  and  land,  and  many  were  seized  and  re- 
turned for  fearful  punishment.  Up  to  1685  the  perse- 
cutions were  based  ostensibly  not  on  the  mere  fact 
of  being  Protestants,  but  on  supposed  violations  of 
the  laws  or  contempt  for  royal  authority,  it  was  easy 
for  their  Roman  Catholic  enemies  to  trump  up  specific 
charges  against  individuals  or  communities  that  had  in 
some  way  or  other  treated  the  established  religion  or  its 
votaries  with  disrespect  or  violated  some  royal  mandate. 
Entire  communities  often  suffered  for  the  offenses  of  a 
few  (as  at  Montauban).  But  long  before  the  final  step 
was  taken,  which  meant  the  extermination  of  the  body, 
the  persecution  had  become  well-nigh  universal  and  the 
provisions  of  the  edict  were  almost  completely  ignored. 
There  are  in  all  history  few  more  harrowing  narratives 
than  that  of  the  sufferings  of  the  Huguenots  during  these 
years. 

(3)  The  Ad  of  Revocation.  By  1685  a  very  large 
number  of  Huguenots  had  yielded  to  the  persecuting 
measures  and  had  professed  conversion  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  faith.  Many  of  their  churches  and  schools  had 
been  broken  up.  Powerful  influences  were  brought  to 
bear  upon  Louis  by  the  prelates,  the  Jesuits,  and,  prob- 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC   CHURCH  485 

ably,  by  Madame  de  Maintenon,  who  had  abandoned  the 
evangelical  faith  and  become  first  a  mistress  of  the  king 
and  then  queen  {c.  1684),  to  complete  the  work  of  de- 
struction that  had  already  gone  so  far  by  revoking  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  and  putting  all  non-Catholic  Christians 
under  the  ban.  According  to  his  own  statement  in  his 
preamble  to  the  Revocation,  the  fact  that  after  many 
years  of  war  peace  had  been  made  (1684)  and  the  fact 
that  "the  better  and  greater  part  of  our  subjects  of  the 
Pretended  Reformed  Religion  had  embraced  the  Catholic," 
are  given  as  the  motives  of  his  present  procedure.  As 
the  Huguenots  must  have  numbered  at  the  beginning  of 
the  persecutions  between  a  million  and  a  million  and  a 
half,  and  as  only  fifty  thousand  conversions  had  been 
reported  to  him,^  Louis'  statement  about  conversions  can 
hardly  be  credited. 

By  a  "perpetual  and  irrevocable  edict,"  Louis  XIV. 
(October,  1685)  suppressed  and  revoked  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  and  its  accompanying  secret  articles  and  letters- 
patent,  together  with  subsequent  laws  and  grants  in 
favor  of  the  Protestants,  and  he  ordered  the  immediate 
demolition  of  all  Protestant  temples  within  his  dominions. 
He  next  forbade  all  gatherings  for  religious  services  on  the 
part  of  the  Protestants.  Noblemen  are  specially  forbid- 
den to  hold  religious  services  in  their  houses  or  upon 
their  lands.  The  penalty  in  these  cases  is  to  be  confis- 
cation of  body  and  of  goods.  Protestant  ministers  are 
enjoined  to  leave  France  within  fifteen  days  and  mean- 
time neither  to  preach  nor  perform  any  ministerial  func- 
tion, the  penalty  being  the  galleys.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  they  become  Catholics,  they  shall  enjoy  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  they  have  hitherto  enjoyed 
and  have  a  third  added  to  their  salaries,  one  half  of 
which  shall  be  continued  to  their  widows  in  case  of 
death.  Special  encouragement  is  given  to  them  to  enter 
the  legal  profession.  Protestant  private  schools  are  to 
be  abolished.  Children  born  of  Protestant  parents  are 
to  be  baptized  by  the  parish  priests  and  brought  up  as 
Catholics.  A  rigorous  prohibition  is  placed  on  emigra- 
tion or  the  exporting  of  goods  and  chattels,  the  penalty 

1  See  letter  to  James  II.  of  England,  quoted  by  Baird,  Vol,  II.,  p.  27, 


486  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

being  for  men,  galley  service  ;  for  women,  confiscation 
of  body  and  goods.  The  document  closes  :  "  As  for  the 
rest,  the  said  adherents  of  the  Pretended  Reformed  Re- 
ligion, while  awaiting  the  time  when  it  may  please  God 
to  enlighten  them  as  he  has  enlightened  the  others,  shall 
be  permitted  to  dwell  in  the  towns  and  places  of  the 
kingdom  and  regions  and  lands  subject  to  us,  and  therein 
to  prosecute  their  trades  and  enjoy  their  property,  with- 
out let  or  hindrance  on  account  of  their  religion,  upon 
the  condition,  as  aforesaid,  that  they  do  not  hold  services 
nor  assemble  under  pretext  of  prayers  or  worship  of  any 
kind  of  the  said  religion,  under  penalties  above  pre- 
scribed of  confiscation  of  body  and  of  goods." 

The  pretended  toleration  of  quiet  Huguenots  who 
would  refrain  from  any  public  manifestation  of  their  re- 
ligious convictions  was  deceptive  and  proved  of  no  avail. 
The  execution  of  the  Edict  of  Revocation  was  entered 
upon  at  once  and  carried  through  to  the  bitter  end  with 
the  utmost  rigor.  Methods  that  had  been  applied  in  par- 
ticular communities  and  in  the  case  of  particular  persons 
were  now  generally  employed.  The  galleys  became  filled 
with  Huguenot  slaves,  many  of  them  educated  ministers 
of  the  gospel.  The  prisons  were  filled  to  overflowing. 
Large  numbers  were  tortured  and  put  to  death.  The 
dragonnades  were  continued  with  increased  barbarity. 
Multitudes  escaped  beyond  the  borders  notwithstanding 
the  efforts  to  guard  t-he  avenues  of  flight.  According  to  the 
most  careful  estimates  from  three  hundred  to  four  hundred 
thousand  Huguenots  left  France  shortly  before  or  shortly 
after  the  Revocation.  Of  these,  about  one  hundred 
thousand  found  homes  in  Holland,  one  hundred  thousand 
in  England,  Ireland,  and  America,  twenty-five  thousand 
in  Switzerland,  and  seventy-five  thousand  in  Germany. 
The  number  destroyed  in  France  cannot  be  accurately 
estimated,  but,  including  these  who  died  in  prisons  and  in 
the  galleys,  must  have  been  very  great.  Hundreds  of 
thousands  became  nominally  Catholic  and  drifted  into 
infidelity,  being  relatively  weak  in  moral  strength  and 
religious  conviction  and  deprived  of  spiritual  nutriment. 

(4)  Results  of  tl/c  RcvoCiitioii.  a.  It  destroyed  a  vast 
number  of  the  most  conscientious,  enterprising,  indus- 
trious, and  intelligent  citizens — the  wealth-producers  of 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  487 

the  nation,  b.  It  drove  into  exile  a  vastly  greater  num- 
ber of  the  very  ablest,  wealthiest,  most  enterprising, 
and  most  religious  members  of  the  commonwealth, 
thereby  depriving  France  of  a  large  amount  of  capital, 
enterprise,  skill  in  manufacturing  and  in  commerce, 
and  of  professional  learning  and  experience,  and  at  the 
same  time  and  in  equal  measure  enriching  the  nations 
that  received  them  and  raising  up  competitors  in  lines  of 
manufactures  and  commerce  in  which  France  had  held 
the  supremacy,  c.  As  already  suggested,  hundreds  of 
thousands,  including  many  of  the  wealthy  and  of  the 
educated,  were  led  to  violate  their  consciences  and  out- 
wardly to  conform  to  a  religion  that  their  souls  abomi- 
nated, to  become,  themselves  and  their  descendants, 
skeptics  and  infidels.  Much  of  the  freethinking  that 
preceded  the  French  Revolution  can  be  traced  back  to 
Huguenot  antecedents,  d.  By  permitting  the  French 
Catholics  to  triumph  by  cruelty  at  a  time  when  spiritual 
life  was  at  the  lowest  ebb  and  shameless  immorality 
everywhere  prevailed  among  the  clergy  from  the  highest 
to  the  lowest,  the  arrogance,  oppressiveness,  and  intol- 
erance of  the  church  were  so  increased  as  to  make  the 
utter  revolt  of  the  French  people  against  the  Christian 
religion  during  the  Revolution  easily  intelligible,  e.  Be- 
ing a  triumph  of  arbitrary  monarchical  power  over  the 
principles  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  it  encouraged  the 
government  to  continue  to  disregard  the  rights  and 
wishes  of  the  people,  to  squander  the  people's  money 
and  lives  in  unprofitable  warfare,  in  the  maintenance  of 
a  luxurious  court,  and  in  the  enrichment  of  favorites,  un- 
til at  last,  stimulated  by  the  revolutionary  views  of  the 
skeptical  philosophers  and  economists  referred  to  and  by 
the  example  of  the  American  colonists,  they  rose  with 
volcanic  suddenness  and  destructiveness  and  swept  away 
for  a  time  every  vestige  of  feudalism  and  class  privilege 
and  the  Bourbon  monarchy  itself. 

The  following  statement  attributed  to  Jules  Simon,  the 
French  Roman  Catholic  statesman  and  philosopher,' 
is  well  worth  requoting  here : 

The  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  without  the  slightest  pre- 

1  Baird,  Vol.  II.,  p.  106,  seq. 


488  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

text  or  tlie  least  necessity,  as  well  as  the  various  declarations,  or 
rather  proscriptions,  that  followed,  were  the  fruits  of  that  horrible 
plot  which  depopulated  a  fourth  part  of  the  kiiij;doin,  ruined  its  trade, 
enfeebled  it  in  every  quarter,  gave  it  over  for  so  long  a  time  to  open 
and  avowed  pillage  at  the  hands  of  the  dragoons,  and  authorized 
those  torments  and  sufferings  by  means  of  which  they  actually  com- 
passed the  death  of  so  many  thousands  of  innocent  persons  of  both 
sexes— a  plot  that  brought  ruin  on  so  great  a  body  of  people,  that 
tore  asunder  countless  families,  arraying  relatives  against  relatives, 
for  the  purpose  of  getting  possession  of  their  goods,  whereupon 
they  left  them  to  die  of  hunger— a  plot  that  caused  our  manufactures 
to  pass  over  to  foreigners,  made  foreign  States  flourish  and  overflow 
with  wealth  at  the  expense  of  our  own,  and  enabled  them  to  build 
new  cities — that  presented  to  the  nations  the  spectacle  of  so  vast  a 
multitude  of  people  that  had  committed  no  crime,  proscribed,  naked, 
wandering  fugitives,  seeking  an  asylum  afar  from  their  country — 
that  consigned  the  noble,  the  wealthy,  the  aged,  those  highly 
esteemed,  in  many  cases,  for  their  piety,  their  learning,  their  virtue, 
those  accustomed  to  a  life  of  ease,  fraif,  delicate,  to  hard  labor  in  the 
galleys,  under  the  overseer's  lash,  and  for  no  reason  save  their  re- 
ligion— a  plot  that,  to  crown  all  other  horrors,  filled  every  province 
in  the  kingdom  with  perjury  and  sacrilege  ;  inasmuch  as  while  the 
land  rang  with  the  cries  of  these  unhappy  victims  of  error,  so  many 
others  sacrificed  their  consciences  for  their  property  and  their  ease, 
purchasing  both  by  means  of  feigned  abjurations  ;  abjurations  from 
which  they  were  dragged,  without  a  moment's  interval,  to  adore 
what  they  did  not  believe  in,  and  to  receive  what  was  really  the  di- 
vine body  of  the  Most  Holy  One,  while  they  still  remained  convinced 
that  they  were  eating  nothing  but  bread, "bread  indeed  which  they 
were  bound  to  abhor.  Such  w  as  the  general  abomination  begotten 
of  flattery  and  cruelty.  Between  torture  and  abjuration,  between 
abjuration  and  the  Communion,  there  was  often  not  an  interval  of 
twenty-four  hours,  and  their  torturers  were  their  conductors  and 
their  witnesses.  Those  who  subsequently  seemed  to  have  made  the 
change  with  greater  deliberation  were  not  slow  in  giving  the  lie  to 
their  pretended  conversions  by  the  tenor  of  their  lives  or  by  flight. 

3.  The  Banishment  of  the  Sal^burgers. 

LITERATURE:  Cocking,  "'  Emigratwnsgesch.  Sal^b.  Lutlwrischoi,'' 
1734  ;  Dannapel,  "  Die  Liter,  d.  Sal^b.  Em.,"  1886  ;  Weitbrecht,  ''Die 
Evangel.  Sal^b."  1888;  Bodemann,  ''Die  Eva>ig.  Sal{b.  tiiid  ZilLr- 
thaler"  1889;  Strobel,  "  The  Salzburgers  and  their  Descendants," 
1855;  Clarus,  "  T)ie  Ausweisung  d.  Prot.  gesiiiiiten  Sal^burger,"  1864; 
art.  in  encyclopEedias. 

The  mountain  regions  of  the  bishopric  of  Salzburg  in 
upper  Austria  had  been  during  the  mediceval  time  a 
dwelling-place  of  evangelical  dissenters  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  Waldenses  and  related  parties  had 
been    followed    by    Hussites.      Luther's   teachings   and 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  489 

those  of  the  Anabaptists  found  joyful  acceptance  there 
during  the  early  years  of  the  Reformation.  Persecution 
suppressed  the  public  profession  of  evangelical  Chris- 
tianity (Counter-Reformation) ;  but  during  the  generation 
preceding  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  as  well  as  during  the 
war  itself,  the  evangelical  Salzburgers,  who  were  now 
for  the  most  part  Lutherans,  kept  alive  their  faith,  while 
outwardly  conforming  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
by  reading  the  Bible  and  such  writings  of  Luther,  Urban 
Rhegius,  and  other  reformers,  as  they  possessed,  and  by 
meeting  secretly  for  worship.  In  1683  a  Lutheran  con- 
gregation was  discovered  at  Tefferegenthal.  The  leaders 
were  imprisoned  and  compelled  to  prepare  a  statement 
of  their  views.  It  was  decreed  that  all  Lutheran  books 
should  be  burned  and  that  all  who  would  not  renounce 
their  faith  should  be  banished  and  robbed  of  property  and 
of  their  children.  As  the  peace  of  Westphalia  had  pro- 
vided for  the  peaceable  emigration  of  those  professing  a 
different  faith  from  their  prince,  with  opportunity  to  sell 
immovable  property  and  to  take  away  movable  property, 
Protestant  Europe  was  indignant  and  an  explanation 
was  demanded.  The  excuse  was  that  the  persecuted 
were  neither  Lutheran  nor  Reformed  and  hence  could 
claim  no  protection  from  the  provisions  of  the  peace. 

The  death  of  the  archbishop  caused  a  cessation  of  per- 
secution before  it  had  become  exterminating.  Joseph 
Schlaitberger,  one  of  the  ministers  who  had  been  im- 
prisoned and  had  prepared  a  statement  of  the  views  of 
his  party,  took  refuge  in  Nuremberg,  and  devoted  his 
life  largely  to  preparing  a  devotional  literature  for  his 
Salzburg  brethren.  His  hymns  and  devotional  books  no 
doubt  caused  a  great  revival  of  zeal  among  them,  so  that 
by  1728  more  than  twenty  thousand  were  ready  to  con- 
fess themselves  Lutherans. 

The  accession  of  Leopold  Anton,  Count  of  Firmian,  to 
the  archbishopric  of  Salzburg  (1728)  was  followed  by  the 
great  persecution.  He  expressed  a  determination  to  rid 
his  country  of  heretics  "  even  though  thorns  and  thistles 
should  grow  upon  the  fields."  The  Salzburg  Lutherans 
appealed  to  the  evangelical  estates  at  Regensburg  for 
protection.  The  archbishop,  under  Jesuit  guidance,  en- 
couraged the  Lutherans  to  hope  that  a  commission  ap- 


490  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

pointed  by  him  (1731)  after  gaining  all  the  information 
as  to  their  numbers,  distribution,  etc.,  that  was  requisite, 
would  recommend  such  measures  as  would  remedy  their 
grievances.  The  archbishop  and  the  Lutherans  them- 
selves were  astonished  to  find  that  with  such  encour- 
agement more  than  twenty  thousand  were  ready  to  de- 
clare themselves  Lutheran.  By  this  means  he  came  into 
possession  of  the  names  and  places  of  residence  of  the 
entire  body  of  evangelicals  and  was  in  a  position  to  carry 
out  his  exterminating  measures  with  completeness  and 
expedition  and  without  tedious  inquisitorial  proceedings. 

When  the  Lutherans,  who  had  put  into  the  hands  of 
their  persecutors  all  the  information  that  was  necessary 
to  the  success  of  their  exterminating  measures,  saw  that 
disaster  was  imminent,  their  leaders  resolved  upon  the 
cementing  of  the  evangelical  body  for  life  or  death  by  a 
covenant,  in  August,  1731,  about  three  hundred  of  them, 
representing  their  various  communities,  assembled  at 
Schwarzach.  On  a  round  table  a  vessel  of  salt  was 
placed.  Around  the  table  sat  the  elders  of  the  congre- 
gations. The  others  stood  around  the  table  in  a  larger 
circle.  One  of  the  elders  proposed  that  all  should  enter 
into  a  salt-covenant.  All  dipped  their  fingers  in  the  salt 
and  conveying  them  to  their  lips  swore  with  the  right 
hand  lifted  toward  heaven  that  they  would  hold  fast  to 
the  evangelical  faith  even  unto  death.  As  any  form  of 
resistance  other  than  moral  was  out  of  the  question,  this 
procedure  seems  to  have  been  ill-advised,  it  removed 
from  their  persecutors  any  scruple  that  may  have  re- 
mained on  account  of  the  provisions  of  the  peace  of 
Westphalia.  By  covenanting  togetlier  in  this  solemn 
way  to  hold  fast  to  their  faith  they  had  bidden  defiance 
to  the  authorities.  They  decided  to  send  a  deputation 
to  the  emperor  at  Vienna  ;  but  these  were  not  allowed 
to  proceed.  They  then  besought  the  evangelical  princes 
to  intervene  for  their  deliverance. 

Frederick  William  !.,  of  Prussia,  heartily  espoused  their 
cause  and  sought  to  induce  the  other  evangelical  rulers 
to  join  with  him  in  threatening  retaliatory  measures 
against  Roman  Catholics  in  their  dominions  in  case  the 
provisions  of  the  peace  of  Westphalia  were  not  observed 
by  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg  in  his  dealings  with  his 


CHAP.  II.]  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  49I 

evangelical  subjects.  Failing  to  secure  the  necessary 
co-operation  on  the  part  of  the  evangelical  princes  and 
failing  to  move  the  emperor  to  prohibit  the  measures  con- 
templated by  the  archbishop,  the  noble  Prussian  king  had 
to  content  himself  with  an  offer  to  welcome  and  provide 
sustenance  for  the  whole  body  of  Salzburg  evangelicals. 

The  salt-covenant  was  followed  immediately  by  severe 
persecution.  Soldiers  were  quartered  on  evangelical 
families.  Evangelical  meetings  were  strictly  prohibited, 
and  the  celebration  of  religious  rites  was  interdicted. 
The  decisive  blow  fell  October  31,  1731,  when  an  "  Emi- 
gration Patent"  was  published,  which  commanded  all 
Protestants  to  leave  the  country  on  the  ground  of  having 
conspired  against  the  Catholic  religion  in  the  salt-cove- 
nant. Laborers  over  twelve  years  of  age  were  required 
to  leave  their  employment  without  compensation  within 
eight  days.  Citizens  and  artisans  were  to  lose  at  once 
their  civil  and  guild  rights  and  all  propertied  people  were 
allowed  from  one  to  three  months  for  selling  their  im- 
movable goods  and  houses  and  required  to  leave  the 
country  promptly  at  the  end  of  this  time. 

In  the  midst  of  winter,  with  such  horses  and  wagons 
and  such  provisions  as  they  could  command,  they  set  out 
on  their  long  northward  journey  to  Prussia.  They  went 
forth  full  of  religious  zeal  and  when  they  entered  into 
Protestant  territory  they  made  known  their  approach  to 
the  towns  and  cities  by  singing  with  enthusiasm  Luth- 
er's and  Schlaitberger's  hymns.  They  were  everywhere 
treated  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  their  journey, 
though  full  of  hardship,  was  almost  a  continuous  ova- 
tion. Many  companies  were  invited  to  settle  at  places 
on  the  way,  but  they  had  been  invited  to  Prussia  and 
felt  it  their  duty  to  put  themselves  under  the  govern- 
ment of  their  best  friend.  Nearly  twenty  thousand  of 
them  reached  Prussia  and  a  large  majority  settled  in 
Lithuania.  The  royal  treasury  was  heavily  taxed  to 
provide  for  them  while  they  were  becoming  self-sup- 
porting ;  but  the  king  was  abundantly  repaid  by  their 
contribution  to  the  evangelical  zeal  and  to  the  economic 
forces  of  the  country.  The  king  of  England  asked  evan- 
gelical people  everywhere  to  contribute  toward  the  re- 
lief of  the  emigrants  and  the  sum  of  nine  hundred  thou- 


492  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

sand  florins  was  collected.  A  small  colony  of  them  set- 
tled in  Georgia,  United  States,  and  they  were  noted  for 
their  thrift  and  their  evangelical  character. 

Hardly  any  religious  event  during  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury drew  out  the  sympathies  of  the  evangelical  world 
to  so  great  an  extent  or  so  intensified  the  zeal  of  evan- 
gelicals against  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  whose  in- 
tolerance was  thereby  so  clearly  shown. 

4.  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  French  Revolution. 

LITERATURE:  Sloan,  "The  French  Revolution  and  Religious 
Reform,"  igoi  ;  Pressense,  "The  Church  and  the  French  Revolu- 
tion "  ;  works  on  the  French  Revolution  by  Thiers,  Taine,  Stephens, 
Von  Sybel,  Alison,  Carlyle,  etc. 

(i)  The  l^iigious  Condition  of  France  in  lySg.  We 
have  seen  how  Jansenism  was  prostrated  during  the  early 
years  of  the  eighteenth  century;  it  long  survived,  how- 
ever, as  a  moral  force  in  the  French  Catholic  Church 
and  made  its  influence  powerfully  felt  for  good  in  the 
Parliament  of  Paris  and  in  the  provincial  Parliaments, 
many  eminent  jurists  being  of  this  persuasion.  The  Par- 
liament of  Paris  sought  in  many  ways  to  put  a  check  on 
royal  despotism,  which  was  becoming  more  and  more 
extravagant  under  Jesuit  influence  about  the  middle  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  In  1752  the  Parliament  by  decree 
forbade,  in  opposition  to  the  crown,  the  withholding  of 
the  sacraments  from  those  who  denied  the  authority  of 
the  papal  Bull  Unigenitus  (against  the  Jansenists).  The 
king  responded  by  banishing  the  Parliament,  but  there 
was  such  a  popular  outcry  against  arbitrary  royal  meas- 
ures that  he  felt  obliged  to  recall  these  guardians  of  the 
people's  rights.  In  1756  the  king  sought  to  secure  a 
recognition  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Grand  Council, 
Parliament  promptly  intervened,  accurately  defining  the 
powers  of  the  Grand  Council.  Shortly  afterward  Parlia- 
ment refused  to  register  a  royal  edict  for  new  taxes 
and  the  tribunal  was  abolished  by  royal  order.  The  king 
found  he  could  not  collect  taxes  without  the  approval  of 
Parliament  and  restored  the  body  three  months  later. 
The  grand  remonstrance  of  the  Jansenistic  Parliament 
could  not  be  ignored  and  it  was  because  of  the  dissatisfac- 
tion of  the  Ultramontane  clergy  with  their  attitude  that 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  493 

the  assembling  of  the  States  General  began  to  be  agitated. 
The  three  estates  were  not  called,  however,  until  1789 
and  they  inaugurated  the  Revolution.  The  Parliament 
of  Paris  and  with  it  the  moral  influence  of  the  Jansenists, 
was  abolished  in  1771,  and  thereby  revolution  was  made 
easier  and  more  certain.  There  were  in  France  during 
the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  number  of 
Galileans,  to  be  distinguished  from  Jansenists,  who*! 
opposed  Ultramontanism  and  royal  absolutism  alike,  but 
who  occupied  distinctly  lower  moral  and  religious  ground 
than  did  the  Jansenists.  The  Huguenots  had  never 
been  entirely  exterminated.  Many  had  remained  faith- 
ful even  in  the  cities  during  the  darkest  days.  In  the 
mountain  regions  of  the  southeast  of  France  many  heroic 
ministers  had  kept  alive  the  torch  of  gospel  truth  among 
congregations  that  met  in  sequestered  places,  braving  the 
persecutions  that  they  were  called  on  to  suffer.  The 
war  of  the  Cevennes  (1702-1710),  in  which  the  Cami- 
sards  carried  on  a  desperate  guerilla  warfare  against  their 
persecutors,  proved  once  more  how  difficult  it  is  to  subdue 
a  mountain  people  with  strong  religious  convictions.  The 
overthrow  of  the  Cevenols  as  a  militant  power  was  far 
from  putting  an  end  to  French  Protestantism.  "  The 
church  of  the  Desert "  persisted  with  rare  heroism 
until,  through  the  pleas  of  Voltaire  and  others,  toleration 
came  at  last  in  1787.  At  the  beginning  of  the  French 
Revolution  French  Protestants  were  not  only  numerous 
but  they  counted  among  their  number  men  of  rare  ability 
and  force  of  character.  The  Jesuits  who  had  shaped  the 
ecclesiastical  administration  of  Louis  XIV.  had  become 
generally  unpopular  in  France,  as  well  as  in  Spain  and 
Portugal,  and  had  lost  royal  favor.  Their  meddlesome- 
ness, their  use  of  State  secrets  for  the  purposes  of  the 
society,  and  the  disastrous  results  to  commerce  of  some 
of  their  wild  speculations  in  Martinique,  led  to  their  sup- 
pression in  France  in  1764.  A  little  later  Spain  and 
Portugal  followed  the  example  of  France,  and  the  three 
powers  brought  their  influence  successfully  to  bear  upon 
the  pope  for  the  utter  abolition  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

Voltaire  had  not  stopped  short  with  assailing  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  for  its  intolerance,  corruption,  and  ruin- 
ous exploitation  of  the  country  and  the  people,  and  with 


494  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

fixing  upon  it  the  stigma  of  infamy  (I'lnfame  was  the 
title  by  which  he  frequently  described  the  system  as  it 
existed)  ;  but  his  writings  tended  to  produce  downright 
infidelity.  Rousseau's  deism,  with  his  demand  for  a  re- 
turn to  nature  and  the  abolition  of  conventionalities  in 
Church  and  State,  influenced  many  minds  in  favor  of  a 
complete  revolution  of  the  social,  political,  and  religious 
order.  D'Alembert  and  Diderot  combined  with  skepti- 
cism almost  as  pronounced  as  that  of  Voltaire  ideas  of 
social  and  economic  reform  that  struck  at  the  roots  of 
Church  and  State  alike  as  they  existed  in  their  day. 
These  revolutionary  views  had  profoundly  influenced 
many  thousands  of  educated  Frenchmen,  and  had  no 
doubt  filtered  down  among  the  masses  to  the  extent  of 
making  them  conscious  of  the  injustice  of  existing  ar- 
rangements and  eager  to  embrace  any  feasible  opportu- 
nity for  social  amelioration. 

it  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  influence  of  French 
liberalism  was  by  no  means  confined  to  France.  The 
Emperor  Joseph  II.  became  deeply  imbued  with  it,  and 
with  the  support  of  a  large  proportion  of  the  Austrian 
Catholics  treated  with  contempt  the  pretensions  of  the 
pope.  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia  entertained  French 
skeptical  philosophers  at  his  court,  became  himself  an 
adept  at  their  kind  of  thinking  and  writing,  and  wrote 
his  books  in  the  French  language.  The  Swedish  court 
was  also  dominated  by  French  ideas.  In  England  and 
America,  before,  during,  and  just  after  the  American 
Revolution,  French  skepticism  and  social  ideas  had  a 
wide  currency  among  educated  people,  and  in  a  coarser 
form  became  widely  diffused  among  the  people. 

Voltaire's  expression,  "the  infamous  one,"  or  "the 
infamous  woman,"  does  not  seem  to  have  been  intended 
to  designate  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  as  such,  but 
the  entire  system  of  ecclesiastico-political  exploitation 
and  oppression  that  had  resulted  in  the  destruction  of 
civil  and  religious  liberty,  the  enormous  enrichment  of 
the  church,  the  impoverishment  of  the  masses,  and  the 
enslavement  of  the  bodies  and  souls  of  men. 

The  great  mass  of  the  higher  and  lower  clergy  and 
the  members  of  the  monastic  orders  were  Ultramontane 
in  sentiment  as  a  matter  of  self-interest  if  not  as  a  mat- 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  495 

ter  of  principle.  The  higher  clergy  were  for  the  most 
part  members  of  the  nobility  appointed  as  a  matter  of 
royal  favoritism  and  with  interests  ahuost  purely  secu- 
lar. Their  incomes  were  princely  and  their  lives  differed 
little  from  those  of  the  nobility.  Yet  many  men  of  great 
learning  and  eloquence  and  of  considerable  spiritual 
power  made  their  way  into  the  higher  ranks.  The  inter- 
mediate clergy,  drawn  largely  from  the  monastic  orders, 
were  moderately  provided  for  and  embraced  many  able 
and  learned  men.  The  lower  ranks  were,  for  the  most 
part,  ill-endowed,  ill-equipped,  ill-supported,  and  ineffi- 
cient. While  the  clergy  as  a  body  professed  Ultramon- 
tane principles,  it  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  large  num- 
bers of  them  had  come  under  the  influence  of  the  skep- 
tical modes  of  thought  that  so  widely  prevailed. 

One  of  the  most  unendurable  grievances  of  the  French 
people  and  one  of  the  causes  of  the  abolition  of  the 
church  by  the  revolutionists  was  its  enormous  wealth, 
which  was  being  steadily  and  rapidly  increased  even 
when  financial  depression  and  general  misery  pre- 
vailed. With  a  priestly  and  monastic  constituency  of 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand  (about  one  hundredth 
of  the  population)  the  church  appropriated  and  consumed 
(or  saved)  one-fifth  of  the  income  of  the  country.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  if  the  church  had  paid  taxes  from 
the  beginning  of  the  century  at  the  same  rate  as  did  the 
non-privileged  classes,  more  than  a  billion  dollars  would 
have  been  added  to  the  public  treasury.  As  similar  ex- 
emptions were  enjoyed  by  the  nobles,  the  third  estate 
had  borne  and  was  bearing  almost  the  entire  expense 
of  a  most  extravagant  and  wasteful  government.  The 
number  of  clergy  and  members  of  the  monastic  orders 
had  declined  within  thirty  years  from  over  four  hundred 
thousand  to  a  little  over  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand, 
and  was  steadily  diminishing.  It  was  to  the  interest  of 
those  in  control  to  reduce  the  numbers,  as  the  income 
would  remain  the  same  and  the  share  of  each  would  in- 
crease with  diminishing  numbers.  As  the  great  mass  of 
the  clergy  were  poorly  provided  for  the  bulk  of  the  in- 
come was  enjoyed  by  a  comparatively  small  number. 
Several  rich  benefices  were  often  enjoyed  by  a  single 
individual,  and  the  duties  attaching  to  the  offices  were 


496  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

either  wholly  neglected  or  performed  by  cheap  substi- 
tutes. It  is  said  that  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution 
seventy  per  cent,  of  the  monasteries  were  held  in  com- 
mendam  by  those  who  performed  no  duties  and  were  not 
even  in  residence.  While  the  church  was  supposed  to 
be  the  chief  organ  for  the  gathering  and  distribution  of 
charities,  little  of  its  vast  revenue  was  applied  to  the  re- 
lief of  the  poor  and  afflicted.  It  possessed  half  of  the 
landed  property  of  France,  besides  personal  property  ac- 
cumulated for  ages.  Besides  enjoying  the  income  of 
these  vast  estates  it  had  the  privilege  of  drawing  a  large 
revenue  from  the  tax-paying  population  and  its  repre- 
sentatives were  the  frequent  recipients  of  royal  gratuities 
drawn  from  the  same  source.  The  utter  worldliness 
and  the  shameless  immorality  of  a  large  proportion  of 
the  clergy  made  the  enjoyment  of  their  special  privileges 
even  more  distasteful  to  the  exploited  classes  than  they 
would  otherwise  have  been.  The  wonder  is,  not  that 
the  day  of  reckoning  came  at  last,  but  that  its  coming 
was  so  long  deferred. 

The  clergy  of  the  lower  ranks,  being  themselves  the 
objects  of  oppression,  sympathized  for  the  most  part 
with  the  woes  of  the  people  and  were  zealous  for  social 
and  economic  reform.  Many  of  these  cast  in  their  lot 
with  the  revolutionists. 

(2)  The  Church  and  the  National  Assembly.  When  in 
his  desperation  Louis  XVI.  called  together  the  States 
General  (representatives  of  the  three  estates  :  nobles, 
clergy,  and  commons),  it  was  intended  that  the  repre- 
sentatives of  each  estate  should  deliberate  and  vote  as  a 
unit,  and  as  the  nobles  and  clergy  had  many  interests  in 
common,  there  seemed  no  danger  that  the  representa- 
tives of  the  third  estate  would  be  able  to  exert  an  over- 
whelming influence  over  the  body  and  insist  upon  the 
carrying  through  of  revolutionary  measures.  The  de- 
mand of  the  third  estate  that  the  body  be  organized  on  the 
basis  of  one  man  one  vote  was  sternly  resisted  by  clergy 
and  nobles.  The  third  estate  numbered  six  hundred  and 
sixty-one  delegates,  while  the  combined  force  of  clergy 
(three  hundred  and  eight)  and  nobles  (two  hundred  and 
eighty-five)  was  less  than  six  hundred.  To  yield  the 
point  on  the  part  of  the  latter  two  meant  to  give  the  con- 


CHAP.  11.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  497 

trol  of  the  body  into  the  hands  of  the  third  estate.  The 
third  estate  was  proceeding  to  regard  itself  as  the  Na- 
tional Assembly  because  of  the  refusal  of  the  other  es- 
tates to  co-operate  on  the  terms  proposed.  The  king 
first  attempted  to  coerce  the  third  estate,  but  afterward 
yielded  to  it  and  ordered  clergy  and  nobles  to  concede 
the  demands  made  by  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
The  third  estate  at  this  time  embraced  most  of  the  legal 
talent  and  much  of  the  commercial,  manufacturing,  and 
financial  strength  and  wisdom  of  the  country.  It  had 
become  evident  that  its  leaders  in  the  Assembly  were 
deeply  in  earnest,  and  resolved  upon  pursuing  the  de- 
mand of  the  people  for  thorough-going  reform  to  the  bit- 
ter end.  The  scoring  of  this  victory  aroused  the  popular 
enthusiasm  throughout  the  country  to  a  white  heat.  The 
storming  and  destruction  of  the  Bastille  (July  14,  1789), 
which  stood  for  irresponsible  tyranny,  was  followed  by 
the  destruction  of  castles  and  other  appurtenances  of 
feudalism  throughout  France,  and  the  organization  of 
troops  not  subject  to  the  royal  command.  July  14,  1789, 
was  thenceforth  a  national  anniversary  and  was  regarded 
as  the  birthday  of  liberty,  equality,  and  fraternity.  The 
lower  clergy  were  not  slow  to  denounce  the  corruptions 
and  oppressions  of  the  higher  clergy,  and  demanded  the 
breaking  of  the  chains  with  which  episcopal  despotism 
had  bound  them.  By  August  4,  1789,  nobles  and  pre- 
lates alike  had  come  to  see  the  impossibility  of  preserv- 
ing their  feudal  privileges.  They  graciously  joined  with 
the  representatives  of  the  people  in  voting  the  utter  abo- 
lition of  the  feudal  system  with  all  its  immunities  and  class 
distinctions,  and  only  asked  the  privilege  of  being  ad- 
mitted on  equal  terms  to  the  great  body  of  French  citi- 
zens. The  abolition  of  the  tithing  system  and  of  con- 
tributions levied  by  the  pope  followed  (August  10).  On 
December  21  complete  liberty  of  worship  and  full  citi- 
zenship were  given  to  the  Huguenots.  A  year  later  these 
privileges  were  extended  to  Lutherans  and  Swiss  Prot- 
estants. In  the  meantime  religious  privileges  had  been 
granted  to  Jews. 

In  the  debate  of  August  4,  the  Bishop  of  Uzes  had  de- 
clared that  the  property  and  privileges  of  the  church 
having  been  bestowed  by  the  nation  could  be  reappro- 

2G 


498  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

priated  only  by  the  nation,  A  few  days  afterward  one 
of  the  deputies  asserted  that  ecclesiastical  property  be- 
longed to  the  nation  and  should  be  used  for  relieving  the 
terrible  financial  strain  that  was  crushing  it.  A  noble 
suggested  the  confiscation  and  sale  of  superfluous  eccle- 
siastical and  monastic  plate,  and  the  suggestion  was  ap- 
proved by  the  Archbishop  of  Paris.  Most  of  the  cleri- 
cals deprecated  such  a  sacrifice,  but  the  archbishop  was 
able  three  days  later  to  make  the  offer,  which  was 
promptly  accepted  by  the  Assembly.  No  doubt  much 
was  withheld  that  might  have  been  contributed,  but  the 
result  was  about  twenty-eight  million  dollars.  This 
throwing  of  a  sop  to  Cerberus  did  not  suffice.  A  deputy 
called  attention  to  the  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars 
that  had  accrued  to  the  church  from  its  exemptions  and 
privileges.  If  the  church  had  contributed  even  on  the 
same  scale  as  the  nobles  during  the  past  eighty-three 
years  the  State  would  have  five  hundred  and  forty  mil- 
lion dollars  as  a  reserve  capital.  He  insisted  that  the 
church  property  belonged  to  the  State  and  should  be 
used  for  State  purposes.  The  value  of  the  property 
wrongfully  held  by  the  church  he  estimated  at  about 
twelve  hundred  million  dollars.  After  much  discussion 
Mirabeau  proposed  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  the 
church  and  the  assumption  by  the  State  of  the  support, 
on  a  moderate  scale,  of  public  worship.  This  measure 
was  strenuously  opposed  by  a  large  proportion  of  the 
prelates.  On  October  31  the  prelates  offered  eighty 
million  dollars  toward  the  national  deficit  and  promised 
reforms  in  financial  administration.  The  motion  for  plac- 
ing church  property  "  at  the  disposal  of  the  nation  "  was 
carried  (November  2)  by  a  very  large  majority.  The 
process  of  appropriation  and  sale  aroused  bitterly  hostile 
feelings  among  the  clergy  which  prepared  the  way  for 
their  complete  overthrow.  The  appropriation  by  the 
State  of  the  property  of  the  church  did  much  toward 
precipitating  the  Reign  of  Terror.  On  March  10,  1790, 
Rabaud  St.  Etienne,  a  Protestant,  became  chairman  of 
the  Assembly,  which  had  shortly  before  declined  to  vote 
that  Roman  Catholicism  was  the  religion  of  the  State.  A 
violent  speech  by  Dom  Gerle,  a  Carthusian  monk 
(March  13),  in  favor  of  the  recognition  of   Roman  Ca- 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  499 

tholicism  as  the  religion  of  the  State  almost  caused  a 
riot.  The  protest  of  the  prelates  was  in  vain,  and  noth- 
ing was  left  to  the  clergy  but  to  become  the  hirelings  of 
the  State  or  to  withdraw  from  all  relations  therewith. 

On  February  14,  1790,  the  monastic  orders  were 
abolished,  on  the  ground  that  the  monasteries  were  the 
abodes  of  tyranny,  the  prisons  of  sorrowing  hearts 
suffering  in  silence,  and  the  scenes  of  disorderly  festivi- 
ties and  every  sort  of  crime,  and  a  small  allowance  was 
made  to  each  monk  and  nun  for  support. 

An  ecclesiastical  committee,  whose  most  influential 
member  was  the  eminent  Jansenist  jurist,  Camus,  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Assembly  for  the  drafting  of  a 
new  constitution  for  the  church  now  deprived  of  its 
sources  of  income  and  entirely  dependent  on  the  State. 
"  The  Civil  Constitution  of  the  Church  "  was  duly  pre- 
sented (May,  1790)  by  the  committee  and  adopted  by 
the  Assembly  (July  12,  1790).  It  provided  for  the  abo- 
lition of  the  existing  hierarchy  (archbishoprics,  bishop- 
rics, etc.)  and  in  its  place  created  ten  metropolitan  dis- 
tricts, corresponding  with  the  arrondissements ,  and  eighty- 
three  dioceses,  coinciding  with  the  departments,  thus 
reducing  the  number  of  bishops  (one  hundred  and  thirt}'- 
six)  nearly  one-half;  for  the  suppression  of  chapters  as 
superfluous;  for  the  appointment  of  bishops  and  parish 
priests  by  the  electoral  assemblies  of  the  departments, 
which  might  be  made  up  of  Protestants,  Jews,  and 
atheists,  and  the  installation  of  bishops  by  the  metro- 
politan without  the  co-operation  of  the  pope  ;  that  before 
being  inducted  into  their  offices  they  should  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  nation,  the  laws,  and  the  king ; 
that  the  bishop  should  have  charge  of  the  spiritual  work 
in  the  cathedral  churches,  the  other  clergy  of  the  diocese 
constituting  a  council  for  him,  whose  advice  he  was 
bound  to  follow  ;  and  it  prohibited  any  intermeddling  of 
foreign  bishops  in  French  ecclesiastical  affairs.  Parish 
priests  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  district  assemblies  and 
inducted  by  the  bishops.  A  theological  seminary  in 
every  department  (diocese)  was  provided  for  and  the 
director  was  entitled  to  a  seat  along  with  the  parish 
priests  {cures)  on  the  bishop's  council.  The  remunera- 
tion of  metropolitans,  bishops,  priests,  seminary  directors, 


500  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

etc.,  was  fixed  on  a  moderate  but  adequate  scale.  The 
number  of  parish  clergy  was  greatly  reduced.  Camus 
and  his  associates  on  the  ecclesiastical  committee  pro- 
fessed a  desire  to  restore  the  French  church  to  primitive 
simplicity  and  purity,  but  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they 
could  have  persuaded  themselves  that  their  handiwork 
bore  the  slightest  resemblance  to  the  apostolic  norm. 

The  distracted  king  hesitated,  conferred  with  pope  and 
prelates,  and  at  last  (August  24)  consented  to  the 
arrangement.  His  hesitation  was  unsatisfactory  to  the 
Ultramontanes,  who  had  hoped  for  his  prompt  rejection 
of  the  measure,  and  to  Jansenists,  Protestants,  and 
freethinkers,  who  saw  that  he  simply  yielded  to  the 
inevitable  and  was  not  at  heart  in  sympathy  with  the 
radical  proceedings  of  the  Assembly.  If  the  pope  had 
been  as  courageous  as  some  of  his  predecessors  and 
successors,  he  could  have  greatly  embarrassed  the  As- 
sembly in  its  efforts  to  put  the  Civil  Constitution  in 
operation.  As  it  was,  a  large  number  of  bishops,  canons, 
chapters,  and  priests  refused  to  recognize  the  authority 
of  the  Assembly  and  sought  to  continue  in  the  old  way. 
The  A.ssembly  (November  27,  1790),  after  a  heated 
debate,  voted  that  all  priests  without  exception  should 
swear  to  obey  the  laws,  the  constitution,  and  the  king, 
on  pain  of  deposition,  loss  of  salary,  and  loss  of  citizen- 
ship. On  January  4,  1791,  a  majority  of  the  Assembly 
voted,  amid  great  excitement  and  under  strong  pressure 
from  the  Paris  commune,  that  every  clerical  member  of 
the  Assembly,  as  well  as  every  priest  in  the  country, 
whether  in  office  or  not,  should  take  the  oath.  Of  the 
three  hundred  ecclesiastical  deputies  only  eighty  would 
take  the  oath,  and  of  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-six 
bishops  only  four,  and  these  not  the  most  reputable.  Of 
the  sixty  thousand  parish  priests  and  vicars  only  about 
ten  thousand  could  be  induced  to  swear.  The  newly 
created  metropolitans  were  appointed  more  with  refer- 
ence to  the  heartiness  with  which  they  had  accepted  the 
revolution  and  the  Civil  Constitution  than  with  reference 
to  their  moral  and  spiritual  qualifications.  The  first  of 
the  new  bishops  were  consecrated  by  Talleyrand.  These 
in  turn  consecrated  others. 

Pius  VI.,  after  months  of  hesitation,  declared  against 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  501 

the  Civil  Constitution  (April,  1791)  and  prohibited  the 
newly  consecrated  bishops  from  exercising  episcopal 
functions.  The  Assembly  retaliated  by  appropriating  the 
counties  of  Avignon  and  Venaissin,  which  belonged  to  the 
pope.  The  attempt  of  the  priests  and  their  lay  support- 
ers, under  papal  encouragement,  to  resist  the  decrees  of 
the  Assembly  led  to  much  riot  and  bloodshed,  in  Paris  a 
grotesque  image  of  the  pope,  sitting  on  an  ass  and  holding 
the  figure  of  a  bull,  was  paraded  through  the  streets 
amid  the  jeers  of  the  multitude  and  afterward  burnt. 

(3)  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  Legislative 
Assembly  {lygi-iygi).  The  Legislative  Assembly  was 
far  more  violently  antagonistic  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  and  to  Christianity  itself  than  the  National 
(Constituent)  Assembly  had  been.  The  resistance  of 
the  French  clergy  to  the  Civil  Constitution  and  the  oath 
of  allegiance  was  met  with  wholesale  massacre.  Six 
hundred  priests  are  said  to  have  been  slain  at  Avignon, 
The  king's  imprisonment  and  the  order  to  clear  Paris  of 
priests  fell  on  the  same  day  (August  13,  1792).  Several 
hundreds  were  thrown  into  prison,  and  when  it  was 
rumored  (September  2)  that  a  Prussian  army  was  on  its 
way  to  Paris  to  liberate  the  king,  about  three  hundred 
of  the  clergy,  including  an  archbishop  and  two  bishops, 
were  slaughtered  in  prison.  Large  numbers  were  slain 
at  Meaux,  Chalons,  Rennes,  and  Lyons.  About  eight 
thousand  suspects  were  massacred  in  Paris  at  this  time. 
Priests  and  nobles  in  vast  numbers  fled  from  France 
{emigres).  Robespierre,  Danton,  and  Marat,  bitter  op- 
ponents of  Christianity,  were  now  the  leaders.  The 
Reign  of  Terror  may  be  said  to  have  been  inaugurated 
with  this  massacre. 

(4)  The  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the  National  Con- 
vention {iyg2-iyg^).  A  European  coalition  had  been 
formed  against  the  Revolution.  The  declaration  of  the 
Republic  and  the  execution  of  the  king  were  followed  by 
the  Reign  of  Terror,  in  which  the  leaders,  whose  hands 
were  already  red  with  blood,  felt  themselves  justified, 
in  the  interest  of  the  nation,  in  executing  all  suspects, 
clericals  included,  with  the  merest  pretense  of  legal  trial 
and  conviction.  The  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Convention,  was  assisted  in  its  bloody 


502  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

work  by  forty-four  thousand  minor  tribunals  scattered 
throughout  France.  The  popular  hatred  of  Christianity 
kept  pace  with  the  barbarity  of  the  revolutionary  pro- 
ceedings. In  1791  the  remains  of  Voltaire  were  exhumed 
and  he  was  given  a  public  funeral  in  which  the  unbe- 
lieving philosopher  was  almost  apotheosized.  In  April, 
1793,  the  banishment  of  all  non-juring  clergy  was  decreed 
and  constitutional  clergy  were  permitted  to  marry.  A 
new  decimal  calendar,  with  a  complete  change  of  the 
names  of  month  and  days  and  the  substitution  of  a  tenth 
day  of  rest  and  sport  for  the  Christian  Lord's  Day, 
was  introduced  September  22,  1792.  In  November, 
1793,  Christianity  was  abolished,  the  existence  of  God 
publicly  denied,  and  the  worship  of  the  Goddess  of 
Reason  was  inaugurated  with  great  pomp.  Christian 
churches  were  desecrated  througliout  France,  and  many 
of  them,  including  Notre  Dame  Cathedral,  were  used  for 
the  celebration  of  the  worship  of  the  goddess  with  worse 
than  pagan  lasciviousness  and  shamelessness. 

By  1794  the  reaction  had  gone  so  far  that  Robespierre 
could  procure  the  adoption  of  a  decree  by  the  Conven- 
tion in  favor  of  the  existence  of  a  Supreme  Being  and 
the  immortality  of  the  soul.  Robespierre  officiated  with 
much  ceremony  as  high  priest  of  the  Supreme  Being  and 
was  treated  like  a  demigod.  The  fall  and  execution  of 
Robespierre  (July,  1794)  was  followed  by  a  marked 
reaction  in  favor  of  Christianity.  The  excesses  of  the 
Terror  had  wrought  their  own  cure.  In  1795  Catholic 
worship,  as  well  as  Protestant  and  other,  was  permitted. 

Under  the  Directory  and  the  Consulate  there  was  a 
gradual  improvement  in  the  condition  and  relations  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  France.  In  Italy,  Napo- 
leon had  deprived  the  pope  of  his  temporal  power  and 
had  set  up  republics  in  disregard  of  his  wishes.  For 
Napoleon's  dealings  with  different  popes,  see  sketches  in 
an  earlier  section.  The  Concordat  of  1801  and  Napo- 
leon's subsequent  harsh  dealing  with  popes  have  been 
sufficiently  described  above,  as  has  been  also  the  reac- 
tion in  favor  of  the  papacy  as  a  friend  of  monarchical 
government  and  an  enemy  of  revolution,  which,  under 
the  guidance  of  the  restored  Jesuits,  the  popes  knew 
how  to  utilize  to  the  full. 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  503 

5.   %eceiit  Ultramontane  Proceedings,  and  Reactions 
Thereby  Provoked. 

(i)  The  Proclamation  of  the  Dogma  of  the  Immaculate 
Conception  of  Mary,  the  Mother  of  Our  Lord.^  From  ear- 
lier sections  of  the  present  work  it  has  been  seen  how 
important  a  place  the  mother  of  our  Lord  came  to  occupy 
in  the  thought  and  the  worship  of  Christians.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  Christians  of  the  fourth  and  following 
centuries  unreservedly  applied  to  her  the  title  "Mother 
of  God,"  refusing  to  be  satisfied  with  the  statement  that 
she  was  the  mother  of  the  humanity  of  Christ  that  was 
united  indissolubly  with  deity,  and  insisting  on  paying 
her  a  devotion  little  short  of  that  due  to  God.  The  ten- 
dency of  this  type  of  theology  (the  Alexandrian),  by 
maintaining  such  a  union  of  the  divine  and  the  human 
in  the  person  of  Christ  as  to  make  the  resultant  being 
absolutely  divine  and  to  obliterate  the  humanity,  is  to 
exalt  the  divine-human  Saviour  above  the  reach  of  all 
but  the  priestly  intercessors,  to  destroy  the  sense  of 
his  infinite  human  sympathy,  and  to  create  and  foster 
a  demand,  natural  in  any  case  among  those  whose  ante- 
cedents had  been  pagan,  involving  devotion  to  female  as 
well  as  male  deities,  for  a  motherly  deity  approachable 
by  the  humblest  Christian,  full  of  sympathy  for  all  our 
weaknesses  and  woes,  and  able  and  willing  to  use  her 
motherly  influence  with  her  exalted  Son  on  our  behalf. 
After  her  cult  had  become  thoroughly  established  and 
almost  universal  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  churches 
alike,  theologians  began  to  ask  themselves  how  they 
could  justify  the  paying  of  an  adoration  almost  divine  to 
a  mere  woman,  even  though  she  had  been  divinely  chosen 
to  be  the  mother  of  the  Christ.  Many  of  the  patristic 
writers  (including  Augustine)  went  so  far  as  to  exempt 
Mary  from  actual  trangression,  but  no  one  asserted  her 
sinless  conception.  When  the  canons  of  Lyons  (i  139) 
introduced  a  festival  in  honor  of  the  conception  of  the 
immaculate  Mary,  the  leading  guardians  of  orthodoxy 
(like  Bernard)  rebuked  them,  claiming  that  it  would  be 

1  See  Schaff,  "  Creeds  of  Christendom."  and  art.  "Immaculate  Conception"  in 
Jotinson's  "Cyclopaedia"  and  in  the  Schaff-Herzog  "Encyclopaedia";  Preuss, 
"  The  Romish  Doctrine  of  the  Immaculate  Conception,"  1865  ;  Perrone,  "De  Im- 
maculato  B.  1).  M.  Conceptu,"  1853;  and  H.  B.  Smith  in  "Methodist  Quar.  Rev." 
for  1855. 


504  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

just  as  reasonable  to  do  the  same  thing  in  the  case  of 
our  Lord's  grandmother,  great-grandmother,  etc.  Anselm, 
Bonaventura,  Albertus  Magnus,  and  Thomas  Aquinas 
agreed  with  the  mediaeval  popes  in  denying  the  immacu- 
late conception  of  Mary.  Duns  Scotus  and  his  followers 
insisted  on  the  doctrine,  which  gradually  made  its  way 
to  acceptance  as  a  church  dogma.  The  Council  of  Trent 
was  non-committal.  The  Jesuits  espoused  the  Scotist 
side,  and  industriously  propagated  the  doctrine  in  oppo- 
sition to  Dominicans  and  Jansenists.  With  their  resto- 
ration to  leadership  they  began  to  scheme  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  doctrine  on  the  consciences  of  the  entire 
church. 

In  1849  Pope  Pius  IX.  sent  an  encyclical  to  the  bishops 
requesting  them  to  express  their  opinions  on  the  matter 
and  their  wishes  as  to  an  authoritative  definition,  mak- 
ing clear  his  own  conviction  as  to  the  supreme  importance 
of  the  doctrine  and  its  definition.  The  encyclical  con- 
tained the  following  remarkable  utterance:  "  Ye  know 
full  well,  venerable  brethren,  that  the  whole  ground  of 
our  confidence  is  placed  in  the  most  holy  Virgin,"  since 
"  God  has  vested  in  her  the  plenitude  of  all  good,  so  that 
henceforth,  if  there  be  in  us  any  hope,  if  there  be  any 
grace,  if  there  be  any  salvation,  we  must  receive  it  solely 
from  her,  according  to  the  will  of  him  who  would  have 
us  possess  all  things  through  Mary."  More  than  six 
hundred  prelates  responded,  all  but  four  approving  the 
doctrine  itself  and  the  papal  definition  of  it  as  a  dogma 
of  the  church. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  Feast  of  the  Conception  (De- 
cember 8,  1854),  in  the  presence  of  more  than  two  hun- 
dred cardinals,  bishops,  and  other  dignitaries,  Pius  IX, 
solemnly  defined  and  promulgated  the  dogma  as  follows  : 
"That  the  most  blessed  Virgin  Mary,  in  the  first  instant 
of  her  conception,  by  a  singular  grace  and  privilege  of 
Almighty  God,  by  the  intuitive  perception  (intiiiiii)  of 
the  merits  of  Christ  Jesus  the  Saviour  of  the  human 
race,  was  kept  immune  from  any  contamination  of  orig- 
inal sin."  This  dogma,  it  is  added,  "  has  been  revealed 
by  God,  and  therefore  must  be  firmly  and  constantly 
believed  by  all  the  faithful." 

The  promulgation  of  this  dogma  without  the  calling  of 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  505 

a  general  council,  and  amid  the  enthusiasm  of  a  jubilee 
in  honor  of  the  Virgin,  was  no  doubt  shrewdly  designed 
to  prepare  the  way  for  the  dogma  of  papal  infallibility, 
the  definition  and  recognition  of  which  formed  an  integral 
part  of  the  Jesuit  programme  which  Pius  IX.  was  sys- 
tematically striving  to  carry  out. 

From  the  Roman  standpoint  this  dogma  completes  the  Mari- 
ology  and  Mariolatry,  which,  step  by  step,  proceeded  from  the  per- 
petual virginity  of  Mary  to  her  freedom  from  actual  sin  after  the 
conception  of  the  Saviour,  then  to  freedom  from  sin  after  her  birth, 
and  at  last  to  her  freedom  from  original  or  hereditary  sin.  The  only 
thing  now  left  is  to  proclaim  the  dogma  of  her  assumption  to  heaven, 
which  has  long  been  a  pious  opinion  in  the  Roman  Church.  To 
this  corresponds  the  progress  in  the  worship  of  Mary,  and  the  mul- 
tiplication of  her  festivals.  Her  worship  even  overshadows  the 
worship  of  Christ.  She,  the  tender,  compassionate,  lovely  woman, 
is  invoked  for  her  powerful  intercession,  rather  than  her  divine  Son. 
She  is  made  the  fountain  of  all  grace,  the  mediatrix  between  Christ 
and  the  believer,  and  is  virtually  put  in  the  place  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 
There  is  scarcely  an  epithet  of  Christ  which  devout  Roman  Cath- 
olics do  not  apply  to  the  Virgin  ;  and  Pope  Pius  IX.  sanctioned  the 
false  interpretation  of  Gen.  3:15,  that  she  (not  Christ)  crushed  the 
head  of  the  serpent. — Schaff. 

(2)  The  Canoni:{ation  of  the  Japanese  Martyrs  and  the 
Public  Declaration  of  the  Necessity  of  Preserving  Intact  the 
Temporal  Sovereignty  of  the  Church}  At  Pentecost,  1862, 
Pius  IX.  called  the  prelates  together  to  participate  in  the 
canonization  of  the  Japanese  martyrs  of  1597,  but  really 
to  join  with  him  in  a  protest  against  the  past  and  im- 
minent spoliation  of  the  Patrimony  of  Peter.  The  prel- 
ates expressed  their  conviction  that  the  civil  power  was 
necessary  to  the  Holy  See,  to  which  it  had  been  annexed 
by  a  special  and  visible  providence  of  God  ;  that  in  the 
actual  order  of  things  the  civil  power  was  an  indispen- 
sable requisite  to  the  free  government  of  the  church  ; 
that  the  head  of  the  church  of  God  could  not  be  the 
subject  of  any  prince  ;  that  he  must  enjoy  the  fullest 
independence  in  his  own  territory  and  in  his  own  States, 
as  in  no  other  way  could  he  protect  and  defend  the 
Catholic  faith  and  guide  and  govern  the  whole  Chris- 
tian commonwealth.     The  pope  presented  each  prelate 

1  See  Wiseman,  "  Rome  and  the  Catholic  Episcopate  at  the  Feast  of  Pentecost," 
1862  ;  Dollinger,  "  The  Church  and  the  Churches,"  1862  ;  Alzog,  "  Univ.  Ch.  Hist.," 
I  412;  and  Nippold,  "  Handbuch  d.  ncuatcn  Kirchoigcschichte,"  Bd.  II.,  Seit.  120  scq. 


506  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

with  a  copy  of  a  great  work  on  "The  Temporal  Sover- 
eignty of  the  Roman  Pontiffs"  (in  six  folio  volumes), 
containing  protests  from  all  parts  of  the  world  against 
the  actual  and  imminent  spoliation  of  the  Patrimony  of 
Peter. 

(3)  The  Encyclical  and  Syllabus  of  1864?  By  1864 
Ultramontanism  had  a  multitude  of  enemies  inside  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  as  well  as  outside  of  the  body. 
In  France  Gallicanism  was  represented  by  men  of  high 
estate  and  great  repute.  In  Germany,  especially  in  the 
Catholic  faculties  of  the  Universities  of  Munich,  Tubin- 
gen, and  Bonn,  a  large  number  of  Roman  Catholic 
scholars  had  been  under  the  influence  of  the  current 
Protestant  liberalism,  had  come  to  be  advocates  of  the 
application  of  the  scientific  method  to  the  study  of  the- 
ology, church  history,  the  Bible,  civil  government,  etc., 
and  did  not  regard  with  favor  the  claim  of  the  pope  and 
the  Roman  Curia  to  determine  what  every  Catholic 
must  believe  and  how  the  facts  of  history  should  be 
interpreted.  The  bitter  opposition  that  had  been  en- 
countered by  Pius  IX.  and  the  Jesuits  in  their  efforts  to 
foist  upon  the  church  the  doctrine  of  papal  infallibility, 
and  the  utter  repudiation  of  the  pope's  claim  to  dictate 
the  policy  of  civil  governments,  led  to  the  sending  forth 
at  this  time  of  an  Encyclical  and  a  Syllabus  of  eighty 
errors,  which  Catholics  everywhere  must  join  with  the 
pope  in  anathematizing.  In  the  Encyclical,  Pius  states 
that  scarcely  had  he  assumed  his  office  "when  We,  to 
the  extreme  grief  of  Our  soul,  beheld  a  horrible  tempest 
stirred  up  by  so  many  erroneous  opinions,  and  the  dread- 
ful and  never-enough-to-be-lamented  mischiefs  which 
redound  to  Christian  people  from  such  errors."  He  feels 
it  now  incumbent  upon  him  in  the  exercise  of  his  apos- 
tolic authority  to  condemn  these  errors  in  detail.  He 
also  comes  to  the  defense  of  the  Religious  Orders  that 
have  been  so  bitterly  attacked  by  the  naturalism  and 
unbelief  of  the  time. 

The  eighty  errors  specified  and  condemned  in  the 
Syllabus  are  arranged  in  ten  sections  :  Pantheism,  Nat- 

'  See  Schaff,  "  The  Creeds  of  Christendom  "  ;  Badenoch  (editor),  "  Ultramontan- 
ism :  England's  Synipathy  with  Germany."  1874;  Janus  (Dollinger  and  Friedrich), 
"  The  Pope  and  the  Council,"  1869. 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  507 

uralism,  and  Absolute  Rationalism  ;  Moderate  Rational- 
ism ;  Indifferentism,  Latitudinarianism  (Toleration)  ;  So- 
cialism, Communism,  Secret  Societies,  Bible  Societies, 
Clerico-liberal  Societies ;  Errors  about  Civil  Society 
considered  in  itself  as  well  as  in  its  Relations  to  the 
Church ;  Errors  concerning  Natural  and  Christian 
Ethics  ;  Errors  concerning  Christian  Matrimony  ;  Errors 
concerning  the  Civil  Principality  of  the  Roman  Pontiff ; 
Errors  that  are  referred  to  the  Liberalism  of  the  Day, 
all  these  were  opposed  and  condemned  by  him.  Only  a 
few  specimen  articles  can  be  here  given. 

The  Syllabus  anathematizes  the  proposition  that  "the 
decrees  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  of  the  Roman  Congre- 
gations impede  the  free  progress  of  science  "  (art.  12)  ; 
that  "  Every  man  is  free  to  embrace  and  profess  that 
religion  which,  guided  by  the  light  of  reason,  he  shall 
have  thought  to  be  true"  (art.  15);  that  "Protestant- 
ism is  nothing  else  than  a  different  form  of  the  same 
Christian  religion,  in  which,  just  as  well  as  in  the  Cath- 
olic Church,  it  is  possible  to  please  God"  (art.  18); 
that  "  The  church  is  not  a  true,  perfect,  and  entirely  free 
association"  (art.  19);  that  "The  church  has  not  the 
power  of  defining  dogmatically  that  the  religion  of  the 
Catholic  Church  is  the  only  true  religion  "  (art.  21)  ;  that 
"  The  Roman  Pontiffs  and  Ecumenical  Councils  have 
exceeded  the  limits  of  their  power,  have  usurped  the 
rights  of  Princes,  and  have  even  committed  errors  in 
defining  matters  of  faith  and  morals"  (art.  23);  that 
"  The  church  has  not  the  power  of  availing  herself  of 
force,  nor  any  temporal  power  direct  or  indirect"  (art. 
24)  ;  that  "  The  Church  ought  to  be  separated  from  the 
State,  and  the  State  from  the  Church"  (art.  55);  that 
"  The  Roman  Pontiff  can,  and  ought  to,  reconcile  him- 
self to  and  agree  with  progress,  with  liberalism,  and  with 
recent  State  polity  "  (art.  80). 

These  extracts  are  sufficient  to  show  that  the  papacy 
of  the  nineteenth  century  is  fully  prepared  to  defend 
every  act  of  intolerance  and  of  interference  with  civil 
matters,  including  the  burning  of  heretics,  the  preaching 
of  crusades  against  heretics,  and  the  deposition  and  the 
setting  up  of  kings,  and  makes  it  a  matter  of  disloyalty  for 
any  one  to  call  in  question  a  past  or  present  papal  act. 


508  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

It  is  distinctly  asserted  tiiat  the  church  has  the  power 
to  use  force  and  to  employ  temporal  power  for  the  en- 
forcement of  its  decrees.  It  is  expressly  denied  that 
popes  have  ever  exceeded  the  proper  bounds  of  their 
power  or  usurped  the  rights  of  princes.  Modern  civil- 
ization in  all  its  forms,  except  so  far  as  it  accords  with 
the  ideas  of  the  pope,  is  utterly  repudiated.  These 
teachings  are  in  complete  accord  with  contemporary 
utterances  of  the  Jesuits  (see  "The  Pope  and  the  Coun- 
cil," by  Janus,  Chap.  I.).  The  repudiation  of  Magna 
Charta,  condemned  by  hinocent  III.,  and  of  all  modern 
European  and  American  constitutions,  is  involved. 

Pope  Leo  Xlli.,  the  infallible  successor  of  Pius  IX.,  de- 
clared (April  21,  1878)  that  the  utterances  of  the  Syllabus 
have  the  authority  of  papal  infallibility. 

(4)  Celebration  of  the  Eighteenth  Centenaiy  of  the  Mar- 
tyrdom of  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  (June  29,  i86y).^  This 
occasion  was  utilized  for  bringing  to  Rome  a  vast  con- 
course of  Ultramontane  Catholics  and  to  further  the 
Jesuit  scheme  of  papal  absolutism  with  Jesuits  as  the 
power  behind  the  throne.  About  ten  thousand  priests, 
gathered  from  far  and  near,  listened  in  the  great  Hall  of 
Consistory  to  the  exhortations  of  the  venerable  pontiff 
as  if  to  an  oracle  of  God.  Fifteen  hundred  representa- 
tives of  one  hundred  Italian  cities  presented  the  pope 
with  an  album  containing  the  signatures  of  those  who 
were  loyal  to  him,  and  deprecated  the  spoliation  of  the 
church  by  Victor  Emmanuel.  The  pope's  response  was 
full  of  bitterness  toward  the  enemies  of  the  church.  He 
spoke  of  the  date  (July  2)  as  coincident  with  the  ter- 
mination of  a  pestilence  some  years  before,  and  he  sees 
indications  that  "  to-day  marks  the  beginning  of  a  season 
of  mercy."  It  is  the  anniversary  of  the  liberation  of 
Rome  by  a  friendly  army  (1849).  "  This  day  has  been 
regarded  as  fatal  to  Rome  ;  but  1  say  that  the  hour  of 
triumph  has  already  dawned.  It  has  been  said  that 
I  hate  Italy.  No,  I  do  not  hate  her.  I  have  always 
loved  her,  always  blessed  her,  always  sought  her  hap- 
piness, and  God  alone  knows,  how  long  and  ardently  I 
have  prayed  for  her."     Yet  he  regards  the  present  striv- 

'  See  good  account  of  this  celebration  in  Alzog,  "  Univ.  Ch.  Hist.,"  I  412,  and  the 
literature  there  referred  to. 


CHAP.  II]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  5O9 

ing  for  unity  as  based  upon  selfishness  and  injustice,  and 
predicts  that  "the  whole  world  will  cry  out  against  such 
infamy."  "The  hour  of  triumph  gives  tokens  of  its 
presence,  and  cannot  be  long  delayed."  Five  hundred 
bishops  were  present  "to  honor  his  great  virtues,  to 
comfort  him  in  the  midst  of  the  trials  which  afflicted 
the  church,  and  to  renew  the  strength  of  their  own 
hearts  by  gazing  upon  his  fatherly  countenance."  They 
declare  that  the  Chair  of  St.  Peter  is  "still  the  organ 
of  truth,  the  center  of  unity,  the  bulwark  of  liberty." 
They  give  their  full  assent  to  the  Syllabus,  stating  that 
their  "  most  pleasing,  as  well  as  most  sacred,  duty  would 
be  to  believe  and  teach  what  he  taught  and  believed ; 
to  reject  the  errors  that  he  rejected ;  to  follow  whither 
he  led  ;  to  combat  at  his  side  ;  to  be  ready,  like  him,  to 
encounter  dangers  and  trials  and  contradictions."  The 
occasion  was  utilized  all  over  the  Catholic  world  for 
arousing  enthusiasm  on  behalf  of  the  supposed  succes- 
sor of  Peter. 

(5)  The  Vatican  Council  (December  8,  1869-July  18, 
i8y6)}  a.  Antecedents  of  the  Council.  In  the  Jesuit 
"  Voices  of  Maria  Laach  "  (1869),  it  is  remarked  :  "  The 
intrinsic  and  essential  connection  between  the  Encyclical 
of  December  8,  1864,  and  the  Ecumenical  Council,  con- 
voked by  Pius  IX.  and  to  be  opened  this  year,  is  self- 
evident.  The  council  will  complete  the  structure,  the 
foundations  of  which  were  laid  in  the  Encyclical."  Two 
days  before  the  publication  of  the  Encyclical  and  Sylla- 
bus, the  pope  had  made  known  his  purpose  to  call  such 
a  council.  In  March,  1865,  he  appointed  a  commission 
to  consider  the  advisability  and  opportuneness  of  holding 
an  Ecumenical  Council  at  an  early  date.  A  favorable 
report  was  followed  by  the  appointment  of  a  Congrega- 

'  See  official  "Acta  et  Decreta  Sacrosancti  et  OBcumenici  Concilii  yaticani,' '  iZi2  \ 
]rr\&i.r\ch,  "  Documenta  ad  tllustrandum  Cone,  l^at.,"  1871  ;  Janus  (Dollinger  c^  j/.). 
"The  Pope  and  the  Council."  i86g  ;  Quirinus  (pseudonymous),  "Letters  from  Rome 
on  the  Council,"  1870;  Pomponius  Li^Ko  (pseudonymous),  "Eig^ht  Months  at  Rome 
during  the  Vatican  Council.  Impressions  of  a  Contemporary, "  1876  (the  most  real- 
istic and  interesting  account  yet  published,  evidently  based  upon  close  observation 
and  access  to  inside  sources  of  information.  The  Appendix  contains  a  large  body 
of  important  documents  in  the  languages  in  which  they  were  written)  ;  Friedberg, 
"  Sammlung  der  Actcnstiickc  ^um  erstenl^at,  Conctl,"  1872;  Pressense,  "  Le  Concile  du 
Vatican,"  1872  ;  Manning,  "The  True  Story  of  the  Vat.  Council,"  1877  ;  Gladstone, 
"  The  Vatican  Decrees  "  and  "  Vaticanism  "  ;  Bacon,  "  An  Inside  View  of  the  Vat. 
Council,"  1872;  Schaff,  "  Creeds  of  Christendom,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  134-188;  Vol.  II., 
pp.  234-271  (Schaff  gives  the  literature  very  fully  up  to  1878). 


510  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER  vi. 

tion  of  Direction,  composed  of  five  cardinals,  eight 
bishops,  and  a  secretary,  whose  business  it  should  be  to 
ascertain  fully  the  needs  of  the  church  and  to  prepare 
materials  for  the  action  of  the  future  council.  Secret 
letters  were  sent  to  many  prelates  in  Europe  and  the 
East  asking  them  to  state  frankly  what  questions  in  their 
opinion  ought  to  be  treated  by  the  council.  There  was 
a  general  agreement  that  the  action  of  the  council  should 
be  along  the  line  of  the  Syllabus  of  1864.  The  attitude 
of  the  bishops  was  still  further  tested  by  a  circular  sent 
out  June,  1867,  by  the  Prefect  of  the  Congregation  of 
the  Council  (Trent),  asking  their  opinions  on  seventeen 
matters  of  morals  and  discipline,  and  intimating  the  in- 
tention of  the  pope  to  call  a  council  for  the  settlement 
of  such  questions.  Their  response  was  again  accord- 
ant with  the  Syllabus,  and  heartily  favorable  to  the  pro- 
posed council.  On  the  occasion  of  the  centenary  of  the 
martyrdom  of  Peter  and  Paul,  the  pope  definitely  an- 
nounced the  convocation  of  an  Ecumenical  Council  to  be 
held  in  the  Vatican  on  December  8,  i86g,  the  Feast  of 
the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  In 
September,  1868,  the  pope  addressed  letters  couched  in 
deeply  devout  language,  but  full  of  arrogance,  to  the 
Oriental  and  Protestant  communions,  bewailing  the 
schisms  which  he  attributed  to  Satanic  agency  and  invit- 
ing them  to  return  to  the  one  church  founded  upon  Peter 
whose  successor  he  is,  and  to  participate  in  the  coming 
council. 

During  the  intervening  months  many  prelates  from 
different  parts  of  the  world  were  summoned  to  Rome  for 
consultation  regarding  the  matters  to  be  presented  and 
the  methods  of  procedure.  As  a  result  of  such  consul- 
tations it  was  determined  that  all  prelates,  titular  as  well 
as  those  in  actual  authority,  should  without  distinction 
sit  and  vote  in  the  council,  and  that  "  the  right  of  regu- 
lating the  council  belonged  to  the  authority  which  con- 
vened it  .  .  .  the  Head  not  only  of  the  Council  but  of 
the  Church."  The  liberals  of  Germany,  France,  Bel- 
gium, etc.,  had  become  fully  apprised  of  the  Jesuit  pro- 
gramme, and  vigorous  protests  were  published  against 
the  injustice  involved  in  arranging  beforehand  the  entire 
business  to  be  transacted  by  the  council,  and  the  pro- 


CHAP.  H.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  51I 

posed  stifling  of  the  convictions  of  an  honest  and  intel- 
ligent minority  by  the  readiness  of  a  prearranged  majority 
to  carry  through  with  unbounded  enthusiasm  the  prear- 
ranged programme  of  pope  and  Jesuits.  It  is  surprising 
how  accurately  their  prognostications  corresponded  with 
the  facts. 

b.  The  Council  in  Session.  It  would  be  interesting,  if 
space  permitted,  to  give  some  of  the  picturesque  details 
of  the  assembling  of  the  council,  its  pompous  ceremonial, 
its  proceedings,  and  its  prorogation.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  the  Jesuit  programme  was  remorselessly  carried  out, 
no  consideration  having  been  given  to  the  earnest  remon- 
strances of  the  minority.  On  July  17,  1870,  a  memorial 
signed  by  fifty-five  bishops,  urged  the  abandonment  of 
the  scheme  for  the  declaration  of  the  infallibility  of  the 
pope.  The  memorial  states  that  in  the  vote  on  the 
dogma  regarding  the  church  of  Christ  a  few  days  before, 
eighty-eight  members  of  the  council  had  voted  in  the 
negative,  sixty-two  had  voted  with  reservations  (placet 
jiixta  modiim),  and  seventy  had  remained  away  to  avoid 
voting.  They  expressed  a  determination  to  be  absent 
on  July  18,  when  the  vote  on  infallibility  had  been 
arranged  for.  When  the  vote  was  taken  only  five  hun- 
dred and  thirty-five  of  the  more  than  seven  hundred 
members  of  the  council  were  present,  and  of  these  only 
two  voted  in  the  negative.  Many  of  the  opponents  of 
the  measure,  when  they  found  that  nothing  could  be 
done  to  prevent  its  going  through,  had  departed  for  their 
homes. 

c.  Decrees  of  the  Council.  The  only  important  action 
of  the  council  was  the  constitution  concerning  the  church, 
in  four  chapters. 

Chapter  1.  asserts  the  Petrine  primacy  with  the  usual  scriptural 
proof  and  ends  as  follows:  "  If  any  one,  therefore,  shall  have  said 
that  Blessed  Peter  the  Apostle  was  not  constituted  by  the  Lord  Christ 
Prince  of  all  the  Apostles  and  visible  Head  of  the  whole  church 
militant,  or  that  the  same  (Peter)  directly  and  immediately  received 
from  the  same  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  a  primacy  only  of  honor  and 
not  of  true  and  proper  jurisdiction,  let  him  be  anatheina."  Chapter 
II.  asserts  the  perpetuity  of  the  primacy  of  Peter  in  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs, and  ends  as  follows :  "  If,  then,  any  one  shall  have  said  that  it  is 
not  by  the  institution  of  the  Lord  Christ  himself,  or  by  divine  right, 
that  the  blessed  Peter  has  perpetual  successors  in  his  primacy  over 
the  universal  church;  or  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  is  not  the  successor 


512  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

of  the  Blessed  Peter  in  the  aforesaid  primacy,  let  him  be  anathema." 
The  third  chapter,  on  the  power  and  the  nature  of  the  primacy  of  the 
Roman  Pontiff,  after  asserting  with  scriptural  proofs  tiiat  he  has  a 
"  primacy  over  the  whole  world  "  and  that  the  Roman  Church  "  pos- 
sesses a  sovereignty  of  ordinary  power  over  all  other  churches,"  and 
condemning  and  reprobating  "  the  opinions  of  those  who  hold  that 
communication  between  the  supreme  Head  and  the  pastors  and  their 
flocks  can  lawfully  be  impeded,  or  who  make  this  communication 
subject  to  the  will  of  the  secular  power,"  ends :  "  If,  then,  any  shall 
liave  said  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  has  the  office  only  of  inspection  or 
direction,  but  has  not  full  and  supreme  power  of  jurisdiction  over  the 
universal  church,  not  only  in  things  that  pertain  to  faith  and  morals, 
but  also  in  those  that  pertain  to  the  discipline  and  government  of  the 
church  diffused  throughout  the  whole  world  ;  or  that  he  has  only  the 
more  important  parts  but  not  the  whole  plenitude  of  this  supreme 
power  ;  or  that  this  power  is  not  ordinary  and  immediate,  whether 
over  all  and  each  of  the  churches  or  over  all  and  each  of  the  pastors 
and  faithful ;  let  him  be  anathema."  The  fourth  chapter,  for  which 
the  three  first  have  prepared  the  way,  is  on  the  infallible  teaching 
function  (magisterium)  of  the  Roman  Pontiff.  An  attempt  is  made  to 
prove  from  Scripture  and  history  that  this  infallibility  was  included 
in  the  primacy  given  by  Christ  to  Peter  ("  Feed  my  sheep,"  "  Feed 
my  lambs,"  "  Thou,  when  thou  art  converted,  confirm  thy  brethren," 
etc.).  It  is  claimed  that  "  all  the  venerable  Fathers  have  embraced 
and  the  holy  orthodox  Doctors  have  venerated  and  followed"  the 
"  apostolic  doctrine"  of  the  bishops  of  Rome,  "  knowing  most  fully 
that  this  See  of  St.  Peter  remains  ever  free  from  all  blemish  of  error, 
according  to  the  divine  promise  of  our  Saviour  Lord  made  to  the 
Prince  of  his  disciples"  (Luke  22  :  32).  "Therefore,  by  faithfully 
adhering  to  the  tradition  received  from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian 
faith,  for  the  glory  of  God  our  Saviour,  the  exaltation  of  the  Catholic 
religion,  and  the  salvation  of  Christian  peoples,  with  the  approba- 
tion of  the  sacred  Council,  we  (Pius  IX.)  teach  and  define  as  a  dogma 
revealed  by  God  that  the  Roman  Pontiff,  when  he  speaks  from  the 
Chair  [ex  Cathedra),  that  is,  when  performing  the  function  of  pastor 
and  teacher  of  all  Christians  by  virtue  of  his  supreme  apostolic 
authority  he  defines  a  doctrine  concerning  faith  or  morals  as  to  be 
held  by  the  universal  church,  through  the  divine  assistance  promised 
to  him  in  the  Blessed  Peter,  possesses  that  infallibility  with  which 
the  divine  Redeemer  wished  his  church  to  be  equipped  in  defining 
doctrine  concerning  faith  or  morals  ;  and  that  therefore  such  defini- 
tions of  the  Roman  Pontiff  are  irreformable  of  themselves  and  not 
from  the  consent  of  the  church.  But  if  any  one  should  presume — 
which  may  God  avert — to  contradict  this  our  definition  :  let  him  be 
anathema." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  this  definition  is  somewhat  am- 
biguous, and  it  was  no  doubt  designedly  made  so.  Con- 
siderable discussion  has  occurred  among  Roman  Catholic 
prelates  as  to  what  is  involved  in  the  infallibility  claimed. 
It  can  be  interpreted  to  mean  much  or  little,  according  to 


CHAP.  II  ]         THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  513 

the  purpose  to  be  subserved.  Its  chief  aim  was  to  place 
the  pope  entirely  above  councils  and  to  give  him  the 
undisputed  right  to  decide  all  doctrinal  questions  that 
might  arise  without  the  consent  of  the  church  assembled 
representatively  in  general  councils.  There  is  apparently 
only  one  farther  step  left  to  be  taken  by  the  Roman  Pon- 
tiff. He  has  long  claimed  to  be  the  vicar  of  Christ,  hav- 
ing a  right  to  all  the  authority  that  Christ  would  have  if^ 
he  were  on  earth.  The  last  conceivable  step  is  that  he 
should  declare  himself  to  be  an  incarnation  of  Christ  or 
of  God. 

(6)  Some  Results  of  the  Successful  Carrying  Out  of  the  Jes- 
uit Scheme  Culminating  in  the  Decree  of  the  Dogma  of  Papal 
Infallibility,  a.  Loss  of  the  Temporal  Power.  The  decla- 
ration of  war  between  Prussia  and  France,  immediately 
after  the  dogma  of  papal  infallibility  had  been  proclaimed, 
that  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  troops  from 
Italy  and  permitted  Victor  Emmanuel  to  take  possession 
of  Rome  and  to  make  it  the  capital  of  united  Italy,  was 
not  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term  a  result  of  the  decree 
of  papal  infallibility,  though  the  well-known  determina- 
tion of  the  Ultramontane  party  may  have  indirectly  con- 
tributed to  the  irritation  that  brought  about  the  declara- 
tion of  war.  At  any  rate  it  was  a  striking  coincidence 
that  at  the  moment  when  the  papacy  had  reached  the 
very  height  of  its  pretensions  to  absolute  civil  as  well 
as  spiritual  authority,  it  should  have  been  deprived  of 
the  last  of  its  territorial  possessions.  The  Italian  gov- 
ernment sought  to  conciliate  the  pope  and  his  supporters 
for  the  appropriation  of  the  States  of  the  Church  and  of 
the  city  of  Rome  by  guaranteeing  to  him  sovereignty  and 
immunity  in  his  possession  of  the  Vatican  and  Lateran 
palaces,  and  the  castle  of  Gandolfo,  a  yearly  income 
of  three  and  a  half  million  francs,  a  bodyguard,  and  a 
post  ofifice  and  telegraph  bureau.  In  general,  the  king 
sought  to  carry  into  effect  the  maxim  of  Cavour,  "  A 
free  Church  in  a  free  State."  He  soon  felt  obliged, 
however,  because  of  the  irreconcilable  hostility  of  the 
pope,  to  subject  the  Italian  clergy  to  civil  control. 

b.  The  Culture  Conflict   (Kulturkampf)   in  Germany.^ 

1  See  English  translation  of  the  German  laws  that  occasioned  the  conflict  of  1870- 
1880  in  Badenoch's  "  Ultramontanism  :  England's  Sympathy  with  Germany,"  pp.  186- 
2H 


514  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Among  the  direct  results  of  the  declaration  of  papal  in- 
fallibility was  the  precipitation  of  the  struggle  that  had 
long  been  impending  between  Germany  and  the  pope. 
Legislation  of  the  most  stringent  character  (1871-1874), 
intended  to  protect  the  German  government  from  the 
machinations  of  the  pope  and  the  Jesuits,  was  enacted. 
The  latter  were  banished  and  utterly  prohibited  from 
teaching  in  Roman  Catholic  schools.  The  laws  facili- 
tated the  withdrawal  of  individuals  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  limited  the  use  of  ecclesiastical  penal- 
ties and  discipline,  and  placed  them  under  government 
inspection.  Appeal  from  ecclesiastical  sentences  to  tlie 
State  magistracy  was  provided  for,  A  royal  tribunal  for 
ecclesiastical  affairs  was  constituted.  Foreign  church  of- 
ficers were  absolutely  prohibited.  The  qualifications  for 
teaching  in  ecclesiastical  schools  and  for  the  priesthood 
were  definitely  fixed,  and  the  Roman  Catholic  schools 
were  placed  under  government  inspection.  The  found- 
ing of  additional  boys'  seminaries  and  retreats  was  pro- 
hibited. Candidates  for  ecclesiastical  offices  nominated 
by  ecclesiastical  authorities  must  secure  the  approval 
of  the  government.  Roman  Catholic  bishops  were  re- 
quired to  swear  fealty  to  the  king  and  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  the  State.  Violation  of  these  requirements  in- 
volved heavy  fines  and  imprisonment.  The  laws  were 
for  some  years  remorselessly  enforced,  but  were  resisted 
with  the  utmost  determination  by  the  bishops  and  priests. 
The  persecution  to  which  they  were  subjected  awakened 
public  sympathy  to  such  an  extent  that  Bismarck,  who 
had  been  the  chief  mover  in  the  anti-Roman  Catholic 
legislation,  found  that  the  struggle  was  a  useless  one, 
and  the  legislation  was  gradually  relaxed  and  finally 
abolished.  Says  a  distinguished  English  writer  :  "  Bis- 
marck has  succeeded  in  morally  rehabilitating  Ultramon- 
tanism  by  persecuting  it." 
c.    The  Old  Catholic  Movement.^     The  extreme  anti- 

211  and  587-602.  See  also  Nippold,  "  Hatulbuch  d.  neu.  Ktrchengesch.."  Bd.  II..  Seit. 
72q-7?7  ;  Hahn,  "Gesc-h.  d.  Kullurkampf,"  1881  ;  Wiermann,  "  Cfsch.  d.  Kultitrkampf," 
1886;  Fechenbach-Lautenbach.  "  P.j^s/,  Centrum,  uiid  Buniarck,  odcr  d  Kcrnpunktc 
dcr  Situation  ";  and  Troxler.  "  Per  Kulturk,impf  von  iS^t-iSSS." 

'See  "The  New  Reformation:  A  Narrative  of  the  Old  Catholic  Movement." 
1875;  Loyson  (Hyacinth).  "Catholic  Reform."  1874:  Merrick.  "  The  Old  Catholic 
Movement,"  1877:  Reinkens.  "  Unprune.  U'eicn,  und  Zicl  des  Mltkatho/ici<.muf."  1882; 
Scarth,  "  Story  of  the  Old  Catholic  and  Kindred  Movements,"  188}  ;  Schulte,  "  Der 


CHAP.  II.]  THE   ROMAN  CATHOLIC   CHURCH  515 

infallibilist  party,  including  a  number  of  the  ablest  schol- 
ars of  Germany,  such  as  Dollinger,  Reinkens,  Friedrich, 
Huber,  Michelis,  Reusch,  Langen,  Schulte,  etc.,  led  in 
the  organization  of  a  new  religious  party  under  the  name 
of  the  Old  Catholic  Church. 

The  organization  took  place,  after  several  preliminary 
conferences,  in  1873.  Reinkens  was  appointed  bishop, 
and  was  ordained  by  the  Jansenist  bishop  of  Deventer. 
Efforts  were  made  to  secure  the  recognition  and  co-oper- 
ation of  the  Anglican  and  Greek  churches.  Conferences 
to  which  these  churches  were  invited,  and  in  which  they 
participated,  were  held  in  1874,  1875,  and  on  several 
subsequent  occasions.  No  organic  union  was  secured, 
but  friendly  relations  were  established.  The  Old  Cath- 
olics profess  "  to  strive  for  the  restoration  of  the  unity  of 
the  Christian  church."  "We  frankly  acknowledge  that 
no  branch  of  it  has  exclusively  the  truth.  We  hold  fast 
to  the  ultimate  view  that  upon  the  foundation  of  the  gos- 
pel and  the  doctrines  of  the  church  grounded  upon  it, 
and  upon  the  foundation  of  the  ancient  undivided  church, 
a  union  of  all  Christian  confessions  will  be  possible 
through  a  really  ecumenical  council." 

They  claim  to  adhere  to  the  Council  of  Trent  versus 
Vaticanism,  to  Scripture  versus  Tradition,  except  so  far 
as  tradition  is  equivalent  to  the  unanimous  consent  of 
the  orthodox  Christians  of  the  first  five  centuries,  and 
insist  on  freedom  in  reading  the  Bible,  on  communion 
under  both  kinds,  and  on  the  right  of  the  clergy  to  marry. 
They  have  simplified  the  mass,  which  they  regard  as  a 
memorial  of  the  atoning  sacrifice  of  Christ  and  cele- 
brate in  the  vernacular.  They  give  to  the  laity  an 
equal  share  with  the  clergy  in  church  government. 

The  Old  Catholic  movement  met  with  considerable 
encouragement  during  the  first  few  years,  and  many 
hoped  that  it  would  make  a  serious  break  in  the  ranks  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  It  was  hoped  that  so  large 
a  number  of  German  Catholics  would  cast  in  their  lot 
with  the  new  party  as  to  justify  the  governments  in  giv- 
ing them  control  of  considerable  church  property.     This 

Altkatholtcismus,"  1887,  and  art.  in  Hauck-Herzog:,  ed.  5  ;  Braasch,  "  Altkatholicismus 
und  Romaiiismus  m  Ooiterrcich, "  zi^qo;  Hunt.  "Contemporary  Essays"';  Beyschlag, 
"  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Old  Catholic  Movement,"  in  "  Am.  Jour,  of  Theo!.," 
1898;  Nippold,  "  Handbuch  d.  neuesten  Kirchengcschichte,"  Bd.  U.,  Sett,  737-749. 


5l6  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

expectation  has  been  disappointed,  and  in  spite  of  the 
government  patronage  that  could  safely  be  bestowed,  the 
churches  that  have  been  organized  have  had  a  struggle 
for  existence,  and  have  had  to  appeal  to  England  and 
America  for  help,  in  1873  the  number  of  congregations 
in  the  German  Empire  was  estimated  at  one  hundred, 
with  a  membership  of  seventy  thousand.  At  present 
there  are  probably  less  than  fifty  thousand.  "  Thou- 
sands who  in  their  first  zeal  had  signed  the  anti-Vatican 
protest  were  lost  to  the  movement  when  it  became  clear 
that  unless  they  withdrew  they  must  suffer  a  lifelong 
martyrdom  ;  the  papal  church,  ceaseless  in  its  efforts, 
reduced  many  to  subjection  ;  there  are,  perhaps,  still 
more  who,  wearied  of  their  material  and  moral  sacrifices, 
have  quietly  taken  refuge  in  the  Protestant  church  " 
(Beyschlag,  1898).  In  Switzerland  the  movement  has 
met  with  more  encouragement.  In  Bohemia  and  other 
parts  of  the  Austrian  Empire  several  thousands  have  be- 
come Old  Catholics  within  the  past  few  years  ;  but  at 
present  the  secession  from  Rome  is  Lutheran  rather  than 
Old  Catholic. 

How  are  we  to  account  for  the  failure  of  this  movement 
to  win  the  German  masses  to  its  support  ? 

I.  The  movement  was  based  upon  rationalistic  revolt  against  papal 
dogma  and  intolerance,  and  not  on  religious  aversion  to  the  moral 
corruption  of  the  papal  church  or  a  conviction  that  the  multitudes  of 
its  deluded  members  would  fail  of  eternal  salvation.  The  spirit  of 
enthusiastic  evangelism  seems  to  have  been  almost  completely  want- 
ing. 2.  The  spirit  of  self-sacrifice  that  would  have  made  them 
superior  to  the  persecutions  that  they  needs  must  suffer  was  almost 
completely  wanting  in  the  Old  Catholics.  There  was  not  in  most 
of  them  that  religious  enthusiasm  that  has  animated  martyrs  and 
reformers  in  the  past.  3.  Their  position  is  an  illogical  one.  The 
Roman  Catholic  church  has  been  for  so  many  centuries  essentially 
what  it  is  to-day  that  it  is  absurd  for  them  to  declare  that  they  are 
the  true  Catholic  church  and  that  Ultramontanism  is  an  apostas\'. 
Thev  should  have  taken  their  stand  with  the  Lutherans  or  Reformed 
of  Germany  and  Switzerland,  if  in  their  view  these  Christians  ap- 
proached sufficientiv  near  to  the  apostolic  standard,  or  should  have 
taken  the  Scriptures  rather  than  the  tradition  of  the  first  five  cen- 
turies as  their  standard,  and  have  sought  to  bring  their  individual  and 
organized  life  into  conformity  with  this  standard,  which  alone  is  sure 
andsteadfast.  4.  Itappears  that  while  Old  Catholicism  maybeserv 
ing  a  useful  purpose  as  a  stepping-stone  for  those  who  cling  to  the 
name  Catholic,  but  are  out  of  sympathy  with  Rome,  to  something 
higher,  it  has  no  permanent  reason  for  e.xisting,  and  cannot  be  e.xpected 


CHAP.  II.]         THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  517 

to  take  its  place  among  the  great  Christian  denominations.  5.  Its 
expressed  hope  of  securing  a  union  of  Anglican,  Greek,  and  Old 
Catholic  Christians  around  the  few  principles  that  it  professes  is 
futile.  While  High  Church  Anglicans  have  taken  considerable 
interest  in  the  movement,  there  is  really  almost  nothing  in  common 
between  the  two  parties.  High  Churchmen  are  Romanizing  (ascet- 
ical,  ritualistic,  sacerdotal,  and  withal  enthusiastic),  Old  Catholics 
are  anti-Romanizing  and  rationalistic,  and  are  wanting  in  ascetical 
enthusiasm.  They  have  far  more  in  common  with  English  Broad 
Churchmen. 

(7)  The  Current  Free-from-Rome  Movemejit.  Not  so 
closely  connected  with  the  Vatican  Council,  but  inti- 
mately related  to  the  Old  Catholic  movement,  is  the 
rapidly  progressing  secession  of  Austrian  German  Cath- 
olics to  become  Lutherans.  The  precise  significance  of 
this  movement  it  is  not  possible  at  present  to  determine. 
To-day  it  is  stirring  the  life  of  German-speaking  Austria 
to  its  foundations.  Great  Roman  Catholic  conventions 
have  been  held  of  late  in  many  centers  to  take  measures 
against  the  movement.  These  are  usually  followed  by 
more  largely  attended  and  more  enthusiastic  Protestant 
conventions.  Within  the  past  three  years  more  than 
seventeen  thousand  Austrian  Catholics  have  become 
Protestant,  and  more  than  seven  thousand  have  become 
Old  Catholic.  Romanists  declare  that  their  losses  to 
Protestantism  are  due  to  agitation  in  favor  of  the  union 
of  the  German-speaking  provinces  with  Germany.  The 
Lutherans  claim  that  the  movement,  so  far  as  they  are 
concerned,  is  a  purely  religious  one.  It  is  well  known 
that  for  years  the  relations  between  the  German,  Slavic, 
and  Magyar  populations  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  Empire 
have  been  seriously  strained,  and  it  would  be  no  won- 
der if  many  Austrian  Germans  were  led  by  the  splen- 
dor and  prosperity  of  the  German  Empire  and  by  their 
strong  race  feeling  to  wish  to  change  their  allegiance. 
That  the  Roman  Catholic  priesthood  should  seek  to  dis- 
courage such  aspirations  and  should  thereby  become  un- 
popular, and  that  aspirations  after  German  unity  should 
carry  with  them  loss  of  interest  in  Roman  Catholicism  and 
increase  of  interest  in  the  national  religion  of  Germany, 
is  certainly  quite  easy  to  be  believed.  The  Catholics 
even  claim  that  money  from  Germany  is  being  used  to 
promote  disloyalty  to  the  Austrian  government  and  seces- 


5l8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

sion  from  the  Catholic  church,  and  it  would  not  be  sur- 
prising if  German  Lutherans  should  be  found  using  their 
money  for  the  promotion  of  the  Loose-from-Rome  move- 
ment. The  Romanists  are  seeking  at  present  (July, 
1902)  to  induce  the  Austrian  government  to  put  forth  its 
hand  against  the  Lutheran  propaganda. 


CHAPTER  III 

LUTHERANISM  SINCE  THE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA 
I.   IN  EUROPEAN  LANDS 

I.   Economic,  Social,  and  Religious  Condition  of  Lutheran 
Lands  at  the  Close  of  the  Thirty  Years'  IVar. 

(i)  Economic.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  of  the  extent 
of  the  economic  ruin  wrought  by  the  war.  The  absorp- 
tion of  so  large  a  part  of  the  male  population  for  so  long 
a  time  in  military  life  ;  the  breaking  up  of  so  many  homes 
and  the  prevention  of  the  establishment  of  so  many  more  ; 
the  enormous  loss  of  life  involved  in  camp-following  ; 
the  destruction  of  such  multitudes  of  soldiers  in  battle 
and  from  disease,  could  not  have  failed  to  impoverish  the 
countries  involved  and  to  decimate  their  productive  popu- 
lations, even  if  warfare  had  been  conducted  in  the  least 
wasteful  manner  that  was  possible.  But  when  we  con- 
sider that  many  of  the  armies  were  supported  by  plun- 
der and  pillage,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  very  sources  of 
supply  would  be  to  a  great  extent  destroyed,  and  that 
the  agriculturists  and  townsmen  alike  would  be  left 
without  the  means  of  supporting  themselves  or  contin- 
uing their  industries.  It  was  many  years  after  the  close 
of  the  war  before  the  rank  and  file  of  the  population  that 
remained  had  attained  to  a  state  of  comfort,  and  many 
years  more  before  the  cities  had  attained  to  anything 
like  their  former  prosperity. 

(2)  Social.  The  social  effects  of  continuous  and  all- 
pervasive  war  could  not  fail  to  be  of  the  most  baneful 
character.  Extreme  poverty  is  itself  a  fruitful  source  of 
vice,  and  the  license  of  military  life  combined  with  the 
utterly  impoverished  condition  of  a  large  part  of  the  popu- 
lation and  the  diminution  of  opportunities  for  the  estab- 
lishment and  maintenance  of  family  life  must  have  played 
havoc  with  right  social  relations  and  so  with  morality. 

(3)  Religious.     We  cannot  conceive  of  pure  religion 

519 


520  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

as  flourishing  under  the  conditions  that  existed  during 
the  later  years  of  the  war.  Along  with  economic,  social, 
and  moral  ruin,  religious  deterioration  proceeded  to  a 
shocking  extent.  Even  before  the  war  the  energies  of 
Lutheran  ministers  had  become  so  absorbed  in  contro- 
versy with  Roman  Catholics  and  Calvinists,  and  in  in- 
ternal strife,  as  greatly  to  detract  from  their  interest  in 
the  spiritual  needs  of  the  people,  and  the  churches  had 
little  vitality.  To  a  remarkable  extent  the  theological 
faculties  of  the  universities,  with  meager  support  and 
depleted  classes,  persevered  in  their  teaching  and  in  their 
literary  activity  ;  but  they  were  dominated  by  the  polem- 
ical and  the  scholastic  spirit  of  the  time,  and  their  self- 
sacrificing  efforts  were  by  no  means  so  fruitful  as  they 
might  otherwise  have  been. 

2.  Syncretism  and  U lira- Luther anism :  Calixtus  and 
Calovius. 

LITERATURE:  Dorner,  "Hist,  of  Prot.  Theol."  (Eng.  Jr..  1871), 
Vol.  U.,  pp.  185,  sc'q.;  Henke,  "  G^o.  Calixt  tiiid  seine  Zeit,^^  1853-1856  ; 
Gass,  ''Gesch.  d.  prot.  Dogmatik,^'  Bd.  11.,  Seit.  67  seq.;  Frank,  ''Gesc/t. 
d.  prot.  Theol. ,^^  1885,  Bd.  II.,  Seit.  4  seq.  ;  writings  of  Calixtus  and 
Calovius  ;  pertinent  sections  in  the  histories  of  doctrine  and  articles 
"  Syncretism,"  "  Calixtus,"  and  "  Calovius,"  in  the  encyclopaedias. 

(i)  George  Calixtus.  Calixtus  has  been  designated  by 
a  recent  writer  (Tschackert,  in  Hauck-Herzog,  ed.  3,  art. 
"Calixtus  ")  as  "  the  most  independent  and  the  most  in- 
fluential among  the  Lutheran  theologians  who  still  in  the 
seventeenth  century  may  be  regarded  as  successors  of 
Melanchthon."  A  native  of  Schleswig  (b.  1586),  son  of 
a  pastor  who  had  studied  under  Melanchthon,  when  six- 
teen years  of  age  he  was  sent  to  the  University  of  Helm- 
stadt,  where  Joh.  Caselius,  the  venerable  humanist  and 
a  personal  friend  of  Melanchthon,  Casaubon,  and  Scali- 
ger,  still  gave  lectures.  Among  his  most  influential  teach- 
ers was  Martini,  the  Aristotelian,  whose  predilection  for 
ancient  philosophy  may  have  led  the  young  student  to 
inquire  whether  ancient  theology  were  not  preferable  to 
the  dry  dogmatism  and  the  biting  polemics  of  his  own 
time.  Interest  in  ancient  theology  stimulated  his  taste 
for  church  history,  especially  the  history  of  doctrine,  in 
which  he  became  pre-eminent  among  his  contemporaries. 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  $21 

From  1607  onward  he  applied  himself  to  theological 
studies.  The  years  1609-1613  he  devoted  to  scientific 
journeys,  which  embraced  Germany,  Belgium,  England, 
and  France.  He  came  in  close  touch  with  leading  Re- 
formed, Anglican,  and  even  Roman  Catholic  theologians, 
wishing  to  have  as  complete  an  understanding  as  possible 
of  the  various  modes  of  theological  thought  with  which 
he  would  have  to  deal  and  to  gather  for  himself  whatever 
of  truth  they  might  contain.  Thus  equipped  he  returned 
to  Helmstadt  as  a  professor  of  theology,  where  he  labored 
for  forty-two  years,  and  was  generally  regarded  as  one 
of  the  two  or  three  foremost  theologians  of  his  time.  It 
will  not  be  practicable  here  to  give  an  account  of  his 
contributions  to  theological  literature  or  to  better  meth- 
ods of  theological  study.  These  were  very  great  and 
far-reaching  in  their  influence.  No  man  of  his  age  did 
so  much  to  promote  the  application  of  the  historical 
method  to  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  and  of  Christianity. 
Converse  with  the  leading  representatives  of  other 
communions,  the  study  of  the  church  Fathers,  and  reac- 
tion against  the  narrow  dogmatism  and  the  harsh  polem- 
ical spirit  that  dominated  Lutheran  theology,  led  him  to 
go  to  extremes  in  minimizing  the  importance  of  the  dis- 
tinctive views  of  Lutherans,  Reformed,  and  Romanists, 
and  in  magnifying  and  exalting  the  elements  of  truth 
that  are  of  essential  importance  and  are  common  to  all. 
As  early  as  1629  he  expressed  the  conviction  that  in  the 
Apostle's'  Creed  and  in  the  tradition  of  the  first  five  cen- 
turies everything  of  essential  importance  is  contained. 
His  view  was  sharply  attacked  as  "  Cryptopopery  "  by 
Buscher  (1640),  and  from  this  time  onward  the  Helm- 
stadt theology  was  a  target  for  the  darts  of  Lutheran 
polemicists.  It  should  be  observed  that  Calixtus  gave 
the  first  place  to  Scripture,  which  has  the  power  of  giv- 
ing divine  certainty  concerning  its  own  contents.  It  is 
with  him  the  ultimate  principle  which  has  of  itself  cer- 
tainty, authenticity,  and  authority.  Nothing,  he  main- 
tains, can  be  placed  beside  Holy  Scripture  with  respect 
to  certainty  and  infallibility,  because  it  is  full  of  divine 
power  effectually  to  move  the  heart  and  constrain  it  to 
acquiescence.  He  accepted  the  Apostles'  Creed  because 
it  was  a  simple,  definite  statement  of  Scripture  truth,  in 


522  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

which  all  true  Christians  could  easily  agree.  The  tradi- 
tion of  the  first  five  centuries  was  valuable  to  him  sim- 
ply because  it  represented  the  way  in  which  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  time  immediately  succeeding  the  apostolic 
age  understood  the  Scriptures.  He  insisted  that  no  tra- 
dition has  any  standing  that  is  not  in  complete  conformity 
with  Scripture.  The  chief  value  of  early  tradition  is  to 
show  us  how  the  early  Christians  understood  the  teach- 
ings of  Scripture  and  where  they  put  the  emphasis.  He 
adopted  the  maxim  of  Vincentius  of  Lerins,  maintaining 
that  what  has  been  believed  always,  everywhere,  and 
by  all,  is  alone  essential.  He  maintained  that  Christ's 
infallible  church  on  earth  still  exists,  but  has  lost  much 
of  its  capability  of  being  known.  The  boundaries  of 
truth  and  error  have  been  obliterated  by  additions  and 
ecclesiastical  divisions  that  have  resulted  therefrom. 
Romanists  had  gone  astray  by  making  such  innovations 
as  papal  infallibility,  enforced  celibacy  of  the  clergy, 
denial  of  the  cup  to  the  laity,  the  sacrificial  view  of  the 
mass,  and  transubstantiation.  The  apostasy  of  Rome 
called  forth  Lutheranism  and  Calvinism  with  their 
strong  tendency  toward  undue  dogmatism.  He  was  not 
disposed  to  find  fault  with  differences  of  view  among 
various  communions  so  much  as  with  the  spirit  of  dog- 
matism which  led  each  party  to  claim  exclusive  validity 
for  its  own  set  of  views  or  its  own  method  of  interpret- 
ing Scripture  and  to  revile  and  persecute  those  who  differ. 
If  Lutherans,  Reformed,  and  Roman  Catholics  would 
accept  the  Scriptures  as  understood  by  the  church  of  the 
first  five  centuries  and  the  doctrinal  formularies  of  that 
age  and  tolerate  each  other  in  distinctive  views,  he 
thought  an  end  might  be  made  to  partisan  strife,  and 
that  the  spirit  of  Christian  love  and  fellowship  and 
proper  emphasis  on  Christian  life  would  supervene. 

The  conciliatory  tone  of  his  writings,  and  his  deprecia- 
tion of  the  distinctive  doctrines  of  Lutheranism,  early 
gave  offense  to  the  strict  Lutherans,  and  especially  his 
(correct)  representation  of  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  the 
ubiquity  of  Christ's  human  body  and  of  the  communica- 
tion of  all  attributes  of  the  divine  nature  to  the  human 
in  the  person  of  Christ  as  Eutychian.  His  successive 
works  were  severely  criticised,  and  efforts  were  made  to 


CHAP.  111.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  523 

bring  about  his  dismissal  from  the  Helmstadt  faculty.  In 
1645,  influenced  by  Calixtus'  writings,  King  Wladislaus 
of  Poland  arranged  a  conference  at  Thorn  to  which 
Lutherans,  Reformed,  and  Catholics  were  invited,  with 
a  view  to  securing  union  along  the  lines  indicated  by 
Calixtus.  Calixtus  was  present  and  had  for  his  Luth- 
eran opponent  the  young  and  brilliant  Abraham  Calo- 
vius,  who  'represented  extreme  and  uncompromising, 
Lutheranism,  and  who  was  for  years  to  be  the  champion 
of  this  type  of  Lutheranism  over  against  Syncretism  and 
Pietism. 

(2)  Abraham  Calovius.  Born  in  161 2,  Calovius  en- 
tered the  University  of  Konigsberg  in  1626,  where  his 
career  as  a  student  was  one  of  remarkable  brilliancy. 
At  twenty  he  became  master  of  philosophy  and  was 
made  a  member  of  the  philosophical  faculty.  While 
teaching  mathematics  and  philsophy  he  pursued  his 
theological  studies,  and  when  only  twenty-one  distin- 
guished himself  by  a  polemical  writing  in  defense  of  the 
substantial  presence  and  the  perception  of  the  body  and 
blood  of  Christ  in  the  Supper.  In  1637,  after  a  period 
of  ministerial  activity  in  Rostock,  he  received  his  doctor's 
degree  and  accepted  a  position  in  the  theological  faculty 
at  Konigsberg.  In  1650  he  was  called  to  Wittenberg, 
which  had  become  a  bulwark  of  Lutheran  orthodoxy. 
Here,  surrounded  by  like-minded  colleagues,  as  professor 
and  pastor  he  exerted  an  almost  unrivaled  influence  till 
his  death  (1686),  often  having  five  hundred  auditors. 
Among  his  most  distinguished  colleagues  in  the  university 
was  Quenstedt. 

(3)  Syncretism.  This  term  was  applied  to  Calixtus' 
views  on  Christian  union  by  his  opponents  in  the  sense 
of  a  conglomeration  and  confusion  of  divergent  views  in 
which  matters  judged  by  themselves  to  be  of  primary 
importance  were  treated  as  of  slight  consequence  {adi- 
aphora).  It  had  often  been  used  in  earlier  times  in  the 
sense  in  which  Calixtus  and  his  associates  would  have 
admitted  its  application  to  their  views  to  designate  an 
earnest  effort  to  secure  union  in  matters  of  essential 
importance  and  neutral  toleration  of  differences  in  mat- 
ters regarded  as  of  secondary  importance.  After  the 
conference  at  Thorn  (1645)  the  assaults  on  Calixtus  and 


524  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

his  associates  became  fiercer  and  fiercer,  Calovius  soon 
coming  to  be  regarded  as  the  great  champion  of  ortho- 
doxy. The  University  of  Leipzig  stood  side  by  side 
with  Wittenberg  in  support  of  strict  Lutheranism.  The 
House  of  Brunswick  and  several  other  princes  favored 
and  protected  the  advocates  of  peace  and  conciliation. 
The  strict  party  drew  up  and  attempted  to  foist  upon 
the  Lutheran  States,  and  especially  upon  the  universities, 
a  new  confessional  document  (Consensus  1{epititiis  Fidci 
Liitherance,  drawn  up  in  1655,  first  published  in  1663), 
in  which  eighty  errors  were  enumerated  and  condemned. 
The  scheme  failed,  notwithstanding  the  most  determined 
efforts  of  its  advocates,  chiefly  because  of  the  opposition 
of  the  University  of  Jena  under  the  leadership  of  the 
great  Joh.  Gerhard,  who  from  being  an  opponent  of 
Calixtus  had  come  to  occupy  an  intermediate  position 
between  the  two  factions.  The  controversy  continued 
for  many  years  after  the  death  of  Calixtus. 

(4)  Results  of  the  Syncretistic  Controversy.  Whatever 
may  be  one's  opinion  as  to  the  merits  of  Calixtus' 
scheme  of  Christian  union,  it  is  highly  significant  that 
the  best  equipped  theologian  of  his  time  should  have 
been  willing  to  take  an  independent  position  in  favor  of 
peace  and  harmony  among  Christians  in  the  face  of  the 
narrow  and  bitter  dogmatism  of  the  Lutheran  body  as  a 
whole.  That  he  secured  a  considerable  following  and 
sufficient  support  to  protect  him  and  his  followers  from 
the  persecuting  fury  of  the  majority  is  equally  significant. 
It  has  been  justly  remarked  that  this  controversy  led  the 
extremely  controversial  element  in  Lutheranism  to  ex- 
haust its  polemical  energies.  The  controversy  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  marked  indifference  in  relation  to  the  scho- 
lastic definitions  of  Lutheran  orthodoxy.  The  extreme 
dogmatism,  formalism,  and  polemical  bitterness  of  Lu- 
theran orthodoxy,  involving  a  neglect  of  the  spiritual 
side  of  Christianity,  co-operated  powerfully  with  the 
syncretistic  indifference  to  dogma  and  laying  of  stress 
upon  Christian  life  and  primitive  types  of  Christian 
teaching  in  bringing  about  a  revival  of  evangelical  mys- 
ticism (Pietism).  The  breaking  down  of  the  old  ortho- 
doxy by  the  syncretism  of  the  Helmstadt  theologians 
prepared  the  way  also  for  the  later  rationalism. 


CHAP.  Ill]  LUTHERANISM  SINGE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  525 

3.  Pietism  and  tJie  Pictistic  Controversies. 

LITERATURE:  Doriier,  "Hist,  of  Prot.  Theol.,"  VoL  IL,  pp. 
203  seq.  ;  Baur,  "  Kircheiigesch.  d.  tieueren  Zeit^''  1863,  Seit.  343  seq.,  and 
572  seq, ;  Gobel,  "  Gesch.  d.  chr.  Lebens  in  der  Rheiiisch-westphalischen 
Evaiig.  Kirche,"  1852-1862,  Bd.  IL  ;  Schmidt,  "■  Gesch.  d.  Pietismtts,'' 
1863;  Hurst,  "Hist,  of  Rationalism,"  1866,  Chap.  L-llL  ;  Ritschl, 
''Gesch.  d.  Pietismus,"  1 880-1 886 ;  Lives  of  Spener,  by  Hossbach 
(1828  and  1861),  Wiidenhahn  (1858,  Eng.  Tr.  by  Wenzel,  1881), 
Horning  (1883),  Waldron  (1893),  and  Griinberg  (1896)  ;  pertinent  \ 
sections  in  worl<s  on  church  history  and  history  of  doctrine,  and  art. 
"Pietism,"  "Spener,"  "  Franci<e,"  "  Bengel,"  in  encyclopaedias. 

(i)  Antecedents  of  the  Pietistic  Movement.  The  utterly 
depressed  condition  of  religious  life  in  Germany,  the 
almost  universal  immorality  in  the  universities,  the 
almost  complete  destitution  of  edificatory  preaching,  and 
the  almost  complete  lack  of  other  means  of  awakening 
and  stimulating  spiritual  life,  remaining  unchanged, 
Spener  attempted  to  bring  about  a  reformation  (1666 
onward).  Personal  conversion,  even  in  the  case  of  min- 
isters of  the  gospel,  seems  not  to  have  been  expected. 
Baptism,  administered  in  infancy,  was  supposed  to  have 
magical  efficacy  in  procuring  salvation;  and  the  partaking 
of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  in  the  Supper  was  sup- 
posed to  be  a  means  of  grace  even  in  the  cases  of  the 
most  immoral  and  irreligious.  Exclusion  from  commun- 
ion was  almost  the  only  discipline  employed,  and  this 
was  resorted  to  only  in  the  case  of  outbreaking  trans- 
gression, hi  the  Protestant  Netherlands  and  in  England 
and  Scotland  more  earnest  types  of  Christian  life  had 
arisen  and  were  being  widely  disseminated  (Puritans, 
Independents,  Baptists,  etc.).  The  spiritual  forces  that 
were  involved  in  the  great  Anabaptist  movement  had 
been  crushed  out  in  Germany,  whereas  in  the  Nether- 
lands and  in  England  they  were  having  free  course  and 
bringing  forth  fruit  abundantly.  Some  mystics  of  the  ex- 
treme (pantheistic)  type,  such  as  Val.  Weigel  (d.  1588), 
Jacob  Bohme  (d.  1624),  Val.  Andraea^,  et  al.,  had  influ- 
enced considerable  circles,  and  rationalistic-mystical 
societies  had  been  formed  in  many  communities  for  the 
promotion  of  greater  freedom  and  inwardness  in  religious 
thought  (Rosicrucians,  Alchemists,  Caballists,  Paracel- 
cists,  etc.)  ;  but  the  contribution  of  these  to  pure  religion 
was  very  slight,  and  it  is  probable  that  they  ministered 


526  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

rather  to  downright  skepticism  and  unbelief.  Calixtus, 
while  he  had  advocated  the  placing  of  emphasis  on  re- 
ligion rather  than  on  doctrine,  had  done  little  or  nothing 
for  the  quickening  of  spiritual  life.  It  was  left  for  Spener 
to  lead  in  a  great  religious  movement,  whose  conse- 
quences were  to  be  far-reaching  and  beneficent. 

(2)  Philip  Jacob  Spener.  A  native  of  Alsace  (b.  1635), 
he  was  religiously  brought  up  in  close  association  with 
the  nobility  of  his  neighborhood,  the  Countess  Agatha 
of  Rappoltsweiler,  a  lady  of  strong  ascetic  and  quietistic 
piety,  being  his  godmother,  and  the  court  preacher, 
Joach.  Stoll,  a  man  of  excellent  character,  being  his 
teacher  and  spiritual  director.  He  early  showed  a  taste 
for  devotional  reading  and  became  acquainted  not  only 
with  German  works  of  the  earlier  time,  but  also  with 
translations  of  the  English  devotional  books  of  Bayly, 
Dyke,  and  Baxter.  As  a  student  in  the  University  of 
Strasburg  he  was  noted  for  the  rigor  of  his  moral  life  and 
for  the  devoutness  of  his  demeanor.  On  the  completion 
of  his  university  course  he  spent  some  months  in  Switzer- 
land in  close  association  with  leading  Reformed  ministers 
and  professors,  studying  carefully  the  methods  of  work 
and  the  church  life  of  the  Swiss.  He  also  visited  Lyons 
in  France  and  a  number  of  German  universities.  He  was 
pastor  in  Strasburg  and  lecturer  in  the  university  during 
(the  years  1663-1666.  His  lectures  on  the  possibility  of 
I  the  loss  of  the  grace  of  regeneration  and  the  necessity 
of  renewing  the  process  attracted  considerable  attention. 
His  preaching  was  strongly  practical  and  deeply  devout. 
/He  sought  to  impress  on  those  having  the  ministry  in 
(view  the  responsibility  of  the  pastoral  office  and  the 
importance  of  preaching  for  the  conversion  and  edifica- 
Ition  of  the  people  rather  than  for  the  defense  of  dogma 
^and  the  combating  of  adverse  forms  of  belief.  He  began 
at  this  time  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  poverty  with  a 
view  to  the  betterment  of  the  temporal  condition  of  the 
masses.  As  pastor  in  Frankfort-on-the-Main  (1666- 
1674)  his  preaching  became  still  more  intensely  practical 
and  spiritual.  He  began  to  insist  that  laymen  should 
assist  the  pastor  in  spiritual  work.  He  now  began  to 
discredit  merely  intellectual  belief  as  a  means  of  salva- 
tion and  to  insist  that  saving  faith  involves  a  complete 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  527 

transformation  of  the  whole  being  by  the  regenerating 
power  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  hi  1670  some  of  those  who 
had  been  led  into  a  new  life  by  his  preaching  complained 
of  the  lack  of  means  for  spiritual  culture  and  expressed 
a  desire  for  social  meetings  for  mutual  edification.  The 
result  was  the  formation  of  devotional  meetings  {collegia 
pietatis),  which  under  his  influence  soon  became  wide- 
spread and  highly  influential  in  promoting  spiritual  life. 
The  meeting  conducted  by  himself  in  his  own  house 
began  with  the  devout  study  of  devotional  literature. 
From  1675  onward  the  Bible  alone  was  used  as  a  basis 
for  the  edificatory  exercises.  His  "  Pious  Desires " 
{Pia  T>esederia),  published  in  1675,  had  a  wide  circu- 
tion  and  was  highly  influential.  It  consisted  in  a  devout 
expression  of  a  wish  for  the  thorough  reformation  of  the 
Lutheran  Church  and  of  suggestions  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  desirable  end.  His  chief  reliance  was  on  a 
better  knowledge  of  the  Bible  to  be  gained  in  private 
assemblies  for  its  study  ;  on  a  more  extensive  and  sys- 
tematic employment  of  church-members  in  carrying  for- 
ward the  multiform  work  of  the  churches  ;  on  a  general 
recognition  of  the  fact  that  Christianity  is  not  a  matter 
of  knowledge  solely,  but  of  life,  and  that  Christian  life 
should  be  an  exemplification  of  the  principle  of  love ; 
on  a  more  adequate  education  of  ministers,  having  refer- 
ence to  piety  as  much  as  to  scholarship ;  and  on  a  type 
of  preaching  that  should  eschew  rhetorical  display  and 
pedantry  and  make  edification  its  chief  aim. 

These  suggestions  seem  to  us  so  thoroughly  Christian 
and  common  sense  that  it  is  hard  for  us  to  realize  the 
extent  of  the  innovation  involved  and  the  bitterness  of 
the  opposition  aroused.  Spener  was  accused  of  leaning 
too  much  toward  the  Reformed  theology  and  of  not  put- 
ting sufficient  emphasis  on  the  distinguishing  features  of 
Lutheranism.  The  devotional  meetings  were  criticised 
as  tending  to  separatism  and  as  hotbeds  of  heresy.  This 
criticism  was  supposed  to  be  fully  justified  by  the  sepa- 
ration of  several  of  these  meetings  from  the  churches 
that  treated  them  with  suspicion  and  contempt.  Spener 
had  no  desire  to  found  a  new  denomination.  He  was  a 
devout  Lutheran,  and  his  sole  aim  seems  to  have  been 
the  reformation  of  the  evangelical  (Lutheran)  church. 


528  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vt. 

(3)  (Augiist  Hermann  Francke.  Born  in  Liibeck  (1663), 
but  brought  up  in  Thuringia,  and  early  the  subject  of 
strong  religious  influences,  he  decided  while  still  a  boy  to 
devote  his  life  to  the  gospel  ministry.  As  a  student  at 
Kiel  he  was  a  member  of  the  household  of  Professor  Kor- 
tholt,  who  had  come  under  Spener's  influence.  As  a  stu- 
dent his  life  was  exemplary,  but  was  possibly  more  ascet- 
ical  than  was  wholesome.  At  the  end  of  his  course  of 
study  he  was  still  profoundly  dissatisfied  with  his  own 
spiritual  condition,  regarding  himself  as  "a  mere  natural 
man  who  had  much  in  his  head,  but  was  far  enough  re- 
moved from  the  beneficent  life  that  is  in  Christ  Jesus." 
In  1684  he  continued  his  studies  in  the  University  of  Leip- 
zig. He  gained  his  master's  degree  the  next  year  with 
Hebrew  as  his  chief  subject,  and  became  a  docent  in  the 
university,  in  association  with  Paul  Anton  and  others 
Francke  formed  a  Bible  club  (Collegium  Philohiblicum) 
for  the  exegetical  and  devotional  study  of  the  Scriptures. 
Heretofore  he  had  been  dealing  with  the  husks  of  Scrip- 
ture truth,  now  first  he  came  into  the  enjoyment  of  its 
very  kernel.  The  Bible  club  met  with  considerable  op- 
position ;  but  it  flourished  and  became  a  center  of  strong 
religious  influence  in  the  university  and  throughout  Ger- 
many. Yet  in  1687,  when  he  left  Leipzig,  he  was  still 
deeply  dissatisfied  with  his  own  spiritual  attainments, 
being  at  peace  with  the  world,  suffering  no  persecution 
for  Christ's  sake,  and  making  no  earnest  and  thorough- 
going effort  at  amendment.  After  spending  some  time 
in  private  biblical  study  under  devout  ministers  and  in 
reading  the  writings  of  Molinos  and  other  mystics,  in 
which  he  took  great  delight,  and  two  months'  joyful  in- 
tercourse with  Spener,  he  returned  to  Leipzig  (February, 
1689),  and  with  greater  confidence  and  more  definite  re- 
formatory aims  resumed  his  work  as  a  teacher.  Here 
his  biblical  lectures  and  his  sermons  attracted  great  audi- 
ences, and  religious  agencies  were  established  which 
deeply  affected  the  life  of  the  university  and  of  the  city. 
Francke  and  his  followers  did  not  escape  criticism.  They 
were  accused  of  spiritual  pride,  contempt  for  science,  dis- 
couragement of  earnest  philosophical  study,  and  laying 
undue  stress  on  piety  and  Bible  study  as  the  only  things 
really  worth  while.     Through  the  unfriendly  representa- 


CHAP,  in.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  529 

tions  of  Professor  Carpzov  the  university  authorities  pro- 
hibited the  Bible  clubs  and  instituted  proceedings  against 
him  as  a  teacher  of  unsettling  and  dangerous  doctrines. 
It  was  determined  that  henceforth  his  teaching  must  be 
limited  to  secular  subjects.  A  call  to  the  position  of  chief 
pastor  in  Erfurt  (1690)  was  accepted.  Many  students 
from  Leipzig  and  Jena  who  had  come  under  his  influ- 
ence betook  themselves  to  the  University  of  Erfurt,  and 
became  active  in  disseminating  pietistic  life  and  thought 
in  the  university  and  throughout  the  city.  Here  again 
opposition  became  so  sharp  as  to  lead  to  his  removal 
(September,  1691). 

Spener,  now  in  Berlin,  invited  him  thither,  gave  him 
an  opportunity  during  six  weeks  of  coming  in  contact 
with  the  religious  life  of  the  city,  and  procured  for  him 
an  appointment  to  a  pastorate  and  professorship  in  Halle. 
Here  with  the  like-minded  Breithaupt  and  Anton  as  col- 
leagues, and  under  the  patronage  of  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg, who  was  sympathetic  with  this  type  of  religious 
life  and  work,  he  was  able  to  carry  forward,  with  slight 
opposition,  his  great  beneficent  activities.  Halle  greatly 
flourished  and  became  the  center  of  religious  influence 
for  the  whole  of  Germany.  Under  Francke's  direction 
a  great  orphanage  was  established,  that  set  the  exam- 
ple to  evangelical  Christians  everywhere  of  practical 
philanthropy,  which  had  been  much  neglected.  The 
instruction  of  neglected  poor  children  was  begun  in  1695. 
Soon  a  few  orphans  had  to  be  provided  with  a  home.  In 
1698  a  hotel  with  grounds  was  placed  at  his  disposal  for 
an  orphans'  home,  and  it  was  filled  with  over  a  hundred 
children,  who  were  nurtured  and  trained  in  the  most 
careful  manner.  Through  the  liberality  of  Francke's 
friends  additional  land  was  secured  and  a  great  building 
for  the  various  departments  of  his  institutional  work  was 
erected.  At  his  death  (1727)  twenty-two  hundred  chil- 
dren were  receiving  training  in  this  institute  (one  hun- 
dred and  thirty-four  orphans)  under  one  hundred  and 
sixty-seven  male  and  seven  female  teachers,  and  two 
hundred  and  fifty  university  students  were  supplied  with 
their  dinners  there.  The  pedagogical  work  was  organ- 
ized under  eight  inspectors,  and  this  children's  school 
was  a  valuable  object-lesson  for  the  Christian  world. 
21 


530  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

The  missionary  enterprise  under  Frederick  IV.  of  Den- 
mark early  came  into  close  relations  with  Francke's  work, 
and  the  orphanage  supplied  many  helpers  and  teachers 
for  work  in  India.  The  famous  missionaries  Ziegenbalg, 
Plutschau,  and  Schwartz  were  trained  in  Francke's  school. 

Under  Francke's  influence  a  Bible  society  was  founded 
by  Baron  von  Canstein  (1710),  which  was  to  have  a 
highly  useful  career. 

(4)  Results  of  the  Pietistic  Movement.  a.  As  might 
have  been  expected  the  introduction  of  changes  so  rad- 
ical in  methods  of  preaching  and  teaching,  in  conceptions 
of  the  Christian  ministry,  and  in  the  relative  importance 
given  to  Bible  study  as  compared  with  church  dogma, 
provoked  much  violent  antagonism.  The  leaders  were 
stigmatized  as  heretical  innovators,  who  made  little  of  the 
distinctive  principles  of  Lutheranism  and  treated  with 
contempt  the  great  mass  of  Lutheran  professors  and  pas- 
tors as  unconverted'  men  unfit  to  be  religious  guides  of 
the  people,  and  as  sectarian  in  their  tendency.  Some  of 
the  opponents  of  the  movement  were  led  to  declare  that 
the  church  is  so  lioly  and  perfect  as  to  be  above  the  pos- 
sibility of  reformation.  "  it  is  not  the  church,  but  the 
ungodly  in  the  church  that  must  be  reformed."  Some 
went  so  far  as  to  identify  the  Lutheran  symbolical  books 
in  the  most  absolute  way  with  divine  truth,  and  regarded 
it  as  disloyalty  to  suggest  that  there  might  be  error 
therein.  Spener's  demand  that  every  one  should  test 
the  symbolical  books  before  subscribing  them  was  re- 
garded as  an  impertinence.  Some  of  the  opponents  of 
pietism  came  dangerously  near  to  sacerdotalism  in  their 
exaltation  of  the  ministerial  office,  holding  that  the  de- 
cisions of  the  Lutheran  clergy  were  equally  authoritative 
with  the  word  of  God.  Some  were  led  to  insist  that 
with  baptism  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit  is  imparted  once 
for  all  ;  so  that  the  person  baptized  in  infancy  needs  no 
special  work  of  the  Spirit  to  make  of  him  a  true  Chris- 
tian. That  men  need  to  be  specially  illuminated  by  the 
Spirit  in  order  to  be  good  theologians  and  ministers,  as 
claimed  by  Spener  and  Francke,  was  utterly  repudiated. 
Plato  and  Aristotle  might  have  become  good  theologians, 
even  though  they  had  regarded  the  mysteries  of  the 
faith  as  fables.     The  church  was  regarded  as  the  self- 


CHAP.  III.]   LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  53 1 

centered  possessor  of  divine  authority,  endowed,  once  for 
all,  with  divine  powers  and  privileges,  as  if  the  Holy 
Spirit  had  relinquished  his  direct  relation  to  souls,  nay, 
had  abdicated  his  power  and  energies  in  favor  of  the 
church  and  her  means  of  grace.  "Faith  in  the  con- 
tinued agency  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  in  illumination  and 
regeneration,  was  branded  as  fanaticism  and  enthusi- 
asm "  (Dorner). 

b.  Pietism,  on-th€^ther  hand,  brought  out  with  great 
emphasis  the  presence  and  activity  of  the  Holy  Spirit  as 
the  regenerating  and  illuminating  power  in  every  Chris- 
tian life. 

c.  Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  stress  laid 
by  Spener  and  Francke  upon  the  study  of  the  Bible  under 
the  guidance  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  effect  of  this  de- 
vout attention  to  biblical  study  upon  subsequent  Chris- 
tian history  has  been  of  fundamental  importance. 

"i'  d.  The  stress  and  importance  attached  by  the  pietists 
not  only  to  individual  conversion  by  the  power  of  the 
Spirit,  buL  to  the  living  of  separated  and  consecrated 
lives,' an3'- so  to  practical  Christian  morality  and  benefi- 
cent activity^  has  already  been  made  sufficiently  mani- 
fest. Sanctification  by  the  indwelling  power  of  the 
Spirit  progressing  throughout  life  was  a  fundamental  fea- 
ture of  pietism. 

e.  A  refined  and  spiritual  type  of  millenarianism  (rep- 
resented by  Spener,  Bengel,  et  al.),  has  exerted  a  pro- 
found influence  upon  later  evangelical  movements  and 
is  having  a  great  career  to-day.  Spener's  "  Hope  of 
Better  Times  in  the  Future"  (1693)  does  not  look  for- 
ward to  a  catastrophic  destruction  of  the  present  order 
and  the  sudden  dawning  of  an  age  of  triumphant  right- 
eousness under  the  rule  of  the  reappearing  Christ,  but 
only  to  the  diminution  of  sin  and  evil.  He  does  not  re- 
gard Christ's  millennial  government  as  visible,  but  re- 
gards the  Saviour's  reign  as  chiefly  the  result  of  the  la- 
bors of  regenerate  men  for  their  own  sanctification  and 
that  of  others  (Dorner).  The  hope  of  a  better  time  in  the 
future  was  to  him  a  trumpet  call  to  holy  living  and  to 
earnest  endeavor  for  the  salvation  of  men.  Bengel's 
eschatology  was  far  more  objectionable,  as  he  indulged 
in  efforts  which  had  long  before  his  time  proved  futile 


532  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

to  determine  by  compututions  from  biblical  data  the 
temporal  metes  and  bounds  of  the  kingdom  of  God. 

/,  The  influence  of  pietism  was  perpetuated  in  tlie 
Moravian  Brethren.  The  Count  von  Zinzendorf,  a  dis- 
ciple of  Francke,  was  influential  in  gathering  and  inspir- 
ing with  missionary  zeal  the  remnants  of  the  Bohemian 
Brethren,  whose  organized  life  had  been  almost  de- 
stroyed in  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  in  establishing  for 
these  and  other  likeminded  evangelical  Christians  a 
great  religious  and  educational  center  at  Herrnhut  on 
his  own  estates,  where  he  had  allowed  them  to  settle 
before  he  decided  to  cast  in  his  lot  with  them,  and  in 
setting  on  foot  one  of  the  greatest  missionary  agencies 
of  modern  times  (1727  onward). 

g.  As  syncretism  had  provoked  orthodox  Lutheranism 
to  the  expression  of  views  so  extreme  and  the  display  of 
a  spirit  so  unamiable  as  to  call  forth  pietism  as  a  protest 
and  by  way  of  reaction,  so  pietism  led  the  current  ortho- 
doxy, by  this  time  still  less  evangelical,  into  statements 
so  rash  as  to  promote  the  rise  and  spread  of  rationalism. 
The  intense  religious  enthusiasm  and  the  high  moral  re- 
quirements of  pietism,  and  the  stress  that  it  laid  on  the 
supernatural  as  not  merely  a  thing  of  the  past  but  as  a 
present-day  reality,  may  have  directly  promoted  the 
spread  of  rationalism  among  those  who  held  aloof  from 
its  religious  influence.'^  The  banishment  of  Wolff,  the 
philosopher,  from  the  University  of  Halle,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  Francke  and  his  followers,  no  doubt  tended  to 
intensify  the  zeal  of  those  inclined  toward  rationalism. 

4.  The  Wolffian  Philosophy  and  Lutheran  Theology.       ' 

Literature  :  Hurst,  "  Hist,  of  Rationalism,"  1866,  pp.  199-220 ; 

Tholuck,  "■  Vorgesch.  d.  Raiioualhmiis,'"  \?>i:,'^-\?>^A\  Hagenbach, 
"German  Rationalism,"  i86q  :  Lecl<y,  "  Hist,  of  tlie  Rise  and  In- 
fluence of  the  Spirit  of  Rationalism  in'Europe";  Baur,  "A'/n7/f-;/ij-<-5.-//. 
d.  miierm  Zeit,'"  Sett.  586,  seq. ;  pertinent  sections  in  works  on  tlie  his- 
tory of  philosophy,  and  encyclopcedia  art.  on  "  Wolff." 

CO  Christian  Wolff.  Born  at  Breslau  (1679),  edu- 
cated at  Jena,  where  he  became  imbued  with  the  phi- 
losopliy  of  Leibnitz,  he  was  appointed  professor  of 
philosophy  in  the  University  of  Halle  in  1706.  His  popu- 
larity as  a  teacher  gradually  increased,  and  his  lecture 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  533 

room  was  thronged  somewhat  at  the  expense  of  those 
of  the  theological  professors.  In  1719  he  published  his 
book  entitled  "  Rational  Thoughts  on  God,  the  World, 
and  the  Soul."  This  was  followed  by  a  work  on  ethics 
(1720),  and  one  on  politics  (1721).  Though  not  a  great 
originator  of  thought,  following  essentially  in  the  foot- 
steps of  Leibnitz,  he  far  surpassed  his  master  in  the 
power  of  popular  presentation.  To  the  thought  of  his 
great  master  he  added  the  mathematical  method  of 
Pythagoras  and  Spinoza.  It  was  his  aim  to  make  philo- 
sophical truth  as  self-evident  and  incontrovertible  as 
mathematical.  He  even  ventured  into  the  theological 
realm,  claiming  that  either  the  doctrines  and  claims  of 
Christianity  (miracles,  trinity,  etc.)  are  capable  of  dem- 
onstration, or  they  are  not  worthy  of  belief.  He  thought 
he  could  demonstrate  them,  and  claimed  that  by  doing  so 
he  was  setting  up  a  mighty  barrier  to  the  influx  of  Eng- 
lish deism  and  French  skepticism.  But  the  principle  that 
nothing  in  religion  is  to  be  accepted  that  cannot  be  ration- 
ally demonstrated  was  perceived  by  pietists  and  ortho- 
dox Lutherans  alike  to  be  a  highly  dangerous  one.  His 
high  commendation  of  the  ethical  system  of  Confucius 
precipitated  a  crisis.  The  Halle  theologians  felt  them- 
selves justified  in  petitioning  the  king  for  Wolff's  dis- 
missal. The  character  of  Wolff's  teaching  was  presented 
to  the  king  in  so  unfavorable  a  light  that  he  ordered  him 
to  leave  Prussia  in  forty-eight  hours  or  forfeit  his  life. 
The  reading  of  his  books  was  strictly  prohibited,  the 
penalty  being  one  hundred  ducats  for  each  offense. 

Wolff  was  called  almost  immediately  to  a  chair  in  the 
University  of  Marburg,  where  his  fame  and  popularity 
grew  so  rapidly  that  ignorance  of  his  teachings  came  to 
be  regarded  as  inexcusable,  and  his  methods  were  ap- 
plied to  every  department  of  study.  A  new  translation 
of  the  Bible  (the  Wertheim  Bible),  embodying  his  prin- 
ciples and  thoroughly  skeptical  in  its  tendency,  was 
published  (1735-1737).  By  1740  his  teachings  had  vir- 
tually mastered  the  religious  thought  of  Germany.  Soon 
after  his  accession  Frederick  II.  invited  the  aged  philoso- 
pher to  resume  his  chair  in  the  University  of  Halle,  and 
he  was  received  like  a  king  by  professors  and  students. 

(2)  Natural  versus  Revealed  Theology.     Wolff's  influ- 


534  A  MANUAL  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

cnct  was  manifest  in  the  breaking  down  of  tiie  dogmatic 
orthodoxy  of  the  Lutheranism  of  the  preceding  genera- 
tion, with  its  scholastic  method  based  upon  the  philoso- 
phy of  Aristotle,  and  especially  in  the  widespread  interest 
that  arose  in  natural  theology.  The  study  of  the  sym- 
bolical books  and  the  refutation  of  heresy  had  lost  their 
charm,  and  the  study  of  nature  as  illustrative  of  the  wis- 
dom, the  power,  and  the  goodness  of  God  occupied  the 
minds  and  filled  the  discourses  of  pastors  and  professors. 
Canz  illustrated  the  superiority  of  natural  to  revealed 
religion  by  that  of  pure,  living,  cold  spring  water  to 
warm,  stagnant  cistern  water.  A  rationalistic  work  by 
Reinbeck  on  the  Augsburg  Confession  (in  nine  volumes) 
was  sent  at  the  public  expense  to  every  Lutheran  church 
in  Prussia. 

(3)  Frederick  the  Great  as  a  Promoter  of  Theological 
Liberalism.  Frederick's  sympathy  with  religious  free- 
thinking  was  manifest  in  his  restoration  of  Wolff  to  the 
cliair  from  which  he  had  been  expelled.  He  had  become 
himself  thoroughly  imbued  with  French  skeptical  phi- 
losophy, was  in  constant  correspondence  with  its  chief 
representatives,  entertained  them  at  iiis  court,  and  him- 
self adopted  the  French  language  as  the  vehicle  for  his 
thoughts.  He  introduced  into  Prussia  a  measure  of  re- 
ligious toleration  that  was  unexampled  in  Germany,  and 
he  contributed  more  than  any  other  man  to  the  progress 
of  the  type  of  thought  and  life  known  in  history  as  "  The 
Illumination  "  Q-Jlufklarung).  This  term  is  used  to  indi- 
cate the  general  disappearance  from  men's  minds  of  the 
sense  of  the  supernatural  in  religion,  with  widespread 
interest  in  philosophy  and  science,  it  was  in  an  im- 
portant sense  a  second  edition  of  the  Renaissance,  like 
the  latter  involving  repudiation  of  everything  tradi- 
tional and  an  effort  to  get  at  the  essence  and  ground  of 
things  by  the  application  of  the  mind  to  nature  and  his- 
tory and  insistence  on  freedom  of  thought.  Among  the 
agencies  for  the  spread  of  liberal  thought  were  the  lodges 
of  Free  Masons  in  such  centers  as  Hamburg,  Braun- 
schweig, Berlin,  Leipzig,  and  Altenberg.  Societies  of 
Truth-lovers  (Alethophiles)  were  organized  among  the 
young  preachers  through  tiie  efforts  of  ManteuftVI  and 
Reinbeck   for  the  dissemination  of  Wolff's  philosophy. 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  535 

Edelmann,  a  coarse  and  sheer  opponent  and  reviler  of 
the  supernatural  in  religion  and  vaunter  of  the  power 
and  dignity  of  reason,  after  a  checkered  career  as  a 
disseminator  of  blasphemous  teaching  was  permitted  by 
Frederick  II.  to  settle  in  Berlin  (1749),  with  the  under- 
standing that  he  would  cease  publishing  his  views.  He 
devoted  himself  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  (d.  1767) 
to  controversies  with  Christians  and  Jews  (Mendelssohn) 
and  to  the  private  circulation  of  his  scurrilous  manu- 
scripts. Considerable  commotion  was  caused  (1750)  by 
the  publication  (pseudonymously)  of  a  work  by  Loen 
entitled  "The  Only  True  Religion,"  inculcating  a  kind 
of  eudasmonism,  and  claiming  to  furnish  the  solution  of 
all  religious  problems.  It  was  attacked  by  the  Giessen 
faculty.  Semler  (b.  1725)  studied  at  Halle  where  he 
became  professor  of  theology  (1757)  and  aroused  much 
opposition  by  reason  of  his  rationalistic  treatment  of  the 
Bible.  He  sought  to  discredit  the  canon  as  a  fortuitous 
collection  of  books  of  very  different  values,  and  denied 
that  the  Scriptures  were  intended  to  be  a  standard  of 
faith  for  all  men  during  all  ages.  He  laid  the  foundation 
for  the  later  subjective  criticism  of  the  Tubingen  school 
by  asserting  that  Paul  alone  of  the  New  Testament 
writers  taught  that  Christianity  was  the  universal  re- 
ligion and  that  the  catholic  Epistles  were  written  with  a 
view  to  harmonizing  Paulinism  with  Judaizing  Chris- 
tianity. He  taught  that  the  New  Testament  writers 
accommodated  themselves  to  the  popular  notions  of  their 
day  and  so  are  not  to  be  implicitly  followed. 

Reimarus,  professor  at  Hamburg  1728  onward  (d. 
1768),  left  unpublished  a  number  of  blatantly  skeptical 
essays,  which  were  published  by  Lessing  (1774  onward) 
as  "  The  WolffenbiJttel  Fragments."  The  most  objec- 
tionable of  these  was  probably  that  on  "  The  Purpose 
of  Jesus  and  his  Disciples."  His  idea  is  that  Jesus  de- 
sired to  appear  as  a  reformer  of  Judaism  and  to  proclaim 
himself  an  earthly  king.  When  he  failed  in  his  purpose 
his  disciples  pretended  that  he  came  to  establish  a  spir- 
itual kingdom  and  invented  the  story  of  his  resurrection. 
The  publication  of  these  weakly  irreverent  writings  was 
unworthy  of  Lessing,  and  involved  him  in  controversy. 

Among  the  learned  and  moderate  men  of  this  time 


536  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

were  J.  L.  von  Mosheim  (d.  1755),  the  foremost  church 
historian  of  his  age,  who  conihined  some  of  the  elements 
of  Syncretism,  Pietism,  and  Wolft'ianism,  cared  nothing 
for  orthodox  Lutheranism,  was  fair-minded  in  his  dealing 
with  other  forms  of  Christianity,  and  was  free  from  the 
grosser  forms  of  skepticism  ;  J.  A.  Fabricius,  the  emi- 
nent text  critic,  editor  of  patristic  writings,  and  bibliog- 
rapher (d.  1736)  ;  and  J.  G.  Walch,  author  of  many 
learned  works  bearing  on  the  history  of  doctrine  (d. 
1775).  Noteworthy  was  the  great  literary  revival  that 
formed  part  of  the  age  of  "  Illumination  "  in  Germany. 
Klopstock,  the  "German  Milton,"  produced  the  great 
religious  epic  of  the  time,  "  The  Messiah,"  which  though 
not  theologically  or  artistically  perfect,  did  much  toward 
rescuing  the  person  of  Christ  from  the  unworthy  concep- 
tions and  treatment  that  characterized  the  age.  Hamann, 
a  noble  philosophical  spirit,  with  a  strong  pantheistic  ten- 
dency ("all  things  are  divine,  all  things  are  human  "), 
was  yet  an  enthusiast  for  Christianity  and  a  believer  in 
divine  revelation.  Lavater,  the  religious  poet,  belonged 
to  the  same  school.  By  way  of  reaction  against  the  cur- 
rent deism  they  laid  such  stress  upon  the  immanence  of 
God  as  almost  to  lose  sight  of  his  transcendence  ;  but 
they  did  much  toward  promoting  worthier  views  of  God, 
Christ,  and  religion.  Lessing  was  more  daring  in  his 
skepticism,  and  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  posi- 
tively Christian  ;  but  he  seems  to  have  been  an  earnest 
seeker  after  truth,  who  loved  the  process  of  seeking  even 
more  than  the  truth  itself.  His  influence,  while  it  may 
have  been  intellectually  elevating,  was  distinctly  against 
faith  in  historical  Christianity.  Goethe,  the  greatest 
poet  of  Germany,  also  a  product  of  the  "  Illumination," 
was  still  more  remote  from  Christian  sentiment  and 
Christian  morals,  and  still  more  pagan  in  spirit.  Schiller 
had  a  firmer  grasp  on  Christian  principles  than  Lessing 
or  Goethe,  but  was  distinctly  a  product  of  the  skeptical 
"  Illumination."  Herder,  like  Hamann,  narrowly  escaped 
pantheism.  His  philosophy  of  history  is  not  the  truly 
Christian  philosophy.  Yet  he  had  a  keen  appreciation 
of  the  literary  form  and  the  religious  thought  of  the 
Bible,  and  he  gave  to  the  poetry  and  the  prophecy  of 
the  Old  Testament  a  new  place  in  men's  thoughts. 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  537 
5.  Zin:^endorf  and  the  Moravian  "Brethren. 

LITERATURE:  See  Spaiigenberg,  "Z.^fc«  ^^s  .  .  .  Grafenu.  Herrn 
von  Ziuiendorf,'"  1772-1775  (English  tr.,  1838);  Bovet,  ''Le  Covite  de 
Ziniendorf"  i860  (Eng.  tr.,  1865  and  i8g6);  Becker,  ''' Ziu^endorf  im 
Verh'altniss  i^u  Philosophie  u.  Kirc/ieiitlium,^'  1886;  Thompson,  "Mo- 
ravian Missions,"  1882;  Zinzendorf,  Works,  mostly  in  German; 
Hamilton,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Um'tas  Fratnim,  or  Moravian  Church,  in 
the  United  States  of  America,"  1895  (in  the  "Am.  Ch.  Hist.  Series," 
Vol.  VIll.);  fuller  bibliography  in  Hamilton. 

The  Moravian  Brethren  were  in  an  important  sense 
a  product  of  Lutheranism  in  its  pietistic  phase,  and  in 
an  equally  important  sense  a  perpetuation  of  the  old 
evangelical  spirit  as  embodied  in  the  remnants  of  the 
Bohemian  Brethren,  or  Unitas  Fratrum. 

Scion  of  an  ancient  Austrian  noble  family  (b.  1700), 
and  brought  up  by  his  grandmother,  the  Baroness  von 
Gersdorf,  an  ardent  pietist,  Zinzendorf  displayed  from 
his  earliest  childhood  a  religious  enthusiasm  that  abode 
with  him  through  life.  The  love  of  Jesus  and  ambition 
to  serve  him  by  bringing  salvation  to  his  fellow-men 
occupied  the  foremost  place  in  his  thoughts  and  aspira- 
tions. When  ten  years  old  he  was  sent  to  Francke's 
school  at  Halle.  Here  he  soon  became  a  leader  in  re- 
ligious things,  and  organized  among  the  boys  the  "  Order 
of  the  Grain  of  Mustard  Seed,"  for  the  promotion  of 
personal  piety  and  the  evangelization  of  the  world.  It 
was  from  the  beginning  his  desire  and  aim  to  devote  his 
life  to  the  dissemination  of  the  gospel  ;  but  even  his 
grandmother  could  not  bear  the  idea  of  his  choosing  such 
a  career,  and  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  his  guardian 
and  friends  he  studied  law  at  the  University  of  Witten- 
berg with  reference  to  public  service.  Yet  he  continued 
to  devote  his  leisure  to  theological  studies  and  to  cherish 
the  thought  of  devoting  his  life  to  Christian  work.  After 
traveling  in  Holland  and  France,  where  he  came  in  con- 
tact with  Jansenistic  mystical  piety,  especially  in  the 
person  of  the  Cardinal-Archbishop  Noailles,  he  returned 
to  Saxony  (1721),  and  reluctantly  declining  a  position 
offered  him  by  Francke  as  director  of  the  Bible  Society, 
accepted  a  judicial  position  under  the  Saxon  government. 
The  following  year  he  purchased  of  his  grandmother  an 
estate  in  Upper  Lusatia,  and  at  the  solicitation  of  Chris- 


538  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

tian  David,  who  had  been  converted  to  their  views  a  few 
years  before  and  was  devoting  his  life  to  the  gathering 
and  preservation  of  the  remnants  of  the  party,  permitted 
two  families  of  Bohemian  Brethren  to  settle  there,  with 
as  many  more  as  might  be  inclined  to  come.  He  knew 
little  about  the  history  of  the  Brethren,  but  was  willing 
to  lend  a  helping  hand  to  persecuted  believers,  and  prob- 
ably thought  they  would  make  desirable  settlers  on  his 
undeveloped  estate.  In  1723  he  formed  with  another 
nobleman  and  two  Lutheran  pastors  the  "  Covenant  of 
the  Four  Brethren,"  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel 
throughout  the  world.  By  1727  several  hundred  of  the 
Brethren  had  gathered  on  his  estates  and  had  founded  a 
community  which  they  named  Herrnhut  (Lodge  of  the 
Lord).  At  this  time  Zinzendorf  resigned  his  office  and 
settled  on  his  estate.  The  reading  of  Comenius'  Ratio 
Discipline  (account  of  the  principles  and  practices  of  the 
Brethren)  greatly  interested  him,  and  led  him  to  the  con- 
viction that  his  life-work  was  to  consist  in  reorganizing 
this  ancient  brotherhood  and  leading  it  in  a  great  mis- 
sionary enterprise. 

It  was  not  his  aim  to  separate  from  the  Lutheran  fel- 
lowship, but  rather  to  follow  the  example  of  Spener  in 
forming  little  churches  within  the  church  (ecclesiolce  in 
ecclesia).  Yet  he  looked  after  the  perpetuation  of  the 
episcopacy  of  the  Brethren,  and  himself  received  epis- 
copal ordination  (1737).  To  avoid  even  the  appearance 
of  a  separation  from  Lutheranism  he  also  submitted  to 
an  examination  by  the  TUbingen  faculty,  and  received 
ordination  as  a  Lutheran  minister.  Some  time  before  he 
had  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Brethren  he  had  established  a 
school  at  Herrnhut  on  tlie  model  of  Francke's,  and  soon 
after  the  reorganization  of  the  Brethren  he  was  able  to 
send  forth  a  considerable  number  of  trained  evangelists. 
It  so  happened  that  one  of  the  surviving  bishops  of  the 
Bohemian  Bretiiren  (Jablonski)  was  court  preacher  in 
Berlin,  in  fellowship  with  the  Lutherans,  while  the  other 
(Sitkovius)  was  superintendent  of  the  Reformed  churches 
in  Poland.  Both  of  these  cheerfully  consented  to  co- 
operate in  giving  episcopal  succession  to  the  new  organ- 
ization. Thus,  old  evangelical,  Lutheran,  and  Reformed 
life  and  thought  were  blended  in  Zinzendorf's  new  broth- 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  539 

erhood,  which  it  was  his  earnest  desire  not  to  consti- 
tute a  new  denomination,  but  rather  a  great  evangelizing 
agency  which  should  transcend  the  limits  of  denomi- 
nationalism  and  be  simply  Christian.  Above  all  things 
else  Zinzendorf  was  dominated  by  love  to  Christ,  whose 
vicarious  sufferings  were  constantly  before  his  mind  in 
such  a  way  as  to  produce  the  most  exalted  enthusiasm 
for  his  person,  and  a  passionate  desire  to  follow  in  his 
footsteps.  His  sentimental  and  realistic  representations 
of  the  atonement,  in  which  he  dwelt  upon  the  details  of 
the  passion,  were  offensive  to  the  Christian  taste  of  that 
time  and  to  some  extent  to  that  of  the  present,  and  led 
to  some  fanaticism,  much  obloquy,  and  considerable  per- 
secution. 

The  organization  of  the  body,  like  that  of  the  Wal- 
denses,  Bohemian  Brethren,  and  Moravian  Anabaptists, 
was  of  a  semi-monastic  type,  and  was  very  elaborate 
and  complete.  The  aim  was  not  so  much  to  foster  indi- 
vidual liberty  as  united  effort  in  the  great  work  of  world- 
evangelization.  While  the  organization  continued  the 
episcopal  office  with  the  principle  of  general  superin- 
tendency,  the  government  of  the  body  was  really  com- 
mitted to  a  Board  of  twelve  elders,  at  whose  head  Zin- 
zendorf himself  stood  during  his  lifetime.  At  Herrnhut 
the  members  of  the  community  were  divided  into  sections 
for  devotional  purposes,  and  times  for  prayer  were  so 
arranged  for  each  that  no  intermission  of  petitions  to  the 
throne  of  grace  might  occur. 

As  early  as  1728  plans  for  missions  to  Mohammedans 
and  heathen  were  being  laid,  and  visits  were  made  by 
members  of  the  organization  to  Turkey  and  Africa.  In 
1732  Dober  and  Nitschmann,  having  learned  from  Zin- 
zendorf of  the  sufferings  and  needs  of  the  Negro  slaves 
on  the  island  of  St.  Thomas,  went  thither,  and  after 
enduring  much  persecution  accomplished  a  remarkable 
work.  In  1733  Christian  David,  with  two  companions, 
left  Herrnhut  for  Greenland.  In  1734  Lapland  was  visited 
by  Moravian  missionaries,  and  contingents  were  sent  to 
Georgia  and  Surinam.  Pennsylvania  was  entered  by 
Spangenberg  and  some  fellow-laborers  in  1735. 

In  1736  Zinzendorf  was  banished  from  Saxony  because 
of  the  disturbance  that  was  being  caused  by  his  propa- 


540  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

ganda.  After  three  years  of  evangelistic  labors  on  the 
continent,  in  England,  and  in  the  West  Indies,  he  made 
his  way  to  Pennsylvania  (1741),  where  a  large  German 
population,  representing  nearly  every  phase  of  religious 
life  and  thougiit,  had  settled,  and  where  great  spiritual 
destitution  prevailed.  Neither  Lutherans  nor  Reformed 
had  any  completeness  of  organization  or  any  adequate 
supply  of  pastors,  and  most  of  the  pastors  of  both  par- 
ties were  lacking  in  evangelistic  zeal.  Many  thousands 
were  without  religious  privileges  of  any  kind.  Besides, 
there  was  a  large  Indian  population  within  reach  that 
greatly  interested  the  zealous  count.  A  result  of  Span- 
genberg's  early  activity  in  Pennsylvania  was  the  gather- 
ing of  a  number  of  earnest  men  of  various  communions 
into  a  society  known  as  "  The  Associated  Brethren  of 
Skippach."  Zinzendorf  was  encouraged  by  the  great 
eagerness  of  the  people  for  evangelistic  preacliing  and 
the  evident  lack  of  ability  on  the  part  of  Lutherans  and 
Reformed  to  cope  with  the  need,  to  hope  to  be  instru- 
mental in  forming  a  German  evangelical  union.  Being 
not  only  a  Moravian,  but  also  a  Lutheran,  and  having 
the  approval  of  a  Reformed  superintendent,  he  felt  espe- 
cially conditioned  to  lead  in  the  work  of  unification.  To 
facilitate  his  work  he  resigned  temporarily  (1741)  his 
Moravian  bishopric  and  laid  aside  his  titled  name,  adopt- 
ing a  secondary  family  name,  Louis  TUrnstein.  It  does 
not  appear  that  he  designed  to  make  Moravian  Brethren 
of  the  whole  German  population  ;  but  his  zeal  for  Chris- 
tian unity  and  for  the  evangelization  of  the  entire  people 
was  such  as  to  make  him  indifferent  to  denominational 
peculiarities.  A  number  of  synods  were  held  in  the 
interest  of  evangelical  union  ;  but  contentions  finally 
arose  and  nothing  important  was  accomplished.  Yet  the 
year  spent  in  Pennsylvania  was  far  from  being  unfruit- 
ful ;  for  besides  visiting  many  Indian  settlements  and 
organizing  a  congregation  in  one  of  them,  congregations 
were  formed  at  Bethlehem,  Hebron,  Heidelberg,  Lancas- 
ter, Philadelphia,  and  York,  in  New  York  City,  and  on 
Staten  Island,  as  a  result  of  his  efforts,  and  schools  were 
established  at  Germantown,  Fredericktown,  Oley,  and 
Heidelberg. 

In  Germany  considerable  scandal  was  caused   (1745- 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  541 

1749)  by  fanatical  proceedings  on  the  part  of  some  con- 
gregations of  tlie  Brethren.  The  fanaticism  **  did  not 
lead  them  into  gross  sins,  but  gave  rise  to  the  most  ex- 
travagant conceptions,  especially  as  regarded  the  atone- 
ment in  general,  and  Christ's  wounded  side  in  particular  ; 
to  the  most  sensuous,  puerile,  and  objectionable  phrase- 
ology and  hymns  ;  and  to  religious  services  of  the  most 
reprehensible  character.  Such  fanaticism  Zinzendorf 
himself  unwittingly  originated  by  the  fanciful  and  un- 
warranted ways  in  which  he  expressed  the  believer's  joy 
and  the  love  which  the  pardoned  sinner  bears  to  the 
Saviour  "  (De  Schweinitz,  a  present-day  bishop  of  the 
Brethren).  Zinzendorf  saw  his  mistake,  and  was  after- 
ward influential  in  eliminating  fanaticism  from  the  body. 
In  1749  the  Saxon  government  rescinded  its  act  of  ban- 
ishment and  invited  Zinzendorf  to  establish  other  com- 
munities like  Herrnhut. 

The  Moravian  Brethren  subserved  a  highly  useful  pur- 
pose in  keeping  alive  a  warm,  evangelical  piety  during  a 
period  of  great  spiritual  darkness,  in  setting  an  example 
to  other  Christian  bodies  of  consecration  of  life  and 
property  to  the  work  of  world-evangelization,  and  espe- 
cially in  transforming  the  life  and  views  of  John  Wesley, 
who  was  to  be  instrumental  not  simply  in  founding  the 
great  Wesleyan  bodies,  but  also  in  imparting  evangelical 
zeal  to  other  denominations  and  in  preparing  the  way  for 
the  modern  missionary  movement. 

The  brotherhood  at  present  is  divided  into  three  home 
provinces  :  Germany,  England,  and  America.  Herrnhut 
remains  the  center  of  administration,  and  a  general  con- 
vention is  held  there  every  ten  years.  The  membership 
of  the  three  provinces  does  not  much  exceed  thirty  thou- 
sand. It  sustains  missions  in  Greenland,  Labrador, 
Alaska,  the  West  Indies,  Demerara,  the  Mosquito  Coast, 
Surinam,  Cape  Colony,  Kaffraria,  German  East  Africa, 
Victoria,  Queensland,  Cashmere,  Little  Tibet,  and  among 
the  North  American  Indians  ;  sustains  a  leper  hospital  in 
Jerusalem  ;  and  carries  on  evangelistic  work  in  Bohemia 
and  Moravia,  at  an  expense  of  about  ^400,000  a  year. 
Its  converts  in  the  heathen  missions  number  about  eighty 
thousand.  Its  educational  work  has  been  from  the  be- 
ginning extensive  and  important  as  a  means  of  training 


542  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

workers  and  of  bringing  its  religious  influence  to  bear 
upon  vast  numbers  who  have  not  united  with  the  body. 

6.  Emanuel  Swcdenborg  and  the  New  Jerusalem  Churcli. 

LITERATURE:  Swedenborg's  works,  In  English;  Lives  of  Swe- 
denborg  by  Wilkinson,  White,  Tafel,  and  Worcester,  all  Sweden- 
borgians. 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  products  of  the  age  of  "  Il- 
lumination "  in  Lutheran  lands  is  the  elaborate  gnostic 
system  of  Hmanuel  Swedenborg.  Son  of  a  distinguished 
Swedish  clergyman  who  had  been  highly  honored  by  his 
king  (b.  1688),  he  took  a  precocious  interest  in  religious 
matters,  but  devoted  himself  during  his  early  and  middle 
life  chiefly  to  physics,  engineering,  and  psychology.  In 
the  mathematical  sciences  he  was  an  enthusiast  and  ap- 
parently a  genius.  After  completing  his  university  course 
and  spending  some  years  in  travel  and  study  in  foreign 
lands,  he  became  a  government  inspector  of  mines,  and 
applied  his  mathematical  and  mechanical  knowledge  in 
promoting  the  mining  industries  of  his  country.  The 
following  autobiographical  statement  shows  how  he 
wished  the  theosophical  speculations  of  his  later  years 
to  be  regarded.  After  giving  an  account  of  his  earlier 
studies  and  achievements,  he  continues  : 

But  all  that  I  have  thus  far  related  I  consider  of  little  importance, 
for  it  is  far  transcended  by  the  circumstance  that  I  have  been  called 
to  a  holy  office  by  the  Lord  himself,  who  most  mercifully  appeared 
before  me,  his  servant,  in  the  year  1743,  when  lie  opened  my  sight 
into  tlie  spiritual  world,  and  enabled  me  to  converse  with  spirits  and 
angels,  in  which  state  I  have  continued  up  to  the  present  day.  From 
that  time  1  began  to  print  and  publish  the  various  arcana  that  were 
seen  by  me  or  revealed  to  me  concerning  heaven  and  hell,  the  state 
of  man  after  death,  the  true  worship  of  God,  the  spiritual  sense  of 
the  word,  and  many  other  important  matters  conducive  to  salvation 
and  wisdom. 

It  is  not  necessary,  or  perhaps  reasonable,  to  regard 
Swedenborg  as  an  impostor.  It  seems  probable  that  his 
constant  poring  over  the  great  problems  of  physics  and 
psychology  that  pressed  themselves  upon  his  unusually 
active  mind  during  this  age  of  unsettlement  and  inquiry, 
and  his  attempt  to  find  a  place  for  religion  in  connection 
with  his  scheme  of  tlie  physical  and  spiritual  universe 


CHAP.  III.]   LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  543 

may  have  wrought  in  him  a  morbid  psychological  state 
in  which  he  really  conceived  his  own  crude  speculations 
and  phantasies  to  be  divinely  vouchsafed  visions  and 
revelations.  As  his  physical,  psychological,  and  philo- 
sophical ideas  were  crude,  so  the  theosophy  derived 
therefrom  might  have  been  expected  to  be  without  value. 
It  will  not  be  practicable  to  present  here  even  an  out- 
line of  Swedenborg's  speculations.  It  may  be  said  in 
general,  that  on  a  pantheistic  basis  he  sensualizes  and 
materializes  the  spiritual  rather  than  spiritualizes  the 
things  that  are  temporal  and  visible.  Most  characteristic 
of  his  system  is  his  doctrine  of  correspondences.  There 
is  a  perfect  correspondence  between  every  natural  ob- 
ject, even  the  most  minute,  and  the  great  facts  of  the 
spiritual  world.  The  application  of  the  doctrine  of  cor- 
respondences to  the  interpretation  of  Scripture  gives 
opportunity  for  the  wildest  allegorizing,  and  completely 
destroys  the  value  of  Scripture  as  an  objective  standard 
of  truth. 

Swedenborg  taught  that  Scripture  is  not  merely  from  the  Lord,  but 
is  itself  the  Lord.  As  the  whole  godhead  assumed  humanity  in  Christ, 
so  God  embodies  himself  in  Scripture.  The  Scripture  writers  were 
only  instruments  in  the  hands  of  God.  Every  sentence  and  word 
has  a  spiritual  meaning  which  the  natural  idea  represents.  The 
revelation  to  Swedenborg  of  the  correspondence  between  natural  and 
spiritual  things,  and  of  the  spiritual  meaning  of  the  word,  consti- 
tuted, in  his  view,  the  second  coming  of  the  Lord.  He  regarded  him- 
self as  commissioned  by  God  to  introduce  a  new  dispensation,  in 
which  men  should  attain  to  blessedness  by  gaining  a  perfect  insight 
into  the  correspondence  between  the  natural  and  the  spiritual,  lost  in 
the  fall  and  not  fully  restored  in  the  earlier  dispensations.  Every 
Christian  doctrine  is  so  transformed  in  Swedenborg's  theosophy  as 
to  be  scarcely  recognizable. 

Swedenborg  was  so  highly  esteemed  by  the  king  for 
his  services  to  science  and  for  the  excellence  of  his  char- 
acter, that  attempts  to  punish  him  for  heresy  failed.  He 
died  in  London  in  1772,  professing  to  the  last  full  confi- 
dence in  what  he  had  taught.  In  1783  a  few  of  his  Eng- 
lish disciples  organized  themselves  as  a  church  and 
entered  upon  the  task  of  disseminating  his  teachings. 
A  year  later  the  propagandism  was  extended  to  America. 
The  New  Jerusalem  Church  is  to-day  disseminating  its 
teachings  with  considerable  vigor  in  Great  Britain,  the 


544  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

United  States,  Canada,  France,  Germany,  Austria,  Italy, 
Switzerland,  Norway,  and  Sweden.  Vast  numbers  of 
volumes  of  Swedenborg's  writings  are  annually  distrib- 
uted to  ministers  of  evangelical  denominations  and  others. 

7.  iA  New  Philosophy  and  a  New  Theology. 

LITERATURE:  See  Doriier,  "Hist,  of  Prot.  Theol.,  Vol.  II.,  pp. 
321  seq.;  Lichtenberger,  "  Hist,  of  German  Theol.  in  the  Nineteentli 
Century"  (Eng.  tr.,  1889);  Ptleiderer,  "  Deveiopm.  of  Theol.  in 
Germany  since  Kant,  and  its  Progress  in  Great  Britain  since  1825  " 
(Eng.  tr.,  i8q3);  Hurst,  "  Hist,  of  Rationalism,"  1866  and  1875; 
Hagenbach,  "Germ.  Rationalism,"  1865  ;  Tholuck,  ''Gesch.  d.  Ration- 
alisDius,"  1853-1854  ;  Farrar,  "Critical  Hist,  of  Free  Thought,"  1863. 

(i)  Immaniiel Kant  (b .  1724,  professor  in  the  University 
of  Konigsberg  175 5-1804),  was  in  a  sense  a  product  of 
the  "Illumination,"  and  was  the  first  to  subject  its  re- 
sults to  a  searching  criticism  and  to  establish  a  new  basis 
for  further  investigation  of  the  great  problems  that  had 
been  raised.  While  his  method  was  thoroughly  rational- 
istic and  he  may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  the  ration- 
alistic theology  of  modern  Germany,  he  struck  a  death- 
blow at  the  sentimentalism  and  the  eudoemonism  that 
were  sapping  the  intellectual  and  moral  life  of  the  na- 
tion. The  immediate  effect  of  his  teaching  was  more 
directly  antagonistic  to  historical  Christianity  than  that 
of  Herder  and  Lessing  had  been  ;  but  he  could  build  up 
as  well  as  tear  down,  and  much  of  the  apparent  damage 
that  was  done  to  the  Christian  faith  by  his  "Critique  of 
Pure  Reason  "  was  remedied  by  his  "  Critique  of  Prac- 
tical Reason,"  his  "  Ethics,"  etc. 

Kant  was  led  by  Hume's  expression  of  doubt  regarding  the  ante- 
cedent certainty  of  human  knowledge  to  a  critical  examination  of  the 
human  understanding,  tiie  instrument  of  knowledge.  Wolff's  method 
of  attaining  to  truth  bv  means  of  clear  ideas  he  declared  to  be  utterly 
vain.  He  strictly  limited  our  knowledge  to  phenomena.  We  do  not 
know  things  in  themselves,  but  only  such  appearances  as  are  possi- 
ble to  us  under  the  conditions  of  knowledge  to  wiiich  we  are  limited. 
While  reason  gives  us  the  ideas  of  God,  tlie  universe,  and  ourselves, 
this  furnishes  no  sufficient  evidence  of  the  existence  of  either.  While 
he  regards  God  as  tiie  regulative  principle  of  reason,  he  holds  that 
he  may  exist  only  in  the  reason.  Of  iiis  obiective  being  we  can 
have  no  knowledge.  He  would  not  allow  that  God,  supposing  him 
to  exist,  exerts  influence  on  the  human  mind.  This  would  be  to 
destroy  human  freedom  and  the  possibility  of  virtue.    And  yet  this 


CHAP,  m.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  545 

philosophy  "  contained  a  germ  which  shows  an  internal  affinity  with 
the  principle  of  the  Reformation  "  (Dorner).  "  He  has  the  merit  of 
having  fixed,  by  means  of  his  categorical  imperative,  and  with  a 
lucidity  never  before  attained,  the  specific  peculiarity  of  morality  in 
opposition  to  eudcemonism,  and  of  having  again  proclaimed,  like  a 
philosophical  Moses,  the  supernatural  majesty  and  holiness  of  the 
moral  law.  Everything  is,  however,  resolved  into  this  certainly  not 
lax  morality.  Religion  is  only  a  means  thereto,  and  a  means  which 
it  did  not  necessarily  stand  in  need  of,  for  autonomy,  as  well  as 
autarchy,  befits  the  reason  as  such''  (ibid.).  The  categorical  im- 
perative, or  the  inner  prompting  to  "  act  from  a  maxim  at  ail  times 
fit  for  a  law  universal,"  implies  an  ideal  of  moral  excellence  in  the 
mind,  and  is  treated  by  Kant  as  a  grand  certainty  in  human  knowN 
edge  and  the  imperative  requirement  of  human  life.  "  Thou  shalt" 
implies  "  thou  canst."  Thus  a  man  is  raised  above  necessitarianism 
and  duty  is  placed  at  the  very  center  of  his  being  (cf.  Calderwood, 
art.  "  Kant  in  Schaff-Herzog).  It  would  seem  easy  from  Kant's 
categorical  iinperative  to  infer  a  moral  government  of  the  universe 
and  a  Moral  Governor.  Conformity  of  the  contents  of  the  categor- 
ical imperative  with  that  which  is  central  in  Scripture  would  furnish 
a  presumption  in  favor  of  the  reality  of  divine  revelation.  It  must 
be  said  that  Kant  did  not  deny  divine  revelation.  But  he  was  never 
weary  of  insisting  that  pure  moral  belief  is  all  that  is  of  any  value 
in  religion,  and  that  Scripture  and  creeds  have  a  moral  interpretation 
applied  to  them,  even  though  it  introduces  an  entirely  new  sense. 

(2)  J.  G.  Fichte  (17.62-1814)  sought  to  bring  Kant's 
teachings  into  closer  relations  with  theology  and  Chris- 
tianity, but  the  result  was  an  idealism  that  is  hardly  dis- 
tinguishable from  pantheism.  He  was  not  satisfied  with 
Kant's  distinction  between  pure  and  practical  reason. 
He  made  the  ego  (human  personality)  to  be  everything 
and  absolute.  Nay,  the  ego  is  God.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  could  affirm  that  the  ego  has  no  substantial 
existence,  and  that  there  is  nothing  but  God.  He  recog- 
nized in  a  measure  the  historical  Christ  as  a  man  in  whom 
God  came  fully  to  consciousness.  He  admitted  that  Christ 
is  unique  through  his  originality,  and  that  all  who  enter 
the  kingdom  of  heaven  attain  it  only  through  him,  in  the 
sense  of  following  his  example,  and  thus  becoming  per- 
fect organs  of  the  divine.  Jesus  he  called  absolute  rea- 
son, or  religion  become  direct  self-consciousness,  the  per- 
fect sensible  manifestation  of  the  eternal  Word.  When 
we,  like  him,  have  God  living  in  us,  the  historical  Christ 
loses  his  importance  for  us.  This  is  sheer  pantheism, 
and  is  practically  identical  with  the  mysticism  of  Eck- 
hardt  and  Suso. 

2K 


546  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

(3)  J^cobi  (174 3-1 8 19)  insisted  that  religion  is  a  matter 
of  the  heart,  and  that  each  individual  has  a  direct  heart 
perception  of  God.  This  he  considered  just  as  original 
a  perception  as  Kant's  categorical  imperative  in  the  sphere 
of  will.  Accepting  Spinoza's  maxim  that  "all  deter- 
mination (definition)  is  negation,"  he  maintained  that 
any  attempt  to  give  God  attributes  is  anthropomorphic 
or  anthropopathic.  External  revelation  finds  no  place  in 
his  system.  He  regarded  the  incarnation  of  the  infinite 
as  a  contradiction  in  terms  and  as  superstitious  folly. 
Yet  he  affected  to  believe  in  the  personality  of  God. 
His  idea  of  the  direct  heart  perception  of  God  was  to 
bear  fruit  in  Schleiermacher's  theology.  His  negative 
views  were  to  contribute  powerfully  to  the  current  of 
irreverent  skepticism. 

(4)  Schelling  (1775-1854)  was  even  more  pronounced 
in  his  pantheism  than  Fichte  or  Jacobi,  teaching  the  abso- 
lute identity  of  God  and  the  world,  of  the  ideal  and  the 
real,  of  the  soul  and  the  body.  God  is  absolutely  imma- 
nent in  the  world,  the  determining  principle  of  all  that  is 
produced  in  it.  He  finds  divine  ideas  expressed  poetically 
and  symbolically  in  Christianity,  and  seeks  by  a  forced 
method  to  show  the  conformity  of  Christian  teaching 
with  his  own  philosophical  ideas.  He  seeks  to  combine 
Spinoza's  substance  with  Fichte's  subjectivity,  maintain- 
ing that  these  interpenetrate  each  other  and  are  in  fact 
absolutely  identical. 

Thus  the  idea  of  God  becomes  animate  (in  contrast  with  the  im- 
movable God  of  Spinoza  and  the  Deists'),  and  he  is  the  ideal  of 
knowledge,  because  in  him  thought  and  being  are  combined  into 
absolute  knowledge.  He  is  also  the  ideal  of  the  ethical  and  the 
reconciliation  of  all  the  antagonisms  of  existence,  even  those  of 
nature  and  mind.  Truth  and  certainty  are  rendered  possible  to 
mind  by  this  power,  which  fills  it  with  its  presence  and  obtains  it  as 
tiie  organ  to  which  it  testifies  of  itself  and  makes  itself  evident 
(Dorner,  p.  357,  seq.).  It  is  Dorner's  opinion  that,  despite  the 
sheer  pantheism  that  lies  at  the  basis  of  Schelling's  speculations,  the 
work  of  the  Reformation  was  first  continued  bv  him  and  that  sci- 
ence anijnated  by  a  new  breath  found  again  in  his  thinking  a  new 
center.  Schelling  wrought  out  a  cosmologv  and  a  philosophy  of 
historv  that  reminds  one  of  those  of  the  early  Gnostics,  showing 
how  the  Infinite  One  evolved  himself  in  creation  and  in  the  history 
of  mankind.  Derived  existence  he  accounts  for  by  the  supposition 
that  tlie  infinite  put  forth  a  potencv  of  boundless  being  and  permitted 
its  independent  agency.     Primitive  man  becomes  the  embodiment  of 


CHAP.  II!.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  547 

the  potency  of  a  boundless  sovereignty,  which  he  abused,  and 
thereby  brought  confusion  into  the  universe,  hi  Jesus  of  Nazareth 
a  divine  potency  reappears  for  the  restoration  of  harmony  as  the 
God-man,  and  from  him  proceeds  the  Holy  Ghost,  who  leads  back 
to  God  the  rest  of  mankind,  it  was  something  to  have  philosophy 
seriously  attempt  to  give  to  Christ  and  the  Holy  Spirit  their  proper 
place  in  the  universe  and  in  the  work  of  redemption. 

(5)  Hegel  (1770-1831)  exerted  more  influence  on  theo- 
logical and  other  thinking,  it  is  probable,  than  any  of  his 
recent  predecessors.  Learned,  methodical,  impressive 
in  his  presentation,  ambitious,  aggressive,  enjoying  the 
support  of  the  Prussian  government  as  professor  in  the 
University  of  Berlin,  he  sought  to  mold  the  political,  his- 
torical, pedagogical,  and  religious  thought  of  the  nation 
and  of  the  world.  He  was  as  decided  in  his  pantheism 
as  Schelling,  maintaining  the  unity  of  all  things  and  the 
identity  of  subject  and  object.  Instead  of  beginning 
with  the  Absolute,  like  Schelling,  he  makes  the  Idea  his 
starting-point,  from  which  by  logical  methods  he  seeks 
to  deduce  all  things. 

The  Idea  includes  the  Absolute,  which  is  the  pure  Idea  considered 
in  itself  abstractly.  Nature  is  the  Idea  manifested  and  objectified. 
Spirit  is  the  Idea  turning  back  upon  itself  and  beholding  itself  as 
soul,  as  society,  and  as  God.  God  is  the  concrete  unity,  the  Idea 
determining  itself,  the  generating  principle  of  immanence.  Religion 
is  the  consciousness  which  God  has  of  himself  in  finite  being,  or  the 
spirit  which  is  conscious  of  its  essence.  He  regards  religion  as  a 
matter  of  thought  rather  than  of  feeling.  It  is  only  a  lower  phase 
of  thought,  which  should  ascend  to  philosophy.  The  maxim  :  "  All 
that  is  rational  is  real,  and  all  that  is  real  is  rational,"  strikes  at  the 
root  of  a  stable  and  eternally  valid  morality,  which  constitutes  the 
valuable  feature  in  Kant's  philosophy,  and  It  tends  to  justify  every- 
thing that  is  and  has  been.  The  idea  of  development,  not  wholly 
wanting  in  the  earlier  systems,  is  the  most  characteristic  feature  of 
the  Hegelian  philosophy.  The  e.xisting  world-order  and  civilization 
are  the  result  of  infinitely  active  and  impelling  mind  rising  step  by 
step  to  ever  higher  and  more  perfect  attainment.  Mind  is  will,  and 
therefore  development  and  differentiation  ;  but  as  logically  enlight- 
ened will  it  strives  after  unity  and  necessity,  which  are  indistinguish- 
able from  freedom.  In  the  process  of  development  nothing  is  lost 
and  nothing  has  a  merely  transitory  importance.  Each  nation  has 
made  its  contribution  to  the  progress  of  civilization.  Each  system 
of  philosophy  and  of  religion  has  had  its  place  in  the  building  of  the 
great  structure.  He  was  thoroughly  optimistic,  and  regarded  the 
attainments  of  his  own  age  not  onlv  as  the  highest  yet  known,  but 
as  the  highest  possible.  The  idea  of  the  State  as  exemplified  in  re- 
constituted Prussia,  the  poetical  art  of  Goethe  and  Schiller,  Chris- 


548  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [i'lr.  vi. 

tianity  rightly  apprehended  with  its  conception  of  divine  unity  and 
tree  personality,  and  the  Hegelian  philosophy  he  regarded  as  ulti- 
mate. All  that  was  wanted  was  to  secure  the  general  recognition 
and  complete  utilization  of  these  products  of  past  development. 

It  was  worth  much  that  Christianity  should  be  recog- 
nized by  the  most  influential  philosopher  of  his  age  as 
the  absolute  religion,  and  that  the  minutest  facts  of  his- 
tory, religious  as  well  as  secular,  should  have  been  re- 
garded as  of  fundamental  importance  as  marking  steps  in 
the  evolution  of  the  Idea.  Hegel's  philosophy  contrib- 
uted more  than  any  other  influence  to  set  the  Germans, 
and  through  their  example,  other  peoples,  enthusiastic- 
ally to  work  seeking  to  discover  everything  that  can  be 
known  in  nature,  human  history,  and  religion. 

(6)  It  would  be  inexcusable  even  in  so  brief  an  outline 
of  the  religious  and  theological  life  of  the  Germans  dur- 
ing the  present  age,  not  to  mention  the  religious  awakeu- 
ing  caused  by  the  misfortunes  of  Germaiiv  during  the 
Napoleonic  wars.  German  statesmen  like  Stein  and 
Scharnhorst  sought  to  encourage  the  people  by  promising 
more  of  political  freedom.  Multitudes  who  had  been 
negligent  of  religious  duties,  and  even  doubters  of  God's 
existence,  were  led  now  to  pray  for  deliverance  from  the 
foreign  tyrant.  Bibles,  hymn  books,  and  other  devo- 
tional works  long  disused,  were  now  in  demand  and 
were  eagerly  used.  The  failure  of  Napoleon's  Russian 
campaign  was  looked  upon  as  a  divine  interposition,  and 
thanksgiving  was  the  order  of  the  day.  The  national 
enthusiasm  that  followed  the  final  overthrow  of  the 
tyrant  made  the  Germans  comparatively  indifferent  to 
constitutional  liberty,  and  was  utilized  by  the  sovereigns 
for  further  riveting  the  people's  bonds.  The  religious 
awakening  was  utilized  by  the  governments  in  this  inter- 
est. The  reaction  against  the  French  Revolution  led  in 
Germany,  as  well  as  in  England,  Scotland,  and  else- 
where, to  romanticism,  involving  an  enthusiasm  for  the 
Middle  Ages,  which  manifested  itself  in  literature,  art, 
architecture,  politics,  and  religion.  Feudalism,  which 
had  been  so  effectually  destroyed  in  France,  received 
a  new  lease  of  life  in  Germany.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  revive  mediaeval  philosophy  and  theology. 
As  has  already  appeared,  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  549 

profited  greatly  by  this  reactionary  spirit.  The  philo- 
sophical systems  that  have  been  described  did  much  to 
counteract  the  influence  of  romanticism  and  filled  with 
new  enthusiasm  multitudes  of  earnest  souls  that  were 
searching  for  truth,  it  is  hard  to  realize  at  the  present 
day  the  extent  to  which  students  and  educated  men  were 
absorbed  in  the  speculations  of  philosophers  like  Kant, 
Schelling,  and  Hegel.  They  regarded  philosophy  as  the 
matter  of  supreme  importance,  and  hailed  with  delight 
and  enthusiasm  every  new  point  of  view  that  struck 
their  fancy. 

(7)  Out  of  this  philosophical  ferment  an  endless  vari- 
ety of  theological  systems  might  have  been  expected  to 
come  forth.  Many  of  the  early  disciples  of  Kant  became 
extreme  rationalists.  Eminent  among  these  was  J.  F. 
Rohr,  from  1820  onward  court  preacher  and  superintend- 
ent at  Weimar.  He  was  exceedingly  fierce  in  his  polem- 
ics against  supernaturalism  in  religion,  denied  that  Chris- 
tianity was  a  positive  religion  or  had  any  value  apart 
from  its  morality,  and  utterly  repudiated  its  Christ- 
ology,  holding  the  historical  accounts  of  Christ  to  be 
legendary  and  the  gospel  method  of  salvation  absurd. 
He  was  exceedingly  intolerant  and  bitter  toward  oppo- 
nents, and  was  commonly  called  the  "  pope  of  Weimar." 
His  "  Literary  Journal  for  Preachers  "  was  a  means  of 
widely  disseminating  his  irreverent  and  ill-tempered 
utterances. 

J.  A.  L.  Wegscheider  (1771-1849),  as  professor  at 
Halle  (1810  onward)  and  author  of  "Institutes  of  Dog- 
matic Theology  "  (181 5),  was  a  chief  promoter  of  extreme 
rationalism.  J.  E.  G.  Paulus  (1761-1851),  "the  true 
patriarch  of  rationalism,"  as  professor  at  Heidelberg 
(181 1  onward),  wrote  voluminously  in  support  of  ration- 
alism and  applied  his  principles  to  the  interpretation  of 
the  Bible.  His  method  was  to  find  for  every  miraculous 
narrative  a  natural  explanation.  He  was  an  enthusiast 
in  support  of  this  type  of  thought,  but  courteous  toward 
opponents. 

(8)  Snpranaturalistic  theology  was  not  without  its 
supporters  even  during  the  darkest  period  of  the  age  of 
skepticism.  Tubingen  was  the  chief  center  of  this  type 
of  thought  till  after  1840,  and  the  "  Tiibingen  Review  " 


550  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

was  its  chief  literary  organ.  Among  the  leaders  of  this 
school  of  thought  may  be  mentioned  Reinhard,  the  elo- 
quent preacher  and  apologist  ;  Steudel,  the  Orientalist 
and  biblical  interpreter;  and  Plank,  the  eminent  writer 
on  doctrine  history  and  church  government.  Midway 
between  extreme  rationalism  and  uncompromising  su- 
pranaturalism  were  Bretschneider,  the  New  Testament 
scholar  ;  Tzschirner,  author  of  an  important  treatise  on 
"Dogmatic  Theology"  and  of  works  on  the  history  of 
doctrine ;  and  De  Wette,  the  eminent  biblical  inter- 
preter. 

(9)  F.  D.  E.  Sclileiermacher  (1768-1834),  "one  of  the 
most  beautiful  individualities  and  one  of  the  grandest 
sons  of  genius  of  modern  Germany"  (Lichtenberger), 
was  a  descendant  of  the  Salzburgers  and  had  several 
Reformed  ministers  among  his  ancestors.  Four  years  in 
the  school  of  the  Moravian  Brethren  at  Niesky  (1783- 
1787)  produced  a  profound  impression  for  good  on  his 
highly  susceptible  nature.  For  a  time  the  doubts  which 
he  had  entertained  before  entering  the  school  were  in 
abeyance  and  he  found  the  utmost  satisfaction  in  a  life 
of  trust  in  Jesus.  But  to  his  great  sorrow  they  after- 
ward thrust  themselves  upon  him  with  a  persistence  and 
force  that  he  did  not  find  means  to  resist.  His  orthodox 
father  was  shocked  and  pained  when  he  made  known  to 
him  his  doubts,  but  his  uncle  treated  him  sympathetically 
and  persuaded  him  not  to  expect  absolute  certitude,  but 
to  trust  in  God  for  guidance  in  the  way  of  truth.  In 
1787  he  entered  the  University  of  Halle  with  its  eleven 
hundred  students,  eight  hundred  of  whom  were  studying 
theology.  Rationalism  was  at  this  time  dominant  in  the 
university,  but  Schleiermacher  was  little  attracted  or 
influenced  thereby.  His  favorite  studies  were  Greek 
literature  and  philosophy.  About  1789  he  became  deeply 
interested  in  the  philosophy  of  Kant  and  came  in  per- 
sonal contact  with  him  at  Konigsberg. 

After  spending  some  years  in  pastoral  work  in  the 
country,  he  was  called  to  Berlin  (1796)  as  chaplain  to  a 
hospital.  An  intimate  acquaintance  with  Schlegel  had 
considerable  to  do  with  his  intellectual  and  spiritual 
development,  and  he  was  led  by  him  to  believe  that 
science  and  religion  are  not  antagonistic  but  helpful  to 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  55 1 

each  other,  and  that  theology  might  be  rejuvenated 
by  the  application  to  it  of  the  scientific  method.  Dur- 
ing these  years  he  was  closely  associated,  through 
Schlegel,  with  a  circle  of  intelligent  Jews  and  became 
for  a  time  somewhat  imbued  with  romanticism.  In  fact, 
he  imbibed  from  Schlegel  ideas  of  love  and  marriage  that 
greatly  disturbed  those  who  had  his  well-being  at  heart. 
In  1799  he  published  his  "Discourses  on  Religion," 
which  gave  him  at  once  a  place  among  the  foremost 
thinkers  of  his  time  and  which  sought  to  mediate  be- 
tween rationalism  and  supranaturalism.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  "Monologues,"  "Life  of  Jesus,"  "The 
Christian  Faith,"  etc. 

He  made  of  religion  chiefly  a  matter  of  inner  experience  in  which 
the  feelings  have  more  place  than  the  intellect.  Faith  in  the  Lord 
Jesus  brings  with  it  an  inner  assurance  that  is  superior  to  any 
external  authority.  True  faith  he  regarded  as  a  divinely  originated 
restoration  of  direct  vital  communion  between  God  and  man,  brought 
about  by  a  mental  contemplation  of  the  historical  image  of  Christ 
and  by  its  attractive  power.  This  faith  submitting  to  the  Redeemer, 
participates  by  means  of  his  continuous  agency  in  his  Spirit  and  life, 
and  attains  at  one  and  the  same  time  to  the  consciousness  of  per- 
sonal salvation  and  of  the  power  of  redemption  which  dwells  in 
Christ.  This  process  is,  from  the  human  point  of  view,  super- 
natural, miraculous  ;  but  regarded  as  the  expansion  of  the  Christ-life 
embodied  in  his  church  it  is  natural.  He  laid  great  stress  on  regen- 
eration as  a  supernatural  process,  the  carnal  mind  being  utterly 
incapable  of  transforming  itself  into  the  spiritual.  The  essence  of 
Christianity  consists  in  redemption  through  Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
which  is  destined  to  be  the  ever-present,  all-ruling  power  in  the  life 
of  the  Christian,  and  is  capable  of  being  implanted  in  every  element 
of  the  consciousness  as  the  purest  form  of  the  consciousness  of  God, 
which  again  is,  on  its  part,  the  highest  stage  of  self-consciousness. 

In  seeking  to  arrive  at  the  very  essence  of  Christi- 
anity, Schleiermacher  sought  not  only  to  make  the  way 
of  salvation  plain  to  individuals  and  to  overcome  the 
difficulties  that  prevented  hosts  of  rationalists  from  ac- 
cepting Christ  as  their  Saviour  and  his  religion  as  super- 
natural, but  he  was  as  earnestly  desirous  of  promoting 
Christian  unity  as  Calixtus  had  been,  and  far  more 
deeply  conscious  of  the  supreme  importance  of  Christi- 
anity. Brought  up  in  the  Reformed  communion,  edu- 
cated under  iMoravian  influence,  in  which  Lutheran  ele- 
ments inhered,  deeply  imbued  with  the  Platonic  and  the 


55^  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Hegelian  (idealistic)  philosophies,  which  had  more  affinity 
for  Lutheran  than  for  Reformed  theology,  he  was  pecu- 
liarly fitted  to  be  a  mediator  among  contending  parties, 
and  was  able  to  recognize  and  appreciate  the  really 
Christian  elements  in  Roman  Catholic  theology. 

As  professor,  preacher,  and  church  official  in  Berlin 
(1810  onward),  he  was  the  most  potent  religious  force  in 
Germany,  and  while  he  fell  very  far  short  of  our  stand- 
ard as  regards  the  authority  of  Scripture,  giving  free 
scope  to  subjective  criticism  and  disparaging  the  Old 
Testament,  he  represents  an  almost  infinite  advance 
upon  the  rationalism  of  the  time.  When  dying,  he  de- 
sired to  partake  with  his  family  of  the  Lord's  Supper. 
After  pronouncing  the  words  of  consecration,  he  re- 
markecS :  "I  have  never  been  the  slave  of  the  letter, 
but  I  press  these  words  of  Scripture  to  my  heart  ;  they 
are  the  foundation  of  my  faith.  We  are,  and  will  re- 
main, united  in  the  love  and  communion  of  our  God." 

(10)  Among  the  most  distinguished  of  Sclilcicrmacher's 
disciples  may  be  mentioned  Neander,  the  famous  church 
historian  (1789-1850),  a  converted  Jew,  who,  as  pro- 
fessor in  the  University  of  Berlin  (1812  onward),  exerted 
an  influence  in  favor  of  devout  living  and  reverent  study 
of  the  Scriptures  and  of  the  history  of  the  Christian 
church,  more  wholesome,  in  some  respects,  than  that  of 
his  great  master.  His  defense  of  the  gospel  narratives 
of  the  life  of  Christ,  whom  he  considered  absolutely 
divine,  against  the  skepticism  of  Strauss  and  otiiers,  and 
of  the  integrity  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  New 
Testament  Epistles  against  Baur  and  his  school  ("  Life 
of  Christ  "  and  "  History  of  the  Apostolic  Age  "),  placed 
him  in  the  front  rank  of  the  defenders  of  the  faith.  His 
motto,  "The  \\e:xx\.  {pectus)  makes  the  theologian,"  in- 
volves an  earnest  protest  against  mere  intellectualism 
and  a  determination  to  make  religious  experience  fun- 
damental. We  can  only  mention,  in  addition,  Nitzsch, 
author  of  the  "  System  of  Christian  Doctrine";  Twes- 
ten,  author  of  "  Lectures  on  Dogmatic  Theology,"  and 
from  1835  to  1876  professor  in  the  University  of  Berlin  ; 
Julius  Miiller,  author  of  "The  Christian  Doctrine  of 
Sin";  and  Ullmann,  author  of  "The  Sinlessness  of 
Jesus"  and  "Reformers  Before  the  Reformation." 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  553 

8.  The  Evangelical  Union  of  18 ly. 

Schleiermacher  had  long  been  laboring  for  a  union  of 
Lutheran  and  Reformed  in  Prussia  and  the  other  Protes- 
tant States  of  Germany.  It  was  not  his  aim  to  abolish 
distinctions  of  creed  and  of  worship  so  much  as  to  secure 
mutual  recognition  of  each  other's  Christianity,  inter- 
communion, and  a  free  interchange  of  gifts. 

(i)  The  desire  on  the  part  of  Frederick  William  III.,  of 
Prussia,  after  the  country  had  been  delivered  from 
French  oppression,  to  strengthen  the  things  that  re- 
mained, led  him,  in  1817,  acting  under  the  advice  of 
Schleiermacher  and  many  other  leading  clergymen  and 
statesmen,  to  celebrate  the  third  centenary  of  the  publi- 
cation of  Luther's  theses  by  an  effort  to  unite  the  evan- 
gelical life  of  the  nation  in  one  evangelical  national 
church.  In  August,  1817,  Lutherans  and  Reformed  had 
united  in  Nassau.  On  September  27  the  King  of  Prussia 
sent  a  mandate  to  the  ecclesiastical  officials  throughout 
Prussia  to  take  measures  at  once  for  bringing  about  such 
a  union.  The  king's  proposal  was  very  cordially  adopted 
by  a  large  majority  of  those  concerned.  In  many  com- 
munities the  Reformation  Jubilee  (October  31)  was 
celebrated  by  the  joint  participation  of  Lutherans  and 
Reformed  in  the  Lord's  Supper.  The  union  proposal 
met  with  so  much  favor  in  Prussia  that  the  government 
felt  justified  in  omitting  the  names  Lutheran  and  Re- 
formed from  public  documents  and  employing  the  word 
Evangelical  alone.  Much  dissatisfaction  arose  when 
congregations  of  the  two  parties  were  united  against 
their  wishes  and  when  Reformed  were  expected  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  Supper  with  Lutheran  ceremonies.  Some 
thousands  of  Lutherans  of  the  stricter  type  felt  it  a 
desecration  to  join  in  the  Supper  with  the  Reformed,  who 
denied  the  real  presence.  In  Silesia  several  thousand 
Lutherans,  under  the  leadership  of  Doctor  Scheibel  and 
Professors  Buschke  and  Steffens,  refused  to  conform. 
In  many  localities  the  strict  Lutherans  established  inde- 
pendent congregations  and  for  a  time  defied  the  authori- 
ties. Severe  persecution  drove  many  of  the  non-con- 
forming Lutherans  to  America,  wliere  they  were  able 
freely  to  perpetuate  their  traditional  views. 


554  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

(2)  Closely  connected  with  tliis  effort  to  effect  evan- 
gelical union  by  royal  authority  was  King  Frederick  Wil- 
liam's attempt  to  foist  a  new  liturgy  of  his  own  composi- 
tion on  the  evangelical  churches.  He  first  introduced  it 
in  the  court  church  in  Berlin  and  the  military  church  at 
Potsdam.  In  a  somewhat  modified  form  it  was  after- 
ward forced  upon  all  the  evangelical  churches  of  the 
State  system.  The  new  liturgy  was  more  elaborate 
than  the  old  and  was  thought  to  be  far  more  Romanizing, 
The  second  recension  was  even  more  objectionable  than 
the  first,  it  was  the  king's  aim  to  put  so  much  religious 
teaching  in  the  service  that  even  if  the  ministers  were 
rationalistic  the  people  would  be  kept  true  to  the  faith. 
The  time  for  congregational  singing  and  for  the  sermon 
was  greatly  shortened.  Many  Lutherans  and  Reformed 
denied  the  right  of  the  king  without  the  co-operation  of 
the  church  authorities  to  impose  new  forms  of  worship 
on  the  churches  ;  but  Augusti,  of  Bonn,  went  so  far  as 
to  maintain  that  the  sultan  of  Turkey  had  a  right  to  im- 
pose a  liturgy  on  his  Christian  subjects.  Opposition 
was  so  determined  that  the  king  was  induced  (1828)  to 
permit  some  changes  by  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in 
the  various  provinces. 

(3)  The  consummation  of  the  union  led  to  discussions 
on  polity  as  well  ;  but  no  important  changes  have  as  yet 
been  effected.  It  was  in  accord  with  the  spirit  of  liberty 
in  civil  as  well  as  in  religious  matters  that  followed  the 
French  Revolution  that  the  churches  should  desire  to 
have  a  certain  measure  of  autonomy  ;  but  the  reaction 
in  favor  of  absolute  monarchy  was  unfavorable  to  the 
realization  of  such  aspirations.  The  territorial  system, 
in  accordance  with  which  the  king  has  sole  authority  in 
determining  the  form  of  religion  to  be  tolerated  and  sup- 
ported, still  prevailed.  Except  in  some  of  the  minor 
provinces  there  was  no  synodal  organization  whereby 
the  churches  could  take  united  action  on  matters  of  doc- 
trine, worship,  and  discipline  ;  but  ecclesiastical  matters 
were  transacted  by  consistories,  made  up  of  clerical  and 
lay  members  appointed  by  the  sovereigns  and  responsi- 
ble to  them  alone.  In  Prussia  bishops  were  appointed 
(1816)  and  an  archbishop  (1829)  to  act  on  behalf  of  the 
king  as  general  superintendents.    In  1828  a  superintend- 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  555 

ent  was  appointed  over  each  province.  But  the  term 
"  bishop  "  has  for  the  most  part  been  laid  aside.  Where 
synods  are  permitted,  the  authority  possessed  by  them 
is  so  small  as  to  make  them  inefficient.  C^saro-papacy 
is,  under  the  empire,  as  it  was  before,  the  order  of  the 
day  in  Germany.  Catholics  alone  have  succeeded  in 
securing  a  measure  of  autonomy,  while  enjoying  gov- 
ernment support.  A  limited  toleration  is  now  given  to 
dissenting  bodies  of  Christians  who  receive  no  support 
from  the  State. 

(4)  Other  German  States  followed  the  example  of  Nas- 
sau and  Prussia  in  uniting  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed 
Churches:  the  Palatinate  (1818),  Baden  (1821),  Hesse 
(1818-1823),  Anhalt-Bernburg(i82o),  Waldeck  and  Pyr- 
mont  (1821),  and  Anhalt-Dessau  (1827). 

(5)  In  1834  the  Prussian  cabinet  announced  that  in  the 
evangelical  union  measure  the  government  had  no  design 
to  interfere  with  the  authority  of  the  Augsburg  Confes- 
sion, but  only  to  promote  a  spirit  of  moderation.  The 
aim  of  this  explanation  was  to  pacify  the  ultra-Luther- 
ans.    It  only  exasperated  them  still  further. 

9.  Lutheran  Orthodoxy  after  the  Union. 

(i)  On  the  date  of  the  promulgation  of  the  union 
measure  (tercentenary  of  the  Reformation,  1817)  Claus 
Harms,  who  afterward  opposed  the  union,  published 
ninety-five  theses  (in  imitation  of  Luther's)  in  which 
rationalism,  which  he  supposed  had  been  erected  into  a 
pope,  takes  the  place  of  Luther's  pope.  These  theses 
embody  a  most  drastic  arraignment  of  current  unbelief 
and  created  a  great  sensation, 

"The  pope  of  our  time,  our  antichrist,  is  in  relation  to  the  faith, 
reason,  and  in  relation  to  action,  conscience,  to  which  has  been  as- 
signed, as  a  triple  crown,  the  right  of  legislating,  of  rewarding,  ?nd 
of  punishing"  (Art.  g).  "  The  process  by  the  result  of  which  God 
is  deposed  from  his  judgment-seat  in  order  to  put  man's  conscience 
upon  it,  was  accomplished  whilst  there  was  no  sentinel  in  our 
church"  (Art,  14),  "  We  read  in  an  old  hymn  'Two  places  hast 
thou,  man,  before  thee.'  In  our  days  they  have  put  an  end  to  the 
devil  and  plugged  up  hell  "  (Art.  24)".  "  We  record  tlie  very  words 
of  our  revealed  religion  as  holy  ;  we  do  not  consider  them  as  a  dress 
which  can  be  taken  off  religion,  but  as  its  bodv.  It  is  owing  to 
them  that  it  has  life"  (Art.  i;i).  "Some  men  wish  to  enrich  the 
Lutheran  Church  to-day,  as  if  she  were  a  poor  servant,  by  a  mar- 


5  56  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  Vl. 

riage  union.  For  God's  sake,  do  not  consummate  the  act  over  the 
bones  of  Luther.  They  might  revive,  and  then  woe  betide  you  " 
(Art.  75). 

(2)  The  effect  of  this  somewhat  dramatic  declaration 
of  vvar  against  rationalism,  indifferentism,  and  union  of 
faiths  by  royal  decree,  was  to  awaken  enthusiasm  among 
those  who  still  believed  in  Lutheranism  as  a  final  form 
of  Christianity  and  to  create  a  determination  to  wage 
uncompromising  warfare  against  innovation  and  neolo- 
gism, it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  new  Lutheran 
orthodoxy  proceeded  largely  from  pietistic  circles,  where 
earnest  religious  life  and  profound  reverence  for  the 
Holy  Scriptures  had  been  fostered  amid  the  wreck  and 
ruin  of  the  "  Illumination  "  and  of  rationalism.  A  num- 
ber of  earnest  spirits  who  had  been  converted  from 
Roman  Catholicism  by  way  of  reaction  against  restored 
Jesuitism  became  zealous  missionaries  of  the  new  ortho- 
doxy (Boos,  Gossner,  and  Henhofer  may  here  be  men- 
tioned). Judaism  also  made  a  noble  contribution  to  the 
cause  of  Bible  orthodoxy  in  the  persons  of  Stahl  and 
Philippi  in  Germany  and  Da  Costa  and  Capadose  in 
Holland.  The  influence  of  the  Moravian  Brethren  on 
reviving  orthodoxy  was  also  very  marked.  Thus  the 
new  Lutheran  orthodoxy  was  not  a  reproduction  of 
the  narrow,  formal,  scholastic  confessionalism  of  the 
preceding  century,  but  a  profoundly  religious  movement 
whose  leaders  were  zealous  for  tlie  authority  and  integ- 
rity of  the  Bible  and  deeply  imbued  with  the  mission- 
ary spirit.  As  a  persecuted  minority  the  members  of 
this  party  had  abundant  opportunity  to  manifest  a  spirit 
of  self-sacrifice  and  to  reproduce  many  of  the  Christian 
graces  of  the  Waldenses,  the  Anabaptists,  the  Moravian 
Brethren,  and  the  Pietists. 

(3)  Hcugstenberg  (1802-69)  became  by  far  the  most 
influential  leader  of  the  new  orthodoxy.  Brought  up  in 
the  Reformed  communion,  and  as  a  student  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Bonn  subject  to  strong  rationalistic  influences, 
he  experienced  a  marked  ciiange  in  his  views  and 
entered  the  missionary  school  at  Basel  (1823).  In  1824 
he  began  his  career  as  privat-docent  in  the  University  of 
Berlin,  already  deeply  pious,  full  of  zeal  for  orthodoxy, 
and   ready  to  smite  with  a  heavy  hand  every  form  of 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  557 

error.  Pietism  was  in  favor  at  tlie  royal  court,  and  on 
tliis  account  iiis  promotion  was  rapid  and  easy.  Soon 
his  influence  surpassed  that  of  Schleiermacher  or  Nean- 
der.  In  1827  he  began  the  publication  of  his  "  Evan- 
gelical Church  Review,"  which  was  conducted  in  a 
highly  popular  and  politic  way  and  exerted  an  immense 
influence  upon  theological  thinking  and  ecclesiastical 
politics. 

If  Harms  sought  to  perpetuate  Luther's  influence  by 
publishing  a  new  set  of  theses,  it  was  Hengstenberg  that 
really  reproduced  the  character  and  the  career  of  the 
great  Reformer.  Learned,  self-confident,  politic,  un- 
wearied in  availing  himself  of  every  possible  means  of 
exerting  influence,  attaching  multitudes  to  himself  by 
his  powerful  personality,  violently  denunciatory  against 
his  opponents  and  their  teachings,  full  of  inconsistencies 
by  reason  of  his  habit  of  using  strong  language  in  efforts 
to  accomplish  immediate  results,  he  stands  out  for  more 
than  forty  years  as  the  most  powerful  religious  and 
ecclesiastical  personality  in  Germany. 

The  Bible  and  especially  the  Old  Testament  (the  lat- 
ter almost  entirely  neglected  by  Schleiermacher  and 
Neander)  he  made  the  subject  of  his  lectures  and  of  his 
voluminous  publications.  Maintaining  as  he  did  the 
literal  inspiration  and  the  absolute  infallibility  of  the 
Bible,  he  regarded  rationalists  of  every  type  as  born 
and  sworn  enemies  of  Christ,  soul-murderers,  and  blas- 
phemers. He  recognized  as  properly  belonging  to  the 
evangelical  church  only  true  believers,  and  these  in- 
cluded only  such  as  accepted  the  Augustinian  (Pauline) 
doctrine  of  hereditary  sin  and  the  vicarious  (satisfaction) 
theory  of  the  atonement,  and  were  ready  with  Tertul- 
lian  to  believe  what  to  human  reason  seems  absurd 
{Credo  quia  absurd  urn).  He  did  not,  like  Harms,  antago- 
nize the  union,  but  on  the  contrary  regarded  those  who 
fought  against  it  as  fighting  against  God  (1835),  Later 
he  expressed  dissatisfaction  with  it,  but  accepted  it  as  a 
necessary  evil  (1844).  Still  later  (1847)  he  boldly  de- 
nounced it. 

The  following  unfriendly  criticism  of  his  "  Evangelical  Church 
Review,"  while  it  does  injustice  to  Hengstenberg's  spirit  and 
motives,  sufficiently  attests  his  power:    "  A  veritable  inquisitorial 


558  A   MANUAL  OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

tribunal,  this  paper  with  indefatigable  perseverance  practised  the  use 
of  denunciation,  of  suspicion,  and  of  espionage.  Uniting  the  tone 
of  the  prophet  with  that  of  the  persecutor,  and  sprinkling  his  odious 
attacks  with  passages  from  the  Bible,  Hengstenberg  breaks  root  and 
branch  with  all  modern  culture.  He  scoffs  at  the  classical  literature 
(Goethe,  Schiller,  etc.),  which  he  accuses  of  paganism.  He  pas- 
sionately denounces  the  progress  of  the  democratic  movement,  in 
which  he  sees  the  realization  of  the  prediction  relating  to  Gog  and 
Magog.  .  .  He  puts  upon  the  same  line  and  confounds  in  the  same 
anathema  the  pantheistic  philosophy  and  the  advances  of  the 
cholera.  .  .  All  this  was  interspersed  with  edifying  articles  on  the 
development  of  the  religious  life,  on  missions,  on  tours  of  inspection 
among  the  churches,  and  on  religious  conferences  and  assemblies" 
(Lichtenberger). 

His  hatred  of  democracy  and  of  constitutional  govern- 
ment and  his  glorification  of  royal  absolutism  (disloyalty 
to  the  king  he  declared  to  be  a  sin  against  the  fifth  com- 
mandment) ensured  him  the  support  of  the  crown,  it 
may  be  interesting  to  note  that  he  was  an  ardent  sup- 
porter of  the  Southern  States  in  their  defense  of  slavery 
and  bitterly  denounced  President  Lincoln.  In  his  later 
years  he  did  not  hesitate  to  criticise  sharply  the  more 
liberal  measures  of  the  government,  yet  in  such  a  way 
as  not  to  offend  his  sovereign.  That  he  had  a  multitude 
of  faithful  followers  goes  without  saying.  Among  the 
most  eminent  were  Hahn,  the  Krummachers,  Harless, 
Guericke,  Rudelbach,  and  Sartorius. 

10.  The  New  Rationalism. 

By  1835  it  looked  as  if  the  mediating  theology  of 
Schleiermacher  and  the  new  orthodoxy  of  Hengsten- 
berg and  Stahl  had  triumphed.  The  old  rationalism  had 
ceased  to  attract  attention. 

(i)  At  this  time  appeared  Strauss'  "Life  of  Jesus" 
and  opened  up  the  strife  over  the  life  of  the  Saviour  and 
the  authenticity  of  the  New  Testament  books  that  has 
not  yet  completely  subsided.  Of  a  brilliant  but  erratic 
mind,  Strauss  had  been  occupied  from  early  youth  with 
speculative  doubts.  Among  his  early  teachers  was  F. 
C.  Baur,  under  whose  influence  he  came  again  at  the 
University  of  Tiibingen.  A  study  of  the  mystical  writ- 
ings of  Jacob  Bohme  and  of  Hegel's  philosophy  left  him 
with  all  their  pantheism  and  none  of  their  mysticism. 
Hven  the  study  of  Schleiermacher's  "  Dogmatics  "  did 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  559 

not  free  him  from  the  sheer,  dry,  irreligious  pantheism 
into  which  he  had  fallen.  His  mind  was  undoubtedly 
penetrating  and  logical,  but  he  was  completely  lacking 
in  spirituality  and  had  no  sense  for  the  religious.  In- 
sisting that  the  gospel  narratives  are  based  upon  myths 
that  grew  up  in  the  church  which  in  some  way  had  come 
to  idealize  a  man  named  Jesus,  he  utterly  denied  the 
historical  character  of  the  Gospels  and  discredited  Chris- 
tianity as  a  supernatural  religion.  Equally  destructive 
in  its  tendency  was  his  "  Christian  Dogmatics  "  (1840), 
in  which  he  sought  to  explain  the  origin  of  each  dogma 
and  to  show  its  utter  inadequacy.  Nothing  but  pure 
pantheism  could  hold  its  ground  before  his  criticism. 
His  attractive  personality  and  his  brilliant  literary  gifts 
ensured  him  a  considerable  following  and  a  great  litera- 
ture, made  up  of  refutations  and  defenses  of  his  teach- 
ings, poured  from  the  press,  hi  his  last  work,  "  The 
Old  Faith  and  the  New,"  he  set  forth  with  less  reserve 
than  ever  his  disbelief  in  God  as  a  person  and  in  human 
immortality,  and  exhibited  his  immoral  and  irreligious 
pantheism  in  all  its  poverty  and  nakedness. 

Even  more  irreverent  was  the  unbelief  of  Feuerbach, 
Stirner,  and  Ruge,  the  young  Hegelians  who  followed 
Strauss  in  their  attacks  upon  the  central  principles  of  re- 
ligion. 

(2)  Of  a  far  more  serious  nature  was  the  biblical  crit- 
icism of  which  F.  C.  Baur,  of  the  University  of  Tubin- 
gen (1826-1860),  was,  for  a  time,  the  leading  exponent. 
Strauss  had  thrown  doubt  upon  the  credibility  of  the 
Gospel  narratives,  but  had  given  no  adequate  explanation 
of  the  origin  of  Christianity  and  of  the  New  Testament 
canon.  Baur's  chief  reliance  was  his  tendency 
theory,  by  which  he  sought  to  account  for  the  rise  and 
peculiarities  of  each  of  the  New  Testament  writings. 
The  supposed  results  of  the  criticism  of  the  Tubingen 
school  were  to  disprove  the  apostolic  authorship  of  the 
Gospels  and  to  place  their  date  much  later  than  had 
commonly  been  supposed,  and  especially  to  deny  the 
historical  character  of  the  Johannean  Gospel  and  to 
place  the  date  of  its  composition  toward  the  middle  of 
the  second  century;  to  ascribe  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
to  an  effort  to  harmonize  the  Pauline  and  Petrine  parties. 


560  A   A\ANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

whose  bitter  antagonism  is  presupposed,  from  the  Pauline 
point  of  view  ;  and  to  deny  the  authenticity  of  most  of 
the  Epistles  (Galatians,  i  and  2  Corintliians,  and  Ro- 
mans alone  being  accepted  as  PauHne).  Other  members 
of  the  party  have  advanced  other  theories  and  have 
used  their  ingenuity  in  analyzing  the  various  books  into 
their  composite  parts  and  accounting  for  the  origin  and 
character  of  each.  This  work  is  still  going  on  and,  as 
subjectivity  has  full  play  and  originality  is  highly  prized 
among  the  Germans,  it  may  continue  indefinitely.  The 
disadvantages  of  all  irreverent  criticism  of  the  Scriptures 
are  manifest.  Among  the  good  results  that  have  fol- 
lowed have  been  the  confirmation  of  the  historical  char- 
acter of  the  New  Testament  writings,  a  minuteness  in 
the  study  of  their  contents  that  might  not  otherwise 
have  found  place,  and  concentration  of  attention  on  the 
life  of  Christ  to  an  extent  unexampled  in  past  ages. 

The  school  of  Ritschl,  of  which  Harnack  and  Kaftan 
are  among  the  most  eminent  contemporary  representa- 
tives, is  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  Tijbingen  school. 
Interest  in  the  determination  of  the  exact  facts  about 
the  New  Testament  literature  has  led  to  the  most  pains- 
taking investigation  of  the  Jewish  literature  immediately 
preceding  and  contemporary  with  the  New  Testament 
age,  and  with  the  Jewish  and  Christian  literature  of  the 
post-apostolic  times. 

Outside  of  the  immediate  circle  of  Baur's  disciples 
and  approaching  more  closely  to  orthodoxy,  yet  impelled 
by  the  same  spirit  of  exhaustive  research  and  freedom 
from  dogmatic  prepossession,  might  be  mentioned  such 
biblical  interpreters  as  Lucke,  Stier,  Olshausen,  Meyer, 
Hwald,  Bleek,  and  Weiss. 

(3)  Closely  related  to  the  Tiibingen  school  is  the  mod- 
ern school  of  Old  Testament  criticism,  of  which  Well- 
hausen  is  the  most  eminent  German  representative,  but 
in  which  Kuenen,  the  Dutch  scholar,  was  more  original, 
and  which  has  had  eminent  promoters  in  Scotland  (W. 
Robertson  Smith),  in  England  (Cheyne  and  Driver),  and 
in  the  United  States  (Briggs  and  Toy).  This  school  of 
criticism  has  occupied  itself  chiefly  with  the  Pentateuch 
(Hexateuch),  which  it  analyzes  with  the  utmost  confi- 
dence  into   its   constituent   elements,  ascribes   each    of 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  561 

these  to  its  supposed  date  and  circumstances  of  origin, 
and  determines  iiow  and  when  each  book  was  brought 
into  its  present  form.  Proceeding  upon  the  supposition 
that  the  religion  of  the  Old  Testament  was  gradually 
developed  from  a  crude  polytheism  to  the  monotheistic 
and  ethical  system  represented  in  the  Old  Testament,  it 
seeks  to  rearrange  the  historical  materials  of  the  Old 
Testament  in  such  a  manner  as  to  accord  with  the 
theory. 

II.  The  Neo-Lutheran  Party. 

Dissatisfied  with  the  theology  of  Hengstenberg,  who 
had  too  much  sympathy  with  Reformed  doctrine  and  too 
little  regard  for  the  magical  efficacy  of  the  sacraments, 
called  forth  {c.  1845  onward)  a  highly  influential  school 
of  what  may  be  called  High  Church  Lutherans. 

(i)  The  founder  of  this  school  was  Stahl,  a  converted 
Jew,  who  as  professor  of  law  in  the  University  of  Berlin 
(1840  onward)  became  greatly  distinguished  as  an  eccle- 
siastical statesman  and  as  a  writer  on  church  polity,  phi- 
losophy, ethics,  the  relation  of  Church  and  State,  etc. 
Up  to  1848  he  labored  side  by  side  with  Hengstenberg. 
From  that  time  onward  his  predominance  in  ecclesiastical 
politics  was  manifest  in  his  promotion  to  the  leadership 
of  the  feudal  party  in  the  Upper  House,  in  his  high  posi- 
tion as  a  royal  councilor,  and  in  the  deference  that  was 
paid  him  in  all  kinds  of  ecclesiastical  meetings.  He 
was  undoubtedly  a  statesman  of  the  first  rank  and  it 
was  part  of  his  policy  to  base  royal  absolutism,  with  its 
feudalistic  accompaniments,  on  religious  sanctions.  He 
may  be  compared  with  Archbishop  Laud  in  his  devotion 
to  the  divine  right  of  kings  and  in  his  high-churchism. 
Of  course  he  greatly  surpassed  Laud  in  learning,  in 
philosophical  insight,  and  in  statesmanship.  He  has  not 
inaptly  been  compared  to  Guizot,  of  France  ;  to  Lord 
Beaconsfield,  of  England  ;  and  to  Bismarck.  He  classed 
rationalism  and  revolution  together  as  the  two  inseparable 
scourges  of  modern  times.  Individual  liberty,  whether 
in  religious  thinking  and  acting,  or  in  political  thinking 
and  acting,  was  an  abomination  to  him. 

(2)  The  purely  ecclesiastical  side  of  High  Church  Luth- 
eranism  was  represented  by  Pastor  William  Lohe  (1808- 

2L 


562  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

1872),  who  maintained  that  the  relation  of  the  individual 
to  God  depends  on  his  relation  to  the  church,  outside  of 
which  there  is  no  salvation  ;  that  the  saving  part  of  truth 
does  not  reside  in  Scripture,  but  in  baptism  ;  that  one 
church  alone  has  tlie  truth  in  its  fullness,  namely,  the 
Lutheran,  which  possesses  in  its  Confessions  of  Faith  a 
doctrine  that  is  perfectly  pure  and  in  which  there  is  not 
an  iota  to  be  changed. 

(3)  Franz  Delitzsch,  the  famous  biblical  scholar,  aligned 
himself  with  the  high  churchmen.  He  refused  to  admit 
a  distinction  between  the  visible  and  the  invisible 
church,  insisted  that  the  sacraments  are  the  source 
of  life  which  nourishes  the  church,  and  explicitly 
placed  the  sacraments  above  the  word,  on  the  ground 
that  the  word  acts  only  on  those  who  believe,  while  the 
sacraments  act  invariably  and  irresistibly  on  all  who  re- 
ceive them  for  salvation  or  perdition. 

(4)  Munchmeyer  regarded  the  church  as  a  spiritual 
mother  entrusted  with  bringing  forth  children  to  the  Lord 
by  the  holy  act  of  baptism.  He  held  that  baptism  alone 
begets  members  in  the  body  of  Christ  and  that  the 
church  is  founded  on  baptism.  Kleifoth  put  the  matter 
somewhat  differently.  In  the  Scripture  God  speaks  to 
man,  in  the  sacrament  God  acts  with  man,  concentrating 
in  a  visible  act  the  sum  total  of  the  divine  graces  in  order 
to  confer  them  upon  us.  The  sacrament  is  a  creative 
act,  the  arm  of  God  which  fashions  the  human  soul  in 
the  image  of  Christ.  He  insisted  upon  the  indelibility  of 
the  priesthood  as  a  counterpart  to  the  doctrine  of  the 
magical  efficacy  of  the  sacraments.  Vilmar  also  explicitly 
placed  the  sacraments  above  the  word  and  added  pen- 
ance, confirmation,  and  ordination  to  baptism  and  the 
Supper.  He  wished  to  see  the  mass  re-established  and 
to  have  every  service  terminate  with  the  Supper.  He 
regarded  prayer  at  the  altar  as  peculiarly  efficacious  and 
would  have  every  pastor  kneeling  before  the  altar  every 
day  at  noon  intercede  for  the  people.  Of  course  this 
type  of  Lutheranism  made  much  of  genuflections  and 
other  ritualistic  forms. 

Among  Neo-Lutherans  may  be  classed  Leo,  Scheele, 
Philippi,  Hofling,  Thomasius,  Hofmann,  Kahnis,  Luhardt, 
and  Baumgarten 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  56$ 

12.  The  Modern  Mediating  School. 

The  spirit  of  SclTleiermacher  has  been  perpetuated  in 
a  line  of  theologians,  embracing  some  of  the  most  emi- 
nent names  in  German  theology,  who  have  occupied 
ground  intermediate  between  Lutheran  orthodoxy  and 
the  radical  types  of  theological  thought  that  have  been 
described.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  mention  some  of  the 
better  known  names.  Here  belong  Tholuck,  Dorner, 
Rothe,  Lange,  Liebner,  Martensen,  Bunsen,  Beck,  Au- 
berlen,  Hagenbach,  Hundeshagen,  and  Beyschlag. 

13.  Lutlieranism  in  America. 

LITERATURE:  See  Jacobs,  "A  History  of  the  Evangelical  Luth- 
eran Church  in  the  United  States,"  1893,  and  the  full  bibliography 
there  given. 

(i)  A  considerable  number  of  Swedish,  Dutch,  and 
German  Lutherans  had  settled  in  the  middle  colonies  of 
British  North  America  before  the  beginning  of  the  pres- 
ent period.  After  the  close  of  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
and  especially  after  the  opening  up  of  the  Quaker  colo- 
nies with  their  welcome  to  continental  peoples  and  their 
freedom  of  worship,  many  thousands  from  different  parts 
of  Germany  made  their  homes  in  this  goodly  land.  Men- 
tion has  already  been  made  of  the  settlement  of  a  col- 
ony of  the  banished  Salzburgers  in  Georgia.  The  de- 
moralized condition  of  the  German  congregations  and  the 
spiritual  destitution  of  multitudes  of  Germans  in  Penn- 
sylvania when  Zinzendorf  visited  the  colony  in  1741 
have  been  referred  to  already. 

(2)  Soon  after  Zinzendorf's  departure  there  arrived  a 
man  (1742)  whose  character  and  training  fitted  him  to 
lead,  instruct,  discipline,  provide  with  institutions,  and 
consolidate  this  vast  body  of  raw  material,  and  to  lay  the 
foundation  for  what  was  to  become  a  great  and  influen- 
tial denomination.  H.  M.  Muhlenberg  (b.  171 1)  early 
came  under  the  influence  of  Spener's  pietistic  teaching. 
Asa  student  in  the  University  of  Gottingen  (1735  onward) 
he  was  active  in  philanthropic  work  and  on  intimate 
terms  with  several  devout  noblemen.  After  his  gradua- 
tion at  Gottingen  and  a  short  stay  at  the  University  of 
Jena,  he  spent  a  year  as  a  teacher  in  Francke's  Orphan 


564  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PliR.  vi. 

House  at  Halle.  He  engaged  at  this  time  to  go  to  India 
as  a  missionary,  but  could  not  be  sent  out  tor  lack  of 
means.  After  ministering  for  over  two  years  to  a  con- 
gregation in  the  neighborhood  of  Herrnhut,  on  Francke's 
motion  he  was  sent  to  Pennsylvania,  where  Zinzendorf's 
labors  were  emphasizing  the  need  for  wise  leadership. 
His  career,  ending  with  his  death  in  1787,  shows  him  to 
have  been  a  Christian  leader  of  the  first  rank  and  he 
may  with  propriety  be  regarded  as  the  apostle  of  Luther- 
anism  in  America.  He  was  soon  reinforced  by  a  num- 
ber of  able  assistants  from  Germany  and  he  was  able  to 
organize  German  and  Scandinavian  Lutheran  work,  to 
draw  the  lines  clearly  between  Lutherans  and  Reformed, 
to  infuse  into  the  churches  more  of  spirituality,  and  in 
many  ways  to  improve  the  position  of  Lutheranism  in 
America.  The  last  years  of  his  career  coincided  with 
the  war  of  independence  and  the  disorganized  political 
life  that  succeeded  it.  American  Lutheranism  suffered, 
as  did  other  forms  of  Christianity,  from  the  disturbed 
political  conditions  and  the  spread  of  infidelity  that 
marked  this  time. 

(3)  During  the  thirty  years  succeeding  Muhlenberg's 
death  rationalism  swept  over  the  Lutheran  churches  in 
America  and  played  sad  havoc  with  the  religious  life 
and  thought  of  the  body,  as  it  did  in  Europe.  In  fact, 
much  opposition  to  Muhlenberg's  pietistic  type  of  Luther- 
an teaching  had  arisen  before  his  death. 

(4)  The  tercentenary  of  the  Reformation  (1817)  was 
celebrated  by  American  Lutherans  in  such  a  way  as  to 
prove  highly  invigorating  and  a  sturdier  and  more  ag- 
gressive type  of  Lutheranism  was  called  forth  thereby. 
Immigration  brought  large  reinforcement  in  numbers  and 
resources.  The  rapidly  increasing  wealth  of  the  country 
made  possible  rapid  progress  in  the  establishing  of  edu- 
cational institutions,  the  strengthening  of  synodal  organ- 
ization, the  formation  of  home  and  foreign  missionary 
societies,  the  founding  of  a  publication  society,  the  estab- 
lishment of  religious  periodicals,  etc. 

(5)  Various  types  of  Lutheranism,  in  sympathy  with 
those  that  were  current  in  Germany,  appeared  in  the 
American  body  and  caused  considerable  friction  ;  but  a 
stanch  type  of   old   Lutheran   teaching  seems  to  have 


CHAP.  Ill  ]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  565 

prevailed  and  liberalistic  types  seem  to  have  been  frowned 
down  by  the  conservative  majority. 

The  last  forty  years  have  been  marked  by  a  vast  in- 
crease of  Lutheran  membership  through  the  immigration 
to  this  country  of  over  a  million  Scandinavians  and  over 
four  million  Germans,  mostly  Lutherans;  and  by  seri- 
ous disruptions,  resulting  from  differences  in  doctrine, 
polity,  and  discipline.  The  various  Scandinavian  peo- 
ples have  organized  separate  synods  and  established  sepa- 
rate institutions. 

(6)  The  first  general  synodical  body  established  by  the 
Lutherans  in  the  United  States  was  the  "  The  General 
Synod  "  (1820).  It  embraces  twenty-three  synods, 
mostly  in  the  Atlantic  States,  and  has  a  constituency  of 
nearly  two  hundred  thousand,  of  whom  nearly  one-half 
are  in  Pennsylvania.  This  body  represents  a  moderate 
form  of  Lutheranism  and  affiliates  to  some  extent  with 
Christians  of  other  denominations.  "  The  United  Synod 
of  the  South  "  (1865),  a  small  body  formed  by  way  of 
secession  from  the  "  General  Synod  "  on  account  of 
issues  involved  in  the  Civil  War,  has  a  constituency 
of  about  forty  thousand.  "  The  General  Council  "  (1866) 
was  formed  by  way  of  protest  against  the  laxity  of  the 
"  General  Synod  "  in  tolerating  millenarianism,  in  ad- 
mitting non-Lutherans  to  the  Supper,  in  allowing  ex- 
change of  pulpits  with  "sectarians,"  and  in  refusing  to 
make  membership  in  secret  societies  a  ground  for  ex- 
clusion. It  was  a  part  of  the  policy  of  the  "  General 
Council  "  to  hold  the  various  nationalities  together.  It 
embraced  eight  synods,  with  congregations  in  over  thirty 
States,  and  a  constituency  of  about  three  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand,  of  whom  over  a  third  are  in  Pennsylvania. 
"The  Synodical  Conference"  ("  Missourians,"  1872) 
was  formed  under  the  influence  of  the  Lutheran  separat- 
ists who  left  Germany  because  of  persecution  after  the 
union  measure  of  1817,  and  has  drawn  to  itself  much  of 
the  radical  Lutheranism  that  abhors  Calvinism  and  any 
sort  of  variation  from  what  is  regarded  as  strict  Lutheran 
teaching.  It  is  even  more  pronounced  than  the  "  Gen- 
eral Council  "  in  its  hostility  to  union  services,  open 
communion,  exchange  of  pulpits  with  ministers  of  other 
denominations,  secret  societies,  millenarianism,  etc.     Its 


566  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI 

constituency  of  nearly  four  hundred  thousand  is  scat- 
tered over  more  than  thirty  States  and  is  composed  ol 
four  synods,  of  which  by  far  the  largest  is  the  "  Synod 
of  Missouri,  Ohio,  and  other  States,"  with  its  three  hun- 
dred thousand  commjjnicants. 

Besides  these  great  non -affiliating  bodies  there  are  sev- 
eral minor  independent  synods,  including  Danish,  Nor- 
wegian, and  Icelandic  bodies,  and  a  large  number  of  in- 
dependent Lutheran  churches  not  associated  with  any 
general  organization,  it  is  estimated  that  the  total 
number  of  communicants  in  Lutheran  churches  in  the 
United  States  and  Canada  does  not  fall  much  short  of  a 
million  and  a  half.  The  differences  that  separate  some 
of  the  non-affiliating  bodies  are  so  slight  that  wise  diplo- 
macy may  be  expected  in  time  to  bring  about  greater 
consolidation.  Lutheranism  in  America  has  for  the  most 
part  been  chiefly  concerned  to  hold  the  German  and 
Scandinavian  populations  and  has  done  little  to  attract 
to  itself  people  of  other  nationalities.  In  the  older  States 
a  large  part  of  its  constituency  is  at  present  English- 
speaking  and  its  literature,  preaching,  and  teaching  are 
chiefly  in  English.  But  a  very  large  percentage  of  its 
members  are  of  German  and  Scandinavian  extraction.  It 
is  evident  that,  while  Lutheranism  has  done  much  in 
holding  and  providing  for  the  vast  immigrant  Lutheran 
population,  it  has  lost  an  immense  number  to  other  de- 
nominations and  to  the  unchurched  mass.  A  comparison 
of  the  present  Lutheran  membership  with  an  estimate  of 
the  present  number  of  Lutheran  immigrants  and  their 
descendants  would  show  a  marked  disparity. 

(7)  \n  sympathy  with  the  union  movement  in  Germany 
(1817  onward)  and  under  the  leadership  of  missionaries 
sent  to  America  during  the  third  decade  of  the  nineteenth 
century  by  the  missionary  societies  of  Basel  and  Bremen 
many  union  evangelical  churches  were  formed,  which 
effected  a  general  organization  in  Missouri  in  1840. 
Other  organizations  were  formed  in  the  same  interest  in 
Ohio  and  the  East.  These  united  in  1872  to  form  the 
German  Evangelical  Synod  of  North  America.  This 
body  accepts  the  Augsburg  Confession,  Luther's  Cate- 
chisms, and  the  Heidelberg  Confession  (Reformed),  "  so 
far   as   they  agree,"  as   rightly  interpreting   the    Holy 


CHAP.  III.]  LUTHERANISM  SINCE  PEACE  OF  WESTPHALIA  567 

Scriptures  ;  "but  in  points  of  difference  ...  it  adheres 
solely  to  the  passages  of  Holy  Scripture  alluding  to  them, 
observing  that  liberty  of  conscience  existing  in  the  Evan- 
gelical Church."  The  Synod  has  a  constituency  of 
about  two  hundred  thousand  in  twenty-two  States,  con- 
siderably more  than  half  being  in  Illinois,  Ohio,  Mis- 
souri, and  New  York. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES 

As  Calvin's  doctrinal  system  was  more  self-consistent 
and  free  from  obscurities  and  ambiguities  than  that  of 
Luther,  and  as  during  the  preceding  period  there  was 
little  internal  strife  among  the  Calvinistic  churches  ex- 
cept by  way  of  sheer  contradiction  of  its  recognized  prin- 
ciples (as  in  Socinianism  and  Arminianism),  so  in  the 
present  period  the  Reformed  churches  have  suffered  less 
from  internal  disturbance  than  the  Lutheran. 

I.  The  Swiss  Reformed  Church. 

LITERATURE:  Hagenbach,  "Hist,  of  the  Ch.  in  the  Eighteenth 
and  Nineteenth  Centuries"  ;  Hurst,  "  Hist,  of  Rationalism  "  ;  Nip- 
pold,  "•  Neueste  Kirchengeschichte,''^  Bd.  1.;  Gieseler,  "  Ch.  Hist.," 
Vol.  iV.  ;  Baur,  ''''  Kirchcnf^eschichte  d.  hieiieren  Zeit,'"  and  '"''  Kircheii- 
gesch.  d.  ig.  Jalir/i." ;  biographical  articles  in  Hauck-Herzog,  and 
works  on  the  history  of  doctrines. 

The  work  of  Calvin  had  been  perpetuated  in  Geneva 
by  Theodore  Beza  (d.  1605),  who  went  beyond  his 
master  in  the  rigor  of  his  teaching  (Supralapsarianism), 
and  was,  if  possible,  even  more  intolerant.  Gryna?us 
(d.  1617)  had  earnestly  combated  any  approach  to  sym- 
pathy with  Lutheranism  in  the  University  of  Basel,  and 
exerted  a  commanding  influence  throughout  Protestant 
Switzerland  and  beyond.  Switzerland  suffered  less  than 
most  parts  of  Europe  from  the  ravages  of  the  Thirty 
Years'  War.  The  beginning  of  the  present  period  finds 
the  Swiss  Reformed  churches  thoroughly  and  aggres- 
sively orthodox  and  almost  entirely  under  the  control  of 
the  civil  magistracy.  An  indication  of  the  rigor  of  the 
orthodoxy  that  prevailed  during  the  early  years  of  the 
present  period  is  the  uncompromising  position  taken  by 
Joh.  Buxtorf,  and  maintained  in  a  bitter  controversy 
with  Cappel  (1645-1653),  in  favor  of  the  antiquity  and 
the  divine  authority  of  the  Hebrew  vowel  points  and 
568 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  569 

accents,  and  the  applause  that  the  defense  of  this  dogma 
brought  him.  This  view  was  given  symbolical  authority 
in  a  new  confession  of  faith  {Formula  Consensus  Hel- 
vetica), adopted  by  the  Swiss  Reformed  churches  (1675). 
This  creed,  which  also  emphasized  the  antagonism  of 
Reformed  and  Lutherans,  called  forth  a  protest  from 
friends  of  the  Reformed  faith  in  other  lands.  It  was 
abolished  by  the  canton  of  Basel  in  1685,  but  continued 
in  use  in  Geneva  until  1706,  and  in  Bern  until  1722. 
One  of  the  authors  of  this  confession  was  Francois 
Turretin,  professor  of  theology  at  Geneva,  and  one  of 
the  ablest  dogmatic  writers  of  the  time.  He  was  a  stanch 
defender  of  strict  Calvinism  against  the  liberal  views  ad- 
vanced in  the  theological  school  at  Saumur  (denial  of  rep- 
robation, of  the  imputation  of  Adam's  sin  to  his  poster- 
ity, etc.),  and  successfully  combated  his  more  liberal  col- 
leagues, Mestrezat  and  Tronchin.  in  his  great  work 
(Jnstitutio  Theologice  Elencticct)  tlie  scholastic  method  was 
more  completely  applied  to  the  Reformed  theology  than 
by  any  other  author.      / 

J.  A.  Turretin  (167/-1737),  son  of  Francois,  as  pastor 
and  professor  in  Gen/va,  became  even  more  distinguished 
than  his  father,  it  was  through  his  influence  that  the 
Helvetic  Consensus  was  abolished  in  Geneva.  He 
became  greatly  interested  in  the  union  of  the  Reformed 
and  Lutheran  churches.  He  was  willing  to  commune 
with  the  Lutlierans  in  the  Lord's  Supper,  and  sought  to 
distinguish  between  the  fundamental  and  the  non-funda- 
mental doctrines  of  Christianity.  Only  those  are  funda- 
mental that  are  necessary  to  salvation,  and  only  such 
should  be  insisted  on  as  terms  of  communion.  A  Jesuit 
pointed  out  that  there  was  no  sufifkient  reason  for  his 
remaining  outside  of  the  Catholic  Church,  inasmuch  as 
he  admitted  that  truths  necessary  to  salvation  were 
taught  by  papists.  Werenfels  (d.  1740),  as  professor  in 
the  University  of  Basel,  practised  and  taught  the  gram- 
matico-historical  method  of  biblical  interpretation,  insist- 
ing that  it  was  not  sufficient  to  derive  a  possible  meaning 
from  a  passage  of  Scripture,  but  that  the  one  actual 
meaning  must  be  sought  for.  Osterwald  (d.  1747),  as 
pastor  in  NeuchStel,  exerted  great  influence  as  an  advo- 
cate of  moderation  and  of  devout  Christian  living  as  even 


570  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

more  important  than  rigorous  orthodoxy.  The  latitudi- 
narianism  that  prevailed  in  tngland  and  in  Holland  before 
and  after  the  English  Revolution  (1688)  was  intluentidl 
in  Switzerland,  the  younger  Turretin  having  associated 
in  England  with  men  like  Bishop  Gilbert  Burnet.  It  was 
the  Scotchman,  John  Cameron,  who  had  introduced  lib- 
eral teaching  at  Saumur,  whence  also,  through  the  teach- 
ing and  writings  of  Amyraut,  Placa?us,  and  Cappel,  they 
were  disseminated  among  the  Swiss. 

Another  shining  example  of  learning,  piety,  and  Chris- 
tian moderation  belonging  to  this  time  is  Benedict  Pictet 
(professor  at  Geneva  1702-1724),  whose  voluminous 
writings  cover  almost  every  department  of  theological 
science,  but  in  which  the  dogmatic,  the  ethical,  and  the 
edificatory  prevail.  He  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
leading  churchmen  in  England,  Holland,  and  Germany, 
and  on  the  most  cordial  terms  with  representatives  of 
other  denominations ;  yet  engaged  freely  in  controversy 
when  truth  seemed  to  demand  it. 

Switzerland  was  powerfully  influenced  by  French  and 
German  skepticism  from  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century  onward,  and  the  religious  condition  there  became 
almost  as  deplorable  as  in  Germany.  Basel  became 
a  center  of  German  pietistic  influence,  and  contributed 
much  to  the  awakening  of  religious  life.  Bern  remained 
relatively  orthodox,  holding  fast  to  the  doctrinal  stand- 
ards of  the  past.  Zurich  became  rationalistic.  Through 
the  influence  of  De  Wette,  who  was  called  to  Basel  in 
1822,  a  moderate  form  of  rationalism  became  prevalent. 
By  1839  tl""^  ZiJrich  authorities  had  become  so  pro- 
nounced in  their  unbelief  as  to  call  David  Frederick 
Strauss  to  a  professorship  in  the  university.  The  popu- 
lar outcry  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  recede  in  this 
matter,  and  the  controversy  that  arose  invigorated  the 
conservative  forces  of  the  country.  The  union  measures 
in  Germany  met  with  much  favor  in  Switzerland,  where 
the  importance  of  Confessions  of  Faith  and  doctrinal  dif- 
ferences was  no  longer  generally  appreciated. 

The  influence  of  German  philosophy  (Leibnitz  and 
Wolff)  is  seen  in  the  dogmatic  and  ethical  writings  of  J. 
F.  Stapfer  (d.  1775),  educated  at  Bern  and  Marburg. 

The  religious  condition  of  Switzerland  during  the  early 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  571 

years  of  the  present  century  may  be  illustrated  by  the 
career  of  C^sar  Malan  (d.  1787),  son  of  a  Genevese  dis- 
ciple of  Voltaire  and  Rousseau  (Geneva  had  long  been  a 
chief  center  of  French  skepticism).  He  was  gifted  in 
music,  painting,  and  poetry,  brilliant  in  intellect,  and  elo- 
quent. Strong-willed,  aggressive,  enthusiastic,  he  early 
took  an  interest  in  religious  matters,  and  after  studying 
theology  in  Geneva  and  teaching  for  some  years  in  the 
Latin  school,  he  was  ordained  to  the  ministry  (1810). 
Through  the  influence  of  Moravian  Brethren,  who  were 
laboring  in  Geneva,  he  was  led  to  feel  his  need  of  regen- 
eration, and  in  1816  assurance  regarding  the  great  truths 
of  divine  grace  and  a  realization  that  he  was  saved  came 
suddenly  upon  him.  A  few  months  later  the  Haldane 
brothers  (Scotch  Baptists)  visited  Geneva  and  made  it  a 
center  of  their  evangelistic  labors.  By  his  intercourse 
with  them  Malan  became  convinced  that  it  was  his  duty 
to  devote  his  life  to  proclamation  of  the  pure  gospel  to 
his  benighted  people.  In  May,  1817,  he  preached  two 
remarkable  sermons  on  justification  by  faith  alone, 
which  awakened  much  interest  and  opposition.  His 
theology  had  become  Calvinism  of  the  most  pro- 
nounced and  uncompromising  character,  but  Calvinism 
made  vital  by  deep  conviction  and  set  on  fire  by  religious 
enthusiasm  for  Christ  and  the  salvation  of  men.  The 
Genevese  clergy,  with  the  co-operation  of  the  civil  au- 
thorities, issued  a  prohibition  against  preaching  on  the 
union  of  the  two  natures  in  the  person  of  Christ,  on 
hereditary  sin,  on  the  manner  in  which  grace  works,  and 
on  divine  foreordination.  Malan  found  it  impossible  to 
keep  his  preaching  within  the  prescribed  limits,  and  after 
some  months  he  was  deposed  from  the  ministry.  Re- 
luctantly he  established  an  independent  chapel.  While 
making  Geneva  his  headquarters,  he  made  frequent  and 
prolonged  evangelistic  tours  in  various  parts  of  Switzer- 
land, France,  Germany,  the  Netherlands,  England,  and 
Scotland.  He  was  exceedingly  averse  to  separation 
from  the  established  church,  but  his  numerous  followers 
were  forced  into  this  position  by  the  refusal  of  the  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  Calvinistic  Switzerland 
to  tolerate  Calvinistic  preaching. 

The  case  of  Alexander  Vinet  (1797-1847)  likewise  il- 


572  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

lustrates  the  sad  lapse  of  Switzerland  in  religious  matters. 
Educated  at  Lausanne,  he  became  teacher  of  the  French 
language  and  literature  in  Basel  and  afterward  professor 
in  the  university.  In  1823  he  came  under  the  influence 
of  Malan's  Calvinistic  evangelism  and  was  either  now 
first  converted  or  experienced  such  a  change  in  his  relig- 
ious conceptions  and  experiences  as  made  a  great  revolu- 
tion in  his  life.  The  persecution  of  Malan's  followers 
(called  contemptuously  "Momiers,"  or  "Mummers," 
practically  equivalent  to  hypocrites;  deeply  enlisted  his 
sympathy  and  interest  and  led  him  to  write  his  "  Memoir 
in  Favor  of  Liberty  of  Cults,"  which  was  published  in 
Paris  as  a  prize  essay  (1826).  This  essay  made  him 
famous.  For  practical  efforts  on  behalf  of  liberty  of  con- 
science in  Switzerland  he  was  arraigned  before  the  courts, 
fined,  and  suspended  from  his  ministerial  functions 
(1829).  His  popularity  in  Basel  increased  steadily,  and 
the  freedom  of  the  city  was  given  him  the  same  year  be- 
cause of  his  services  as  professor,  preacher,  and  writer, 
and  his  refusal  of  an  attractive  call  to  labor  elsewhere. 
In  1837  he  felt  constrained  to  accept  the  chair  of  practical 
theology  at  Lausanne,  Here  he  soon  found  himself  at 
variance  with  the  civil  authorities  because  of  the  undue 
interference  of  the  latter  in  church  affairs.  As  a  protest 
against  the  abject  subservience  required  of  the  ministers 
by  the  civil  authorities,  he  withdrew  from  the  Vaud  As- 
sociation of  ministers  (1840).  in  1845  there  was  a  vio- 
lent uprising  against  "fanatics"  and  "dissenters." 
Vinet  sought  to  induce  the  authorities  to  grant  liberty  of 
conscience.  They  refused,  and  he  resigned  his  profes- 
sorship. He  accepted  a  literary  chair  in  the  Lausanne 
Academy,  and  soon  afterward  cast  in  his  lot  with  the  Free 
Church,  that  had  just  been  organized.  The  next  year 
the  academic  teachers  were  required  to  submit  to  the 
church  law  against  which  he  had  protested,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  retire.  He  died  the  following  year  (1847). 
His  writings  on  practical  theology  have  had  a  wide  circu- 
lation in  English  as  well  as  in  French.  He  ranks  among 
the  ablest  and  noblest  of  modern  French-Swiss  religious 
leaders. 

Of  similar  spirit  and  gifts,  but  more  sympathetic  with 
German  theological  thought,  yet  relatively  evangelical 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  573 

and  conservative,  was  F.  Godet,  the  eminent  New  Testa- 
ment interpreter. 

In  the  most  recent  times  Swiss  theology  has  developed 
in  very  close  sympathy  with  German,  and  apart  from 
the  ultra-Lutheran  factions,  nearly  every  phase  of  Ger- 
man thought  has  had  its  Swiss  representatives.  There 
is  to-day  little  prospect  of  the  restoration  of  Calvinistic 
orthodoxy. 

The  new  federal  constitution  of  Switzerland  (1874) 
provides  for  absolute  freedom  of  conscience,  freedom  in 
exercising  religion  within  limits  compatible  with  order 
and  morality,  and  exemption  from  taxation  for  the  sup- 
port of  churches  to  which  one  does  not  belong.  Much 
more  autonomy  is  given  to  the  synods  of  the  established 
church  than  they  formerly  enjoyed.  Final  jurisdiction 
in  ecclesiastical  disputes  rests  with  the  federal  authori- 
ties. 

Of  the  three  million  inhabitants  of  Switzerland,  con- 
siderably more  than  half  are  classed  as  Protestants. 
The  free  churches  have  a  membership  of  about  ten 
thousand. 

2.  The  Dutch  Reformed  Church. 

LITERATURE:  Blok,  "Hist,  of  the  People  of  the  Netherlands," 
Eng.  tr.,  1898;  Hansen,  "The  Reformed  Church  in  the  Nether- 
lands," 1884;  Demarest,  "Hist,  and  Characteristics  of  the  Protes- 
tant Dutch  Church,"  4th  ed.,  1889 ;  Corwin,  "  The  Dutch  Reformed 
Church  in  the  United  States"  (extensive  bibliography) ;  articles  on 
leaders  In  Hauck-Herzog  and  Schaff-Herzog. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  period  just  thirty  years 
had  elapsed  since  the  Synod  of  Dort,  with  its  uncom- 
promising maintenance  of  high-Calvinistic  doctrine,  had 
excluded  men  like  Episcopius,  Uitenbogaert,  and  Grotius 
from  the  pale  of  toleration.  The  silenced  and  banished 
Remonstrants  had  been  permitted  to  return  after  the 
death  of  Maurice  of  Nassau  (1625),  and  twelve  years 
before  the  beginning  of  the  present  period  they  had 
established  in  Amsterdam  a  theological  seminary,  which 
had  become  now  one  of  the  most  famous  in  the  world. 
Grotius  escaped  the  fate  of  Barneveld  only  to  be  thrown 
into  prison  under  a  life  sentence.  After  some  years  of 
confinement,  which  were  nobly  employed  in  theological 


574  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

and  legal  study  and  literary  production,  he  managed  to 
escape.  He  found  protection  first  in  France,  whose  king 
granted  him  a  pension,  and  then  in  the  Swedish  court. 
He  was  sent  by  Queen  Christina  as  ambassador  to 
France,  where  he  remained  for  ten  years.  Recalled  at 
his  own  request,  he  died  on  the  journey,  three  years  before 
the  beginning  of  our  period  (1645).  Uitenbogaert,  who 
with  Hpiscopius  had  been  a  champion  of  the  Remonstrant 
cause,  had  been  dead  four  years.  He  had  been  allowed 
to  resume  his  ministry  at  the  Hague  for  a  time,  but  had 
afterward  been  silenced  on  political  grounds.  Two  im- 
portant works  from  his  pen  were  published  posthumously, 
a  "Church  History"  (1646)  and  a  treatise  on  "The 
Authority  of  the  Magistrate  in  Ecclesiastical  Matters" 
(1647).  Bogerman,  who  had  been  one  of  the  fiercest 
opponents  of  the  Remonstrants  and  had  translated  Beza's 
work  on  the  execution  of  heretics  (1601),  had  been  dead 
nine  years.  Gomar,  Arminius'  chief  opponent  and  the 
leader  of  the  extremists  in  the  Synod  of  Dort,  had  passed 
away  in  1641.  The  rigorous  Calvinists  had  seemed 
overwhelmingly  victorious  at  the  Synod  of  Dort  and  for 
some  time  afterward.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  harsh 
and  repulsive  way  in  which  they  presented  the  truths  of 
Calvinism,  and  the  tyrannical  way  in  which  they  were 
willing  to  employ  the  civil  power  for  the  suppression 
of  their  opponents,  reacted  mightily  against  themselves, 
and  from  the  beginning  of  this  period  onward  strict 
Calvinistic  views  came  more  and  more  into  disfavor. 
Arminians  (Remonstrants)  and  moderate  Calvinists  were 
popular,  and  Socinians,  banished  from  Poland,  found  in 
Holland  not  only  toleration,  but  a  readiness  to  buy  their 
books  and  to  give  sympathetic  attention  to  their  teach- 
ing. If  the  Remonstrants  did  not  take  the  field,  it  was 
because  the  successors  of  their  persecutors  had  adopted 
the  views  of  the  persecuted.  The  fact  that  the  Nether- 
lands were  not  actively  engaged  in  the  Thirty  Years' 
War  and  were  not  much  devastated  by  friendly  or  hos- 
tile armies  had  left  educational  and  religious  work  in  a 
much  more  prosperous  condition  than  in  Germany. 

(i)  Some  Leaders  of  t/ie  Reformed  Church  during  the 
Seventeenth  and  Eighteenth  Centuries.  Among  the  most 
eminent  of  the  Reformed  leaders  was  Cocceius.    German 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  575 

by  birth  (b.  1603),  but  educated  at  Franeker,  in  Holland, 
he  studied  Greek  with  a  Greek  and  Hebrew  with  a  He- 
brew and  became  easily  the  most  accomplished  biblical 
scholar  of  his  time.  His  voluminous  writings  (ten  folio 
volumes)  cover  almost  every  department  of  theology, 
but  dogmatical  and  exegetical  writings  predominate.  He 
was  pre-eminently  a  scriptural  theologian.  He  taught 
Hebrew  at  Franeker  from  1636  to  1650,  when  he  was 
called  to  Leyden  to  succeed  Spanheim.  Here  he  labored 
until  his  death,  in  1669.  He  was  noted  for  the  kindly 
and  conciliatory  character  of  his  polemics,  and  he  sought 
to  refute  error  not  so  much  by  scholastic  hair-splitting  as 
by  confronting  it  with  Scripture.  Such  notably  was  his 
dealing  with  the  theological  views  of  Grotius  and  of  the 
Socinians.  The  dominating  thought  in  his  theology,  as 
in  his  interpetation  of  Scripture,  was  the  divine  covenant. 
This  was  not  a  wholly  new  thought,  but  he  developed  it 
with  such  richness  of  scriptural  citation,  with  such  logical 
acumen,  and  with  such  an  insight  into  historical  relations, 
that  he  may  properly  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  the 
federal  theology.  His  great  work,  "  Summary  of  Doc- 
trine Concerning  the  Covenant  and  Testament  of  God," 
was  first  published  in  1648  and  may  be  regarded  as  the 
first  serious  attempt  at  the  working  out  of  a  biblical 
theology. 

The  Bible  he  regarded  as  the  history  of  redemption  in  the  form  of 
a  covenant  between  God  and  man.  This  led  him  to  suppose  that 
the  originai  relation  between  God  and  man  was  a  covenant  also. 
Of  course  the  covenant  was  proposed  and  imposed  by  God  and  man 
was  the  mere  recipient.  But  man,  as  being  free,  rational,  and  holy, 
was  capable  of  receiving  it  and  securing  eternal  blessedness  bv 
observing  his  side  of  it.  This  first  covenant  was  a  covenant  of 
works.  Man's  failure  to  keep  tiie  covenant  of  works  involved  him 
in  the  fall  and  the  curse.  Having  fallen,  man  was  still  bound  to 
perfect  obedience  and  faith.  God  now  in  his  mercy  substituted  for 
the  covenant  of  works  a  covenant  of  grace,  the  divine  side  of  the 
covenant  being  the  promise  and  the  actual  sending  of  Jesus  Christ 
as  a  redeemer,  the  human  obligation  being  to  appropriate  bv  faith 
God's  gracious  provision,  in  the  second  covenant  he  distinguished 
three  dispensations  (economies) :  the  ante-legal  (promise  in  the  prot- 
evangelium,  conscience,  the  patriarchal  family),  the  legal  (written 
law,  ceremonies,  theocracy),  and  the  post-legal  (Christ  incarnate, 
establishment  of  visible  kingdom,  etc.).  He  treats  of  the  doctrine 
of  redemption  through  Christ  under  nine  divisions  :  its  purpose 
(promised  grace),  its  founder  (a   mediator),  its   means  (faith),  its 


5/6  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

recipients  (believers),  its  cause  (God's  good  pleasure),  its  revelation 
(the  Bible),  its  application  (by  the  Holy  Spirit),  its  end  (the  glory  of 
God). 

It  is  noticeable  that  the  doctrine  of  predestination  does 
not  figure  in  this  system  and  the  entire  doctrine  of  divine 
decrees  is  kept  in  the  background.  The  aim  of  Cocceius 
was  evidently  to  show  that  man  was  so  endowed  and 
conditioned  that  he  need  not  have  fallen,  that  he  was 
responsible  for  his  fall,  and  that  after  the  fall  God  placed 
salvation  within  the  reach  of  all  by  covenant  and  actu- 
ally provided  redemption  in  Christ  for  all  who  would 
believe. 

Cocceius  was  sharply  attacked  by  Voetius  of  Utrecht, 
a  disciple  of  Gomar  and  a  representative  of  scholastic 
Calvinism,  who  denounced  him  as  a  heretic  and  sought 
to  compass  his  ruin.  Universities  and  political  factions 
were  arrayed  against  each  other  in  favor  of  or  in  oppo- 
sition to  this  new  theological  scheme. 

It  was  Cocceius'  application  of  his  theory  to  the  Sabbath  that 
more  than  anything  else  aroused  opposition.  Placing  the  Sabbath 
cominandinent  in  the  covenant  of  grace,  he  regarded  it  as  a  "demon- 
stration of  hope  in  Christ  and  a  means  of  leading  up  to  the  denial 
of  self-righteousness  and  dead  works,"  and,  so,  as  fulfilled  in  Christ. 
The  New  Testament  requires  the  sanctitlcation  of  the  whole  lifetime. 
The  Sabbath  controversy  thereby  precipitated  was  carried  on  for 
years  with  much  bitterness. 

After  Cocceius'  death  (i66g)  the  conflict  of  his  de- 
fenders and  opponents  waxed  fiercer  and  fiercer.  Mare- 
sius  and  Voetius  assailed  Cocceius'  view  with  special 
emphasis  on  the  demoralizing  consequences  of  his  teach- 
ing regarding  the  Sabbath.  The  Cocceians,  in  some 
cases,  did  not  refrain  from  putting  in  practice  their  anti- 
Sabbatarian  views.  For  a  time  the  tide  seemed  to  be 
turning  against  the  Cocceians,  and  several  of  their  lead- 
ers were  deposed  ;  but  the  controversy  was  finally  set- 
tled b)'  a  compromise:  In  each  of  the  universities  the 
professor  of  systematic  theology  should  be  a  Voetian, 
the  professor  of  exegetical  theology,  a  Cocceian,  and 
the  professor  of  practical  theology,  a  Lampean.  The 
king  had  ordered  that  pastorates  and  professorships  be 
filled  without  reference  to  the  party  affiliations  of  the 
candidates  (1694). 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  577 

Mention  should  be  made  of  F.  A.  Lampe,  who,  early 
in  the  eighteentii  century,  became  the  leader  of  a  party 
that  could  claim  recognition  in  the  universities  side  by 
side  with  the  Voetian  and  the  Cocceian.  Lampe  has 
been  recently  designated  as  "  the  most  influential  theolo- 
gian of  the  German  Reformed  Church"  (Karl  Miiller). 
Born  in  Germany  (1683),  he  had  his  early  training  in  Bre- 
men, where  he  came  under  the  influence  of  an  early  form, 
of  pietism  that  prevailed  there  (Theodore  Unterreyck). 
In  1702  he  entered  the  University  of  Franeker,  where 
Vitringa,  the  eminent  biblical  scholar,  and  other  disciples 
of  Cocceius,  were  teaching  side  by  side  with  disciples  of 
Voetius  and  in  friendly  relations  with  them.  Labadiean 
mysticism  was  also  gaining  a  place  in  the  thought  of  the 
Cocceians.  Lampe  contributed  much  to  the  spiritual 
life  of  the  university  and  the  good  fellowship  already  ex- 
isting between  representatives  of  the  two  factions.  Af- 
ter several  fruitful  years  in  pastoral  work  in  the  duchy  of 
Cleve,  he  accepted  a  theological  chair  at  Utrecht,  where 
for  seven  years,  trusting  in  Jesus  for  help  and  protection 
and  putting  aside  all  consideration  of  human  fear  or 
favor,  he  labored  with  consuming  zeal  for  a  spiritual 
ministry. 

(2)  Some  Remonstrant  Theologians.  Among  the  fore- 
most scholars  of  his  age  was  Philip  Limborch  (1633- 
1712),  best  known  as  the  author  of  a  "  History  of  the 
Inquisition,"  but  a  voluminous  writer  on  dogmatic  and 
exegetical  themes  as  well.  A  nephew  of  Episcopius  and 
brought  up  under  Remonstrant  influences,  he  decided, 
when  nineteen  years  old,  to  devote  his  life  to  the  Chris- 
tian ministry.  After  completing  his  studies  in  the  Re- 
monstrant seminary  under  Vossius,  Barlseus,  and  Cur- 
cellceus,  he  betook  himself  to  Utrecht  to  attend  the 
lectures  of  Voetius,  the  famous  representative  of  rigorous 
Calvinism.  After  several  years  of  pastoral  labor,  he 
was  called  (1668)  to  a  professorship  in  the  Remonstrant 
seminary,  where,  for  forty-five  years,  he  labored  with  re- 
markable industry  and  zeal,  covering  with  his  teaching 
and  writings  the  whole  field  of  theological  science.  Un- 
der his  administration  the  institution  reached  the  height 
of  its  fame  and  efficiency.  In  his  "  Christian  Theology  " 
he  placed  great  emphasis  on  the  inadequacy  of  a  mere 

2M 


578  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

knowledge  of  Christian  truth  and  the  necessity  of  a  per- 
sonal appropriation  of  truth  by  a  faith  that  is  not  simply 
knowledge  and  assent,  but  also  a  submission  of  the 
whole  being  in  loving  confidence  to  Christ  as  prophet, 
priest,  and  king.  He  was  at  much  pains  to  show  how 
Calvinists,  Remonstrants,  and  Socinians  differed  from 
each  other,  and  to  distinguish  between  fundamental  and 
non-fundamental  articles  of  faith.  To  the  former  class 
belong  only  those  that  are  declared  by  Scripture  neces- 
sary to  salvation,  and  in  our  statement  of  things  neces- 
sary to  be  believed  we  must  use  the  language  of  Scripture. 

John  Clericus  (1657-1736)  was  a  Genevan  by  birth 
and  studied  theology  under  Turretin  and  Mestrezat. 
Afterward  he  spent  some  time  visiting  the  theological  in- 
stitutions at  Grenoble,  Saumur,  and  Paris,  and  minis- 
tered for  a  while  to  the  Calvinistic  French-speaking 
refugees  in  London.  Through  the  study  of  the  writings 
of  Curcellaeus,  his  uncle,  and  of  Episcopius,  he  was  led 
to  accept  the  views  of  the  Remonstrants.  At  Amster- 
dam he  came  into  close  relations  with  Limborch,  and 
through  his  influence  was  appointed  to  a  professorship 
in  the  Remonstrant  seminary  (1684).  His  literary  activ- 
ity was  remarkable  even  for  that  producti\'e  age.  Be- 
sides editing  many  works  of  others  (Clericus,  Grotius, 
Erasmus,  Petavius,  and  Hammond;,  he  published  many 
exegetical  and  controversial  writings  of  his  own.  Soon 
after  entering  upon  his  professorial  career  he  defended 
the  thesis,  "  That  reason  is  an  infallible  guide  for  the 
judging  of  everything  that  man  needs  to  know  for  his 
spiritual  well-being."  Yet  he  protested  earnestly  against 
the  charge  of  Socinianism  and  professed  his  belief  in  the 
Scriptures  as  a  divine  revelation. 

Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  older  Calvinism 
almost  completely  disappeared  in  Holland  during  the 
rationalistic  age  that  followed,  and  there  was  little  left 
against  which  they  needed  to  remonstrate,  the  Remon- 
strants have  continued  as  a  small  denomination  (about 
fifteen  thousand  members)  until  the  present  day.  Their 
theological  seminary,  which  still  survives,  has  probably 
done  more  than  anything  else  to  perpetuate  the  division. 
Few  things  are  so  permanent  in  their  work  and  influence 
as  institutions  of  learning. 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  579 

(3)  The  Dutch  Reformed  Churches  during  the  Nineteenth 
Century.  The  demoralizing  effects  of  Englisli  deism, 
French  skepticism,  German  philosophy,  and  the  French 
Revolution  were  fully  felt  in  the  Protestant  Netherlands. 
With  the  revolutionary  changes  (1796)  that  resulted  in 
the  Batavian  Republic,  the  Reformed  Church  ceased  to 
be  a  State  Church  and  was  obliged  to  take  its  place  side 
by  side  with  the  Roman  Catholic,  Mennonite,  Lutheran, 
and  Remonstrant  communions.  The  republican  legisla- 
ture declared:  "We  have  determined  that  henceforth 
not  only  no  favored  or  dominant  church  can  or  will  be 
tolerated,  but  that  all  decrees  and  resolutions  of  the 
States  General  in  former  times  that  sprang  out  of  the 
old  system,  of  the  union  of  Church  and  State  shall  also 
be  held  to  be  null  and  void." 

With  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy  (181 5)  came  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Reformed  Church  and  its  reorgan- 
ization with  a  view  to  its  complete  subserviency  to  the 
civil  government  (1816).  At  the  same  time  recognition 
was  given  to  Lutherans,  Mennonites,  Jansenists,  Re- 
monstrants, Roman  Catholics,  and  Jews,  all  of  which 
parties,  as  well  as  the  Reformed  Church,  still  receive 
annual  grants  in  aid  of  tiie  maintenance  of  their  wor- 
ship. In  1852  the  ecclesiastical  administration  was  re- 
vised and  more  of  independence  given  to  the  church. 
The  established  church,  "The  Netherlandish  Reformed 
Church,"  embraces  all  the  Reformed  (Hervormde)  con- 
gregations in  the  kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  about 
thirteen  hundred  and  twenty-eight  Dutch,  sixteen  French 
(Walloon),  and  three  English,  and  one  Scotch  Presby- 
terian, with  a  membership  of  considerably  over  two  mil- 
lions. Up  to  1834  nearly  all  of  the  Reformed  churches 
were  included  in  the  established  church.  From  that 
time  onward  dissatisfaction  with  the  liberal  theology  that 
had  come  to  dominate  the  universities  and  the  ministry 
of  the  church  and  with  State  control  led  to  the  formation 
of  dissenting  bodies  which  have  become  vigorous  and 
important. 

Isaac  da  Costa  (1798-1860),  son  of  a  wealthy  Portu- 
guese Jew,  converted  (before  1822)  through  the  influ- 
ence of  his  Calvinistic  teacher,  William  Bilderdijk  (a  pro- 
nounced  opponent  of   the  French    Revolution  and  the 


58o  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PHR.  vi. 

Batavian  Republic,  and  a  partisan  of  the  house  of 
Orange),  and  his  kinsman,  Abraham  Capadose,  made  a 
public  profession  of  Christianity,  and  almost  immediately 
began  to  champion  the  cause  of  orthodox  Calvinism 
against  all  forms  of  liberal  theology  and  unbelief.  At 
the  time  of  Da  Costa's  conversion  a  spirit  of  religious 
indifferentism  almost  universally  prevailed.  Even  those 
whose  views  were  moderately  orthodox  were  wanting 
in  zeal  and  aggressiveness  and  almost  nothing  was  being 
done  for  the  conversion  of  souls.  Da  Costa's  tract, 
"To  All  Christians"  (1822),  was  a  trumpet  call  to 
humiliation  and  prayer  that  a  great  host  from  all  nations, 
races,  peoples,  and  tongues  might  come  to  a  knowledge 
of  Jesus  Christ.  Still  more  impressive  were  his  tract 
"  Against  the  Spirit  of  the  Age  "  (1823),  and  his  "  Sad- 
ducees  "  (1824).  He  denounced  not  only  the  liberal 
theological  thought  of  the  age  but  the  democratic  spirit 
as  well.  What  was  being  glorified  as  the  age  of  liberty 
and  illumination  he  characterized  as  an  age  of  slavery, 
superstition,  unbelief,  and  darkness.  He  compared  the 
theological  liberalism  of  his  own  time  and  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  (Arminianism)  with  Sadduceeism  in  the 
New  Testament  time.  From  this  time  onward  he  de- 
voted his  learning,  eloquence,  and  poetical  gifts  with 
rare  enthusiasm  to  the  winning  back  of  his  native  land 
to  Calvinistic  orthodoxy,  which  he  identified  with  true 
Christianity.  With  the  hearty  co-operation  of  Capa- 
dose, De  Clercq,  Van  der  Kemp,  and  (1830  onward) 
Groen  van  Prinsterer,  the  orthodox  propaganda  went 
rapidly  forward.  The  ministers  and  professors  of  the 
established  church  were  aroused  from  their  lethargy, 
and  in  many  cases  amended  their  ways.  Multitudes  of 
the  members  of  the  churches  were  attracted  by  the  ear- 
nestness of  the  new  evangelism.  The  revival  movement 
inaugurated  by  the  Haldanes  and  carried  forward  among 
French-speaking  and  other  peoples  by  Malan.D'Aubigne, 
Rochat,  Gaussen,  Bost,  Vinet,  and  others,  reached  the 
Netherlands  about  1830  and  many  were  awakened. 
During  the  years  1840-1850  a  still  more  widespread 
work  of  grace  went  forward  in  the  Netherlands.  A 
large  number  of  able  men  came  over  to  the  side  of  evan- 
gelical   orthodoxy  during  these  years.     Prinsterer  has 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  581 

been  called  the  statesman  of  the  movement,  Heldring 
the  philanthropist,  Beets  the  preacher,  and  Da  Costa 
the  prophet. 

From  1834  onward  large  numbers  separated  from  the 
Reformed  Church,  it  was  the  hope  of  the  leaders  to  be 
able  to  win  the  establishment  as  a  whole  or  to  secure 
such  reforms  as  would  make  separation  unnecessary. 
The  resolute  refusal  of  the  synod  (1835)  to  make  any 
changes  looking  toward  the  securing  of  an  orthodox 
ministry  led  to  still  further  secessions.  A  law  was  in 
force  against  the  assembling  of  more  than  twenty  per- 
sons for  unauthorized  religious  worship.  A  royal  re- 
script declared  the  separatist  assemblies  unlawful,  but 
pointed  out  a  way  (made  more  definite  in  1841)  by 
which  they  could  organize  legally.  Still  further  conces- 
sions were  made  to  the  separatists  (1849,  1852,  1868) 
until  no  disability  save  deprivation  of  State  support  re- 
mained. 

After  earlier  attempts  at  general  organization  repre- 
sentatives of  many  of  the  separatist  congregations 
formed  a  larger  union  (fusion  of  the  "  Separate  Church  " 
and  the  "  Churches  under  the  Cross  ")  under  the  name 
"Christian  Separate  Church,"  which  soon  gave  place 
to  "  Christian  Reformed  Church  "  {Gereformeerde).  in 
1854  this  body  established  a  theological  seminary  at 
Kampe,  which  now  has  five  theological  professors, 
seventy  theological  students,  and  seventy  students  in 
its  academic  department.  By  1892  the  membership  of 
this  denomination  had  reached  one  hundred  and  ninety- 
four  thousand. 

A  large  number  of  earnest  Christians  who  had  come 
under  the  influence  of  the  new  orthodox  evangelism 
long  remained  in  the  established  church  with  the  hope 
of  leading  it  back  to  evangelical  orthodoxy.  Foremost 
among  the  leaders  of  the  conforming  Calvinistic  party 
was  Dr.  A.  Kuyper,  who  as  editor  of  "  The  Standard  " 
had  been  for  some  years  denouncing  the  State-Church 
arrangement  of  1816-1852  as  the  chief  cause  of  all  the 
misery  and  lack  of  energy  in  the  Reformed  Church, 
weakening  as  it  did  the  presbyterial  character  of  the 
church,  destroying  the  autonomy  of  the  local  congrega- 
tion, and  discriminating  against  the  separatists,     in  1879, 


582  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

under  Kuyper's  leadership,  a  union  for  higher  education 
on  a  reformed  {gereformeerde)  basis,  was  organized,  and 
in  1880  the  "  Free  University  "  was  established  for  the 
education  of  spiritual  and  aggressive  leaders.  The  re- 
fusal of  the  authorities  of  the  established  church  to  re- 
ceive students  educated  in  the  Free  University  to  the 
ministry  (1882,  1885,  etc.)  caused  much  dissatisfaction 
among  the  churchly  reformers.  In  1886  eighty  of  the 
Calvinistic  members  of  the  Amsterdam  church  tribunal 
were  suspended  by  the  Amsterdam  ciassis.  An  appeal 
to  the  synod  was  adverse  to  the  Reformers,  This  effort 
to  deprive  the  Calvinists  of  their  rights  in  the  estab- 
lished church  led  to  violent  proceedings  and  another  vast 
secession  occurred.  Among  the  ablest  of  Kuyper's 
coadjutors  in  this  movement  were  G.  J.  Vos,  an  Amster- 
dam pastor,  and  Doctor  Rutgers,  of  the  Free  University. 
A  new  organization  was  formed  which  claimed  to  be  the 
perpetuation  of  the  old  orthodox  Reformed  Church.  It 
adopted  the  name  "  Dutch  Reformed  {Gereformeerde') 
Church"  or  "  Doleerenden,"  By  1889  the  Doleeren- 
den  had  a  membership  of  over  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
one  thousand,  hi  1892  the  Christian  Reformed  united 
with  the  Dutch  Reformed  (Doleerenden),  thus  forming  a 
great  denomination  of  nearly  four  hundred  thousand. 
Several  congregations  refused  to  enter  the  union  and 
have  united  under  the  name  "  Christian  Reformed  "  and 
have  established  a  small  theological  school  at  the  Hague. 
Mention  should  here  be  made  of  tlie  Groningen  school 
of  theological  thought,  which  owed  its  impulse  to  Van 
Heusden,  professor  of  history  and  Greek  in  the  Univer- 
sity of  Utrecht  (1804-1839).  Van  Heusden,  who  has 
been  called  the  "preceptor  of  Holland,"  had  become 
deeply  imbued  with  Platonism  and  disclaimed  indebted- 
ness to  any  other  influence  than  Plato  and  the  New 
Testament  in  the  forming  of  his  religious  views.  He 
made  love  the  central  thing  in  religion  and  regarded  the 
atonement  as  an  exhibition  of  divine  love.  His  view 
was  much  like  that  of  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Schleier- 
macher,  Frederick  Robertson,  etc.  From  1829  onward 
several  of  those  who  had  come  under  Van  Heusden's 
influence  became  members  of  the  Groningen  Faculty  : 
Van    Oordt   and    Hofsted   de  Groot  (1829)  and  Pareau 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  583 

(1831),  and,  in  close  association  with  them,  Van  Her- 
werden  and  Amshoff  as  pastors  (1831,  1832).  These 
scholars  began  to  hold  weekly  meetings  for  the  study  of 
the  New  Testament.  Through  Ullmann's  "  Reformers 
before  the  Reformation  "  they  became  greatly  interested 
in  Joh.  Wessel  and  other  Dutch  evangelical  teachers  of 
the  mediaeval  time.  Erasmus,  as  a  Netherlander  with 
whose  spirit  they  sympathized,  also  occupied  their  atten- 
tion. They  were  glad  to  have  found  a  type  of  Christian 
thought  and  life  older  than  the  Reformation,  and  in  their 
opinion  purer  than  the  Lutheran  or  Reformed,  indigenous 
to  their  beloved  Holland.  They  rejoiced  to  call  their 
type  of  teaching  "  Dutch  theology."  it  was  to  a  re- 
markable extent  Christocentric  and  embodied  what  we 
have  come  to  know  as  evangelical  mysticism.  They  re- 
jected much  of  the  orthodox  dogmatizing  about  Christ, 
and  laid  chief  stress  on  his  person,  work,  and  example. 
While  they  were  willing  to  call  Christ  "  Son  of  God  and 
man,"  they  yet  distinguished  carefully  between  him  and 
the  one  God  who  sent  him  and  to  whom  he  is  subordi- 
nated. In  his  heavenly  as  in  his  earthly  life  he  has  only 
one  nature,  the  divine  or  spiritual,  which  belongs  to  both 
God  and  man.  They  recognized  his  pre-existence  as 
Son  of  God,  his  life  on  earth  as  a  man  who  became  per- 
fect and  sinlessly  holy  by  overcoming  temptations,  and 
by  his  beneficent  and  self-sacrificing  life  attained  to  ever 
higher  perfection,  and  his  present  heavenly  life  in  per- 
fection during  which  he  rules  his  church  and  leads  it  on- 
ward and  upward.  They  rejected  the  Calvinistic  doc- 
trine of  predestination,  and  their  view  of  the  atonement 
may  be  designated  "the  moral  influence"  theory. 
These  views  gained  a  wide  currency,  but  were  sharply 
combated  by  the  Reformed  theologians  as  well  as  by 
the  Christian  Reformed  (Calvinists). 

Denying,  as  they  did,  the  absolute  inspiration  of  the 
Scriptures,  the  deity  of  Christ,  the  efficacy  of  Christ's 
blood  to  atone  for  human  guilt,  and  the  orthodox  doctrine 
of  the  Trinity,  and  insisting,  as  they  did,  upon  absolute 
freedom  of  teaching  in  the  pulpit,  press,  and  university, 
the  Groningen  theologians  were  the  forerunners  of  the 
later  radical  school. 

Among  the  most  admirable  of  the  leaders  of  the  estab- 


584  A   MANUAL   OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

lished  church  in  recent  times  was  the  eloquent  and  pacific 
Van  Oosterzee  (d.  1882),  for  the  last  twenty  years  of  his 
life  professor  in  the  University  of  Utrecht.  His  position 
was  between  the  strict  Calvinistic  orthodoxy  of  the  sepa- 
ratists and  the  rationalistic  mysticism  of  the  Groningen 
school.  His  German  masters  were  Tholuck,  Neander. 
Dorner,  Hagenbach,  and  Ullmann.  His  dogmatical  and 
practical  works  have  been  translated  into  English  and 
are  well  known. 

The  extent  to  which  extreme  theological  liberalism 
had  gained  the  ascendency  in  Holland  is  illustrated  by 
the  fact  that  in  1876  the  government  transformed  the 
theological  faculties  of  the  universities  into  faculties  of 
religions,  putting  Christianity  alongside  of  heathen  relig- 
ions as  an  object  of  scientific  study,  and  in  1878  banished 
all  religious  teaching  (with  the  use  of  the  Bible)  from  the 
public  schools.  The  great  honor  in  which  Professor 
Kuenen  (d.  1891),  the  coryphaeus  of  recent  Old  Testa- 
ment criticism,  was  held,  is  also  indicative  of  the  strong 
preponderance  of  sentiment  in  favor  of  extreme  laxity  of 
teaching. 

(4)  The  Reformed  (Dutch)  Church  in  America^  The 
Dutch  settlers  of  what  is  now  New  York  State  brought 
with  them  the  Reformed  religion  of  their  native  land,  and 
as  early  as  1628  a  congregation  of  fifty  communicants 
(Dutch  and  Walloon)  was  organized  at  New  Amsterdam, 
with  Joh.  Michaelius  as  pastor.  Others  soon  followed, 
and  in  1747  a  coetus  or  synod  was  formed  with  the  per- 
mission of  the  Amsterdam  classis,  but  without  independ- 
ent authority.  Dissatisfaction  with  Dutch  control  on  the 
part  of  some  of  the  churches  led  to  controversy  and  divi- 
sion ;  but  in  1770  there  was  general  agreement  in  favor 
of  independence,  and  a  self-governing  organization  was 
formed.  The  teachings  of  the  denomination  have  not 
been  sufficiently  distinctive  to  attract  many  people  of 
other  nationalities,  and  though  English  has  long  been  the 
language  of  its  services  and  its  literature,  m.ost  of  its 
members  are  still  of  Dutch  extraction.  Rutgers  College 
(founded  1770)  and  the  Theological  Seminary  (1784), 
both  at  New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  are  the  principal  educa- 


I  3ee  Histories  of  the  Reformed  Church  in  America,  by  Demarest  and  Corwin, 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  585 

tional  institutions  of  learning  supported  by  this  body.  Of 
its  membersiiip  of  less  than  one  hundred  thousand,  more 
than  three-fourths  belong  to  New  York  and  New  Jersey. 
Within  recent  years  there  has  been  considerable  Dutch 
immigration  to  Michigan,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Wisconsin,  and 
other  Western  States,  and  many  of  these  have  been  organ- 
ized into  churches,  which  are  being  fostered  by  the 
wealthy  churches  of  the  East.  The  Reformed  Church  in 
America  has  adhered  closely  to  the  Calvinism  of  the  Synod 
of  Dort,  the  Belgic  Confession,  and  the  Heidelberg  Cate- 
chism, and  has  escaped  the  liberalizing  influences  that 
have  so  wrecked  the  mother  church. 

3.  The  German  Reformed  Church. 

LITERATURE:  Goebel,  "  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Lebens  in  d.  rhenisch- 
westph'alischen evang.  Kirche,''''  i84(>-i86o  ;  Ehrard, ''  Handhuch  d.  christ. 
Kirchen-  und  Dogmengescfi.,  Bd.  111.  and  IV.,  1866;  Mayer,  "  Hist,  of 
the  German  Reformed  Church,"  1850;  Smith,  "The  Reformed 
Churches  of  Europe  and  America,  in  Relation  to  General  Church  His- 
tory," 1855  ;  Dubbs,  "  The  German  Reformed  Church  in  the  United 
States"  (extended  bibliography);  biographical  articles  in  Hauck- 
Herzog;  art.  "Reformed  Church,  German,"  in  Schaff-Herzog. 

(i)  The  German  Reformed  Church  in  Europe.  It  has 
been  noticed  that  the  Reformed  portions  of  Germany 
bore  the  brunt  of  the  defense  of  Protestantism  during  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  The  peace  of  Westphalia  continued 
the  territorial  arrangement  of  the  peace  of  Augsburg,  but 
admitted  the  Reformed  faith  to  a  position  side  by  side 
with  the  Lutheran.  The  Palatinate  had  long  been  of  the 
Calvinistic  persuasion,  and  continued  to  adhere  to  its 
Heidelberg  Catechism  and  to  sustain  its  Heidelberg  uni- 
versity. The  lower  Rhenish  provinces  abounded  in  Cal- 
vinists.  The  portion  of  Poland  that  fell  to  the  share  of 
Prussia  in  its  successive  partitions  contained  a  large 
number  of  Calvinists.  The  tolerant  spirit  of  the  Great 
Elector  (Frederick  I.)  and  his  successors  brought  many 
Reformed  from  other  German  provinces  to  Prussia. 
Many  thousands  of  French  Protestants  (Huguenots) 
were  encouraged  to  settle  in  Prussia  (Brandenburg)  after 
the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  (1685)  and  were 
given  full  toleration.  As  early  as  1656  a  Reformed  uni- 
versity was  established  at  Duisburg  by  the  Great  Elector 


586  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

for  the  benefit  of  his  Reformed  subjects,  which  became 
the  cliief  disseminator  of  the  philosophy  of  Descartes 
in  Germany.  The  Reformed  churches  in  Germany 
yielded  even  more  readily  than  the  Lutheran  to  the  in- 
fluence of  French  skepticism,  and  before  the  union  of 
1817  had  lost  much  of  their  vigor  and  rigor.  There  was 
little  protest  on  the  Reformed  side  against  the  union. 
Since  the  union  the  Reformed  Church  in  Germany  can 
scarcely  be  said  to  exist,  although  a  number  of  theolo- 
gians of  Reformed  antecedents  have  shown  a  leaning 
toward  Reformed  doctrine.  The  German  Reformed  have 
always  been  very  moderate  in  their  Calvinism,  and  there 
are  to-day  in  Germany  very  few,  if  any,  thorough-going 
Calvinists. 

According  to  the  Westphalian  treaty,  the  use  of  the 
Catholic  religion  in  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine  was  to 
be  restricted  to  the  royal  court.  In  the  Peace  of  Ryswick 
(1697),  Louis  XIV.,  of  France,  in  defiance  of  the  earlier 
arrangement,  insisted  that  the  Catholic  religion  should 
enjoy  the  same  favor  that  it  had  enjoyed  during  the 
French  occupancy.  The  Catholic  Electors  had  already 
trenched  seriously  upon  the  privileges  of  their  Protes- 
tant subjects  and  were  glad  to  have  the  support  of  France 
in  their  efforts  to  restore  Catholicism.  The  Elector, 
John  William,  had  been  educated  by  the  Jesuits,  and 
was  in  thorough  sympathy  with  Jesuit  methods  of  carry- 
ing out  Counter-Reformation  measures.  He  now  pro- 
ceeded to  assume  control  of  Protestant  church  property, 
to  give  to  Catholics  the  joint  possession  and  use  of  church 
buildings  and  endowments,  and  to  compel  Protestants  to 
join  in  celebrating  Catholic  festivals,  and  to  have  their 
children  instructed  in  the  Catholic  faith.  Many  thou- 
sands of  the  Palatinate  Reformed  were  driven  by  these 
measures  into  exile,  and  of  these  a  large  proportion 
found  their  way  to  America, 

The  king  of  Prussia  was  able,  by  retaliatory  meas- 
ures against  his  Catholic  subjects,  to  secure  a  partial 
restoration  of  the  rights  of  Protestants  in  the  Palatinate. 
But  the  Jesuits  were  able  to  get  some  foothold  in  the 
University  of  Heidelberg,  which  had  been  the  chief  edu- 
cational institution  of  the  German  Reformed  and  which 
had  been  guaranteed  to  them,  and  to  treat  the  Protestant 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  587 

faculty  so  shamefully  as  to  call  forth  rebukes  from  the 
Austrian  and  imperial  courts.  The  publication  of  a  new 
(unchanged)  edition  of  the  Heidelberg  Catechism  (1719) 
was  the  occasion  of  further  persecution.  The  denuncia- 
tion of  the  mass  as  "  an  accursed  idolatry  "  in  the  cate- 
chism the  Jesuits  represented  as  an  insult  to  the  Elector, 
and  they  sought  to  have  the  edition  suppressed.  In  this 
they  were  unsuccessful  ;  but  the  Protestants  were  robbed 
of  the  largest  of  the  two  Heidelberg  churches  that  were 
left  to  them.  It  was  restored  only  after  much  pressure 
from  without  (imperial  and  other)  had  been  brought  to 
bear.  Through  the  union  of  the  Palatinate  with  Bavaria 
(1777)  tlie  Reformed  lost  still  more  of  their  privileges  ; 
but  through  the  influence  of  the  liberal-minded  Emperor 
Joseph  II.  all  their  rights  were  restored  (1803). 

By  this  time  the  University  of  Heidelberg  had  become 
a  chief  center  of  rationalism  (Paulus,  De  Wette,  Daub, 
etc.). 

(2)  The  Reformed  Church  in  the  United  States.  Sev- 
eral thousands  of  the  Reformed  Palatines  who  were 
driven  into  exile  about  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century  settled  in  America,  chiefly  in  Pennsylvania.  By 
1730  considerable  numbers  of  Reformed  from  Nassau, 
VValdeck,  Witgenstein,  and  Wetterau  were  also  in 
America.  Their  first  minister  was  Philip  Boehm,  who 
came  in  1720.  In  1746  Michael  Schlatter  arrived,  who 
was  to  be  for  the  Reformed  what  Muhlenberg  was  for  the 
Lutherans,  an  organizer  of  the  demoralized  and  neglected 
people  into  a  vigorous  denomination.  In  1747  there  were 
forty-six  congregations,  with  only  five  ministers.  These 
were  now  organized  into  a  coetus  or  synod  under  the 
care  of  the  Reformed  classis  of  Amsterdam,  to  which  it 
looked  for  encouragement  and  support.  Schlatter  was 
Swiss  by  birth  (b.  1716),  but  had  lived  for  some  years 
in  Holland,  and  had  been  ordained  to  the  ministry  and 
sent  to  America  as  a  missionary  to  the  Germans  by  the 
deputies  of  the  synods  of  North  and  South  Holland.  In 
175 1  Schlatter  returned  to  Europe  to  solicit  financial  sup- 
port and  to  secure  additional  ministers.  He  received 
liberal  financial  aid,  especially  in  Holland,  and  six  young 
ministers.  He  brought  with  him  seven  hundred  large 
Bibles  for  distribution.     For  some  years  Schlatter  inter- 


588  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

ested  himself  in  a  system  of  charity  schools,  which  were 
to  be  supported  by  Lutherans,  Reformed,  and  Quakers. 
Difficulties  arose  and  the  schools  proved  a  failure,  not 
without  some  loss  of  prestige  to  Schlatter.  He  accom- 
panied the  American  troops  as  a  chaplain  in  the  campaign 
against  the  French  in  1757  and  was  present  at  the  tak- 
ing of  Louisburg.  From  this  time  until  his  death  (1790) 
he  took  no  further  part  in  church  matters. 

From  1825  onward  the  denomination  grew  rapidly  in 
numbers  and  equipment.  About  1836  there  arose  in 
connection  with  Marshall  College  and  Theological  Semi- 
nary (then  located  at  Mercersburg,  Pa.,  now  at  Lancas- 
ter), what  is  known  historically  as  the  Mercersburg 
School  of  Philosophy.  This  new  type  of  teaching  pro- 
voked much  controversy  in  the  body  and  came  near 
causing  a  schism.  The  founder  of  this  new  philosophy 
and  theology  was  Ranch,  the  first  president  of  the  col- 
lege, who  had  studied  at  Heidelberg  under  Daub 
(d.  1836),  a  noted  speculative  theologian.  Daub  had 
become  a  disciple  of  Kant  early  in  his  career  and  had 
adopted  each  new  improvement  in  philosophy  up  to  and 
including  that  of  Hegel,  Ranch  conceived  the  idea  of 
amalgamating  Scotch  and  German  philosophy.  His 
early  death  (1841)  prevented  a  complete  working  out  of 
his  system,  in  1841,  J,  W.  Nevin,  a  Presbyterian  scholar, 
became  Ranch's  colleague  and  soon  came  into  hearty 
sympathy  with  Ranch's  type  of  Reformed  teaching.  He 
afterward  became  president  of  the  college  and  the  chief 
exponent  of  Mercersburg  theology.  In  1843  the  brilliant 
historical  scholar,  Philip  Schaff,  who  was  to  do  more  for 
the  advancement  of  theological  learning  in  America  than 
any  other  individual,  was  called  to  the  chair  of  church 
history  in  the  college.  A  Swiss  by  birth  and  a  disciple 
of  Neander,  he  entered  with  great  enthusiasm  upon  his 
labors,  having  before  him  the  purpose  of  giving  to 
America  what  he  conceived  to  be  best  in  modern  Ger- 
man thought.  The  Mercersburg  theology  had  a  good 
deal  in  common  with  the  Groningen.  It  was,  like  that, 
Christocentric,  but  did  not  deny  Christ's  absolute  deity. 
Christ,  as  the  second  Adam,  is  the  head  of  a  regener- 
ate human  race.  Christ  and  believers  constitute  a 
mystical    body,  which   is   the    Christian   church,    holy, 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  589 

catholic,  and  apostolic.  This  spiritual  church  constitutes 
the  communion  in  which  men  may  obtain  salvation  and 
eternal  life.  The  church  is  not  an  aggregation  of  indi- 
viduals, but  a  vital  and  organized  whole,  extending  into 
every  nation  and  throughout  all  ages.  As  a  growing 
organism,  she  adapts  herself  to  varying  times  and  cir- 
cumstances. No  doctrinal  formiilce  of  earlier  times  fully ' 
meet  the  needs  of  a  later.  The  mediaeval  hierarchy 
had  its  justification  in  the  circumstances  of  the  time, 
and  yet  the  Reformation  was  necessary  and  the  various 
evangelical  types  that  arose  in  connection  therewith  had 
each  its  raison  d'etre.  The  influence  of  Hegel's  philoso- 
phy is  here  manifest.  This  idea  of  the  church  was 
urged  over  against  the  idea  that  the  church  is  a  volun- 
tary society  of  Christian  individuals  organized  for  their 
common  spiritual  good,  and  against  the  idea  that  six- 
teenth century  confessions  of  faith  are  adapted  to  the 
needs  of  the  present  time.  The  sacraments  are  re- 
garded by  the  Mercersburg  school  not  as  empty  forms, 
but  as  the  signs  and  seals  of  God's  covenant  with  us,  as 
means  of  grace,  that  become  efficacious  by  faith  alone. 
In  this  view  they  simply  return  to  John  Calvin's  posi- 
tion. Their  magnifying  of  the  sacraments  naturally 
carried  with  it  a  demand  for  liturgical  worship,  which 
they  sought  to  promote  by  publishing  "  A  Liturgy  ;  or, 
Order  of  Christian  Worship"  (edited  by  Schaff,  Nevin, 
Harbaugh,  Gerhart,  Appel,  Steiner,  et  al.,  1858). 

A  "peace  commission"  was  appointed  in  1880  for 
harmonizing  the  differences  that  still  existed  between 
the  Mercersburg  school,  which  embraced  most  of  the 
eminent  men  in  the  denomination,  and  the  older  type  of 
Reformed  teaching. 

The  denomination  has  six  colleges,  most  of  which 
have  theological  departments,  and  a  number  of  second- 
ary schools.  In  1890  it  had  a  membership  of  over  two 
hundred  thousand,  of  which  considerably  over  one-half 
was  in  Pennsylvania. 

4.  The  Reformed  Church  in  France. 

Literature  :  Baird,  "  The  Huguenots  and  the  Revocation  of 
Nantes,"  1895  ;  Baird  (C.  W.),  "  Hist,  of  the  Huguenot  Emigra- 
tion to  America,"  1885 ;  Poole,  "  Hist,  of  the  Huguenots  of  the  Dis- 


590  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

persion,"  1880;  Weiss,  '' Htsi.  dcs  R'efugies  prot.  de  France,'^  1853 
(Eng.  tr.,  1854)  ;  Smiles,  "  The  Huguenots  ...  in  England  and 
Ireland,"  1867  ;  and  biographical  articles  in  Hauck-Herzog,  Schaft- 
Herzog,  and  Lichtenberger. 

(i)  The  Protestants  of  France  from  1648  to  168^.  Ref- 
erence has  already  been  made  to  the  condition  of  the 
French  Protestant  churches  before  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  and  the  persecutions  that  preceded  the 
exterminating  measures  (Revocation  of  the  Edict)  of 
1O85.  Until  long  after  tlie  revocation  of  the  Edict  the 
Confession  of  Faith  that  all  ministers  were  required  to 
subscribe  was  that  prepared  by  Calvin  and  De  Chan- 
dieu,  revised  and  approved  by  a  synod  at  Paris  (1559), 
adopted  by  the  National  Synod  of  La  Rochelle  (1571J, 
and  afterward  sanctioned  by  Henry  IV.  in  their  address 
to  the  king,  which  precedes  the  Confession,  they  desig- 
nate themselves  "the  French  people  who  desire  to  live 
according  to  the  purity  of  the  gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,"  It  is  one  of  the  finest  brief  statements  of 
moderate  Calvinism  ever  drawn  up.  One  of  the  local 
synods  (1603)  under  the  influence  of  Chamier  had  added 
an  article  expressly  identifying  the  pope  with  the  scarlet- 
clad  harlot  of  the  Apocalypse.  But  the  goxernment  ob- 
jected and  the  article  had  to  be  withdrawn.  The 
"churches  of  the  Desert,"  up  to  about  1727,  required 
every  preacher,  candidate,  elder,  and  believer  to  assent 
to  this  symbol.  After  that  time,  under  the  influence  of 
Geneva  and  under  the  leadership  of  the  liberal-minded 
Antoine  Court,  the  requirement  was  set  aside,  and  a 
profession  of  acceptance  of  the  teachings  of  the  prophets 
and  apostles  as  contained  in  the  books  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testaments,  and  of  which  a  brief  summary  is  con- 
tained in  the  Genevan  Catechism,  was  alone  required. 
Modern  French  Protestants  have  been  still  less  inclined 
to  bind  themselves  by  formal  creed  statements.  hi 
1848  an  assembly  at  Paris,  in  which  the  leading  spirits 
were  H.  Gasparin  and  F.  Monod,  declared  Christ  cruci- 
fied to  be  the  bond  of  union  and  recognized  no  other  rule 
of  faith  than  God's  eternal  word.  In  1872  Thiers,  at 
that  time  president  of  the  French  Republic,  with  the 
co-operation  of  Guizot,  the  statesman  and  historian, 
sought  at  a  general  synod  in  Paris  to  secure  the  adoption 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  59I 

of  a  new  Confession.  All  that  the  body  could  be  in- 
duced to  do  was  to  express  a  general  agreement  with  the 
Confession  of  La  Rochelle,  a  recognition  of  the  supreme 
authority  of  the  Scriptures,  and  acceptance  of  the  Apos- 
tles' Creed. 

The  French  Protestant  church  had  been  thoroughly 
organized  in  a  presbyterial  way,  with  its  local  tribunals, 
provincial  synods,  and  national  synods,  and  its  organized 
work  had  been  carried  on  with  much  vigor  until  the  be- 
ginning of  the  persecutions. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  present  period  there  were  in 
France  about  one  million  Huguenots,  with  about  eight 
hundred  congregations  and  nearly  that  number  of  pas- 
tors. Many  of  the  congregations  were  excessively  large, 
owing  to  restrictions  placed  upon  the  number  and  loca- 
tion of  places  of  assembly  within  a  given  district,  and 
each  required  several  ministers.  All  classes  were  repre- 
sented, nobles,  gentry,  middle  classes,  and  peasants  ; 
but  of  the  last  there  were  relatively  few  and  the  bulk  of 
the  membership  consisted  of  the  middle  class,  who  were 
everywhere  the  leaders  in  trade,  banking,  manufactur- 
ing, and  professional  life,  hi  many  communities  where 
the  Protestants  were  in  a  small  minority  they  yet  con- 
stituted the  most  influential  element.  The  expression 
"rich  as  a  Huguenot"  became  proverbial.  The  dis- 
cipline maintained  by  the  French  Protestants  was  strict 
and  effective  as  compared  with  that  of  other  bodies  at 
that  time.  Sabbath-breaking  was  severely  discouraged, 
as  well  as  all  kinds  of  frivolous  conduct.  Their  great 
temples,  though  often  located  very  inconveniently  by 
reason  of  the  restrictions,  were  for  the  most  part  plain 
wooden  structures ;  but  some  of  them  had  seating 
capacity  for  seven  or  eight  thousand,  and  they  were 
thronged  with  eager  hearers.  Four  long  sermons  were 
often  preached  each  Lord's  Day.  The  preaching  was  of 
a  very  substantial  kind  and  the  psalms  put  into  verse  by 
Marot  and  Beza  were  sung  with  much  spirit.  Liberality 
in  support  of  the  home  work  and  in  aid  of  needy  and 
persecuted  brethren  abroad  abounded.  The  French 
Protestant  pulpit  greatly  surpassed  the  Roman  Catholic 
during  the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  latter,  although 
the   Catholics  had   a   few  preachers  more  renowned  for 


592  A  MANL'AL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

finished  eloquence  (Bossuet,  Bourdaloue,  and  Massillon) 
than  the  most  gifted  of  the  Protestant  preachers  (such 
as  Du  Moulin,  Le  Faucheur,  Mestrezat,  Daille,  Amyraut, 
Du  Bosc,  De  Superville,  and  Saurin). 

The  French  Protestants  supported  at  this  time  four 
great  institutions  of  learning,  whose  faculties  contained 
some  of  the  most  eminent  scholars  of  the  age  and  whose 
halls  were  thronged  with  students.  The  institution  at 
Nismes  had  become  noted,  through  the  efforts  of  Claude, 
for  its  conciliatory  attitude  toward  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  As  attempts  to  harmonize  Catholics  and  Prot- 
estants could  only  result  in  a  weakening  of  the  convic- 
tions of  the  latter,  Nismes  was  at  this  time  a  source  of 
demoralization  rather  than  of  strength  to  the  Protestant 
cause.  Saumur,  which  had  been  established  through  the 
efforts  of  Duplessis  Mornay,  the  leader  of  the  Huguenots 
during  the  preceding  generation,  had  at  this  time  the 
greatest  array  of  distinguished  scholars  and  the  greatest 
number  of  students.  At  the  beginning  of  the  present 
period  its  professors  were  teaching  a  modified  Cal\  inism, 
differing  little  from  Arminianism  (Phicaeus,  Cappel, 
Amyraut,  and  Pajon).  The  theologians  just  named  were 
pupils  of  the  learned  and  liberal  Scotchman,  John 
Cameron.  Placasus  is  well  known  as  the  author  of  the 
theory  of  mediate  imputation.  Cameron  had  taught 
that  the  will  is  completely  subject  to  the  intellect,  that 
sin  originated  in  an  obscuration  of  the  intellect,  and  that 
the  grace  which  works  conversion  is  not  a  blind  force 
but  a  moral  agency.  Amyraut  distinguished  between 
an  objective  and  a  subjective  grace,  between  the  exter- 
nal means  of  grace  which  are  free  to  all  and  the  internal 
working  of  the  Spirit.  By  this  means  he  sought  to  ex- 
plain why  some  are  saved  and  others  lost.  Pajon  denied 
the  working  of  subjective  grace,  maintaining  that  God 
governs  the  world  through  the  objective  connection 
between  cause  and  effect,  without  any  concurring,  direct 
interference  of  Providence.  He  insisted  that  the  word 
alone  is  efficacious  without  any  special  working  of  the 
Holy  Spirit.  The  professors  of  Saumur  became  involved 
in  bitter  controversy  with  those  of  Sedan,  Montauban, 
Geneva,  and  others,  and  the  disciples  of  Amyraut  and 
Pajon  were  excluded  from  many  pulpits. 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  593 

The  schools  of  Sedan  and  Montauban  defended  ortho- 
doxy with  great  ability.  Sedan  had  on  its  staff  the 
greatest  Calvinlstic  controversial  and  dogmatic  writer  of 
the  age,  Peter  du  Moulin  (d.  1658)  and  (somewhat  before 
this  time)  Maresius  (d.  1673),  whose  later  years  were 
spent  in  the  Netherlands  as  professor  at  Groningen,  and 
Jurieu  (d.  1713),  also  an  eminent  polemicist,  Montauban 
had  numbered  among  its  teachers  Chamier,  Baraud,  and 
Garissolles. 

The  destruction  of  the  French  Protestant  cause  that 
preceded  and  followed  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  has  been  sufficiently  described  above. 

(2)  The  CJuirches  of  the  Desert.  There  is  no  more 
heroic  chapter  in  modern  church  history  than  that  of  the 
persecuted  remnant  of  the  Huguenots  after  the  great 
emigration.  It  reminds  us  of  that  of  the  Paulicians  and 
the  Waldenses  during  the  medieval  time,  and  that  of  the 
Anabaptists  during  the  sixteenth  century.  During  the 
very  year  of  the  revocation  one  of  their  persecutors 
(Cardinal  Camus)  wrote :  "  They  hold  small  secret 
meetings,  at  which  they  read  some  chapters  from  the 
Bible  and  their  prayers.  After  that  the  most  able  of 
their  number  makes  an  address.  In  a  word,  they  do 
just  what  they  did  at  the  birth  of  heresy.  They  have 
an  insuperable  aversion  to  service  in  an  unknown  tongue 
and  to  our  ceremonies.  I  have  sent  out  missionaries. 
They  cannot  abide  monks."  In  the  Cevennes  Moun- 
tains Protestantism  persisted  with  rare  determination 
and  vigor.  The  martyrdom  of  Frangois  Tessier  (1686) 
resulted  in  the  conversion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  mis- 
sionary and  the  heightening  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
Protestants  of  the  region  even  to  the  verge  of  fanati- 
cism. A  government  order  required  the  massacring  of 
Protestant  congregations  when  detected,  including  the 
women.  A  few  were  to  be  reserved  for  trial  in  order 
that  information  might  be  extorted  from  them.  The 
fearful  barbarity  with  which  this  order  was  carried  out 
has  been  put  on  record  by  Jurieu  in  a  pastoral  letter.' 
On  one  occasion  the  soldiers  bayoneted  three  hundred 
women  in  their  sides  and  breasts,  and  stripping  others 

'See  Baird,  Vol.  II.,  p.  163. 
2N 


U 


594  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  Vl. 

took  them  as  prisoners  into  the  town  of  Uzes  for  a  worse 
fate.  Of  the  few  ministers  wlio  attempted  to  remain  nearly 
all  were  destroyed/  Yet  even  without  ministers  the  en- 
thusiastic evangelicals  continued  to  hold  their  meetings 
at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  Brave  ministers  who  had 
gone  into  exile  crossed  the  border  from  time  to  time  to 
visit  the  scattered  flocks,  who  received  them  with  joy 
"inexpressible."  Many  Catholics  were  converted  from 
time  to  time  by  the  heroism  and  enthusiasm  of  preachers 
and  people.  One  of  the  most  intrepid  and  successful 
of  the  ministers  was  Claude  Brousson,  who  made  re- 
peated visits  and  retired  from  time  to  time  as  his  position 
became  untenable.  He  appealed  to  the  king  against  the 
atrocities  that  were  being  practised  ;  but  the  price  that 
had  been  set  upon  his  head  was  increased,  and  he  was 
captured  and  was  executed  before  a  crowd  of  ten  thou- 
sand, many  of  whom  wept  in  sympathy  with  his  cour- 
ageous witness-bearing.  Brousson  had  published  much 
regarding  the  persecution  and  had  aroused  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  evangelical  world  against  the  government  of 
Louis  XIV. 

(3)  The  Camisards  and  the  War  of  the  Cevennes.  From 
1702  to  1710  a  terrible  guerrilla  warfare  was  carried  on 
by  the  persecuted  Protestants  of  the  Cevennes  against 
their  persecutors.  Driven  to  desperation,  nay,  to  fanati- 
cism, by  the  outrages  to  which  they  had  been  for  years 
subjected,  they  were  led  by  reckless  enthusiasts  to 
wreak  bloody  vengeance  on  the  Catholic  populations 
within  their  reach.  Disguised  in  white  robes  (hence  the 
name  "Camisards"),  armed  bands  of  them  would 
swoop  down  upon  troops  of  soldiers  or  police,  upon 
Catholic  congregations,  upon  towns,  villages,  and  even 
cities,  and  having  accomplished  their  purposes  of  de- 
struction retreat  to  their  mountain  fastnesses  with  such 
supplies  as  they  could  carry.  The  Camisard  chiefs 
were  men  of  heroic  type,  and  some  of  them  could  preach 
as  well  as  fight.  They  had  reached  the  conviction  that 
in  destroying  everything  Catholic  they  were  doing  God 
service.  They  looked  upon  their  work  as  like  that  of 
the  faithful  Israelites  destroying  the  Canaanites  from  the 
land  of  promise.  The  character  of  some  of  the  leaders 
did   not  stand  the  test  and  traitors  sometimes  brought 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  595 

disaster  upon  their  followers.  That  the  warfare  should 
have  been  continued  so  long  and  with  such  destruction 
of  life  and  property,  notwithstanding  the  insignificance 
of  the  numbers  and  equipment  of  the  Camisards  as  com- 
pared with  that  of  the  French  government,  is  one  of  the 
wonders  of  history.  The  terrible  sufferings  of  the 
Camisards  themselves  in  the  process  of  their  conflict 
and  overthrow  need  not  be  here  recounted. 

(4)  77?^  Remnant  and  the  Revival.  Just  before  his 
death  (171 5),  Louis  XIV.  had  added  to  his  previous 
atrocities  by  issuing  a  law  requiring  the  body  of  every 
person  who  refused  the  sacraments  of  the  church  on  his 
death  bed  to  be  dragged  through  the  streets  on  a  hurdle 
and  thrown  into  the  sewer.  With  the  death  of  the  king 
the  severity  of  persecution  was  somewhat  relaxed,  but 
it  was  renewed  with  fearful  vigor  in  1724.  During  these 
years  there  had  been  considerable  gathering  of  Prot- 
estant forces  in  many  communities.  In  1726  a  royal 
ordinance  was  issued  condemning  to  the  galleys  all  males 
found  in  Protestant  conventicles  and  committing  to  life- 
long imprisonment  the  women  and  girls.  Heavy  fines 
were  imposed  for  refusal  to  send  children  to  Catholic 
schools.  Whole  communities  were  fined  for  allowing 
Protestant  meetings  to  be  held  within  their  bounds.  Yet 
the  churches  of  the  desert  grew  in  numbers  and  in  influ- 
ence. In  the  scarcity  of  ministers,  licentiates  were  en- 
couraged to  administer  the  ordinances,  with  the  appro- 
bation of  the  elders.  Occasional  synods  and  colloquies 
were  held  for  securing  better  co-ordination  of  effort  and 
for  the  mutual  encouragement  of  the  persecuted  bands. 

The  apostles  of  this  time  were  Antoine  Court  and 
Paul  Rabaut.  The  former  has  well  been  called  "the 
restorer  of  the  Reformed  Church  of  France."  Born  in 
i6g5  and  left  fatherless  when  five  years  old,  his  heroic 
Christian  mother  trained  him  carefully  in  the  faith  of  his 
ancestors,  and  while  still  a  child  took  him  to  secret  con- 
venticles. Before  he  had  reached  manhood  he  was  full 
of  religious  enthusiasm  and  had  resolved  to  devote  his 
life  to  the  preaching  of  the  gospel,  whatever  the  cost 
might  be.  When  twenty  years  of  age,  he  had  formed 
plans  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  evangelical  structure  that 
was  in  ruins.     In  August,  171 5,  Court  called  together  a 


596  A    MAMAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

synod  of  his  brethren  hi  order  to  lay  before  tliem  his 
plan  and  fill  tliem  with  his  enthusiasm.  In  a  missionary 
journey  that  he  had  recently  made  he  had  witnessed  a 
disorganized  and  demoralized  condition  that  impressed 
upon  him  the  imperative  need  of  instruction  and  of  con- 
certed measures  to  deliver  the  poor,  persecuted  people 
from  fanaticism.  The  prophetic  spirit  had  broken  out 
and  women  and  girls  were  preaching  and  prophesying. 
Sometimes  two  or  three  men  and  women  would  fall  into 
trances  and  prophesy  at  once,  causing  the  utmost  con- 
fusion. He  had  not  hesitated,  youth  as  he  was,  to  re- 
buke the  disorderly  and  to  instruct  the  ignorant.  Some 
charged  him  with  fighting  against  God,  but  he  held  his 
ground  and  brought  many  fanatics  to  their  senses.  He 
urged  upon  his  brethren  in  conference  the  necessity  of 
the  restoration  of  discipline,  with  the  abolition  of  fanati- 
cism and  unregulated  preaching  (as  of  women,  girls,  and 
incompetent  men).  Of  the  nine  persons  assembled  in  a 
deserted  quarry  not  one  had  been  ordained.  It  was  felt 
to  be  imperative  that  some  should  be  authoritati\ely  set 
apart  to  the  gospel  ministry.  These  could  ordain  others 
and  bring  the  work  in  France  back  to  regular  lines. 
Court  and  Corteiz  were  in  the  opinion  of  all  qualified  for 
the  ministry.  The  latter,  as  the  elder  of  the  two,  was 
sent  to  Switzerland  for  ordination,  and  on  his  return 
Court  was  ordained  by  him.  Court  had  received  no  col- 
legiate education,  but  by  early  manhood  he  had  gained  a 
knowledge  of  the  Calvinistic  system  such  as  duller  minds 
might  have  spent  years  in  attaining.  His  was  a  master 
intellect  and  a  masterful  spirit,  and  he  was  able  to 
impress  his  ideas  and  his  personality  upon  the  churches 
of  the  desert  in  such  a  way  as  speedily  to  bring  them  to 
his  way  of  thinking  and  to  restore  them  to  sanity  and 
good  order.  From  time  to  time  he  held  ministers'  insti- 
tutes for  testing  the  gifts  of  candidates  for  the  ministr\- 
and  instructing  them  in  sound  theology  and  in  his  princi- 
ples of  church  discipline.  Those  applying  for  admission 
as  licentiates  were  required  to  show  their  qualification 
for  the  ministerial  office  by  preaching,  but  it  was  not 
thought  essential  that  they  should  compose  their  own 
sermons.  Court  was  soon  able  to  establish  (1730)  at 
Lausanne,  in  Switzerland,  a  theological  seminary  for  the 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  597 

training  of  ministers  for  the  French  churches,  and  thither 
a  large  number  of  gifted  and  enthusiastic  young  men 
were  from  time  to  time  sent  for  courses  of  study.  He 
had  left  France  in  1730,  believing  that  he  could  better 
serve  the  cause  by  devoting  his  life  to  the  training  of 
ministers,  which  could  be  done  only  beyond  the  French 
borders.  An  upper  room  served  as  a  lecture  room  and 
the  teaching  was  furnished  at  little  expense,  chiefly  by 
professors  of  the  university.  The  young  men  on  finish- 
ing their  studies  were  eager  to  venture  their  lives  in  the 
cause  of  the  Master.  It  has  been  pointed  out  as  a  singular 
fact,  that  while  Court  was  radically  opposed  to  extrava- 
gant enthusiasm,  "he  never  wearied  in  sending  forth 
martyrs  and  of  furnishing  food  for  the  gallows  to  feed 
upon"  (Michelet).  The  same  writer  calls  Court's  semi- 
nary "  a  strange  school  of  death." 

If  Court  was  the  "restorer  of  the  Reformed  Church 
of  France,"  Paul  Rabaut  was  "the  apostle  of  the 
desert."  "Among  all  that  illustrated  this  age  and  made 
their  impress  upon  French  Protestantism,  down  to  the 
very  times  of  returning  toleration,  no  single  name  ap- 
proaches his  "  (Baird).  Born  (1718)  of  Protestant  par- 
ents, but  perforce  christened  as  a  Roman  Catholic,  he 
was  brought  up  under  strong  religious  influences,  and 
when  twenty  years  old  consecrated  his  life  to  French 
evangelization.  For  fifty-six  years  his  life  was  truly 
apostolic  in  its  labors  and  in  the  perils  and  sufferings 
that  he  gladly  endured  in  the  fulfillment  of  his  mission. 
For  a  few  months  (1740)  he  studied  in  the  seminary  at 
Lausanne,  but  the  calls  for  ministry  in  his  beloved  France 
were  too  loud  to  be  resisted.  Without  extensive  literary 
or  theological  training,  but  full  of  zeal  and  the  spirit  of 
self-sacrifice,  and  endowed  with  native  eloquence  and 
personal  magnetism  in  a  very  high  degree,  he  was  able 
to  sway  the  persecuted  Protestant  people  and  to  mold 
them  according  to  his  own  ideals.  The  "spirit  of  the 
desert,"  defined  by  Court  as  "a  spirit  of  mortification, 
a  spirit  of  reflection,  of  great  wisdom,  and  especially  of 
martyrdom,  which,  as  it  teaches  us  to  die  daily  to  our- 
selves, to  conquer  and  overcome  our  passions  with  their 
lusts,  prepares  and  disposes  us  to  lose  our  life  courage- 
ously amid  tortures  and  on  the  gallows,  if  Providence 


598  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

calls  us  thereto,"  was  abundantly  exemplified  in  Rabaut. 
To  labor  so  constantly  and  so  long  under  the  ban  of  a 
miglity  monarchy  required  the  wisdom  of  the  serpent,  and 
to  accomplish  the  spiritual  results  that  he  accomplished 
called  for  all  the  Christian  gifts  and  graces  in  very  large 
measure.  For  fifty  years  he  avoided  arrest  by  the  gov- 
ernment officials.  It  was  left  for  the  atheists  of  the 
Reign  of  Terror  to  thrust  into  prison  the  aged  saint  fur 
his  refusal  to  renounce  his  ministry. 

After  the  death  of  Cardinal  Hleury  (1743),  who  had 
directed  the  persecuting  measures  of  the  government, 
the  churches  of  the  desert  enjoyed  for  two  years  com- 
parative quiet.  Foreign  war  occupied  the  attention  of 
the  authorities.  Rabaut  preached  on  one  occasion,  it  is 
said,  to  ten  thousand,  and  great  assemblies  were  com- 
mon. The  mass  of  the  Protestant  population  at  this 
time  was  in  Languedoc,  Cevennes,  Vivarais,  and  Dau- 
phiny.  Multitudes  that  had  been  outwardly  conforming 
to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  were  emboldened  now  to 
show  their  colors.  But  toleration  was  soon  at  an  end. 
What  has  been  called  "the  great  persecution"  (1745- 
1752)  resulted  from  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  upon 
the  government  by  the  clergy.  Several  of  the  pastors 
were  seized  and  executed,  among  them  Jacques  Roger, 
whose  thirty  years  of  labor  in  Dauphiny  had  resulted  in 
the  establishment  of  sixty  churches.  Shameless  forgeries 
were  put  forth  by  the  enemies  of  the  Huguenots  with  a 
view  to  proving  their  disloyalty  to  the  government. 
When  Rabaut  was  supposed  to  be  in  danger,  several 
thousand  men  at  once  gathered  for  his  protection. 

The  growth  of  the  spirit  of  liberty  during  the  second 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  manifesting  itself  in  the 
writings  of  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  Diderot,  D'Alembert,  etc., 
and  by  these  disseminated  throughout  wide  circles,  re- 
sulted in  a  public  opinion  that  would  no  longer  sanction 
the  atrocities  of  the  past.  Voltaire's  spirited  protest 
against  the  outrageous  execution  of  Jean  Calas  (1762) 
and  his  unwearied  exertions  on  behalf  of  Calas's  family 
greatly  promoted  the  cause  of  toleration.  Turgot's 
"Letters  on  Toleration"  were  also  highly  influential. 
As  a  member  of  the  cabinet  of  Louis  XVI.,  along  with 
Malesherbes  (1774  onward),  Turgot  had  an  opportunity 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  599 

to  labor  effectively  for  toleration.  He  even  induced  the 
young  king  to  omit  from  his  recitation  of  the  coronation 
oath  the  promise  to  exterminate  heretics.  In  a  "Memoir 
to  the  King  on  Tolerance  "  he  had  the  courage  to  say  : 
"  The  prince  who  orders  his  subject  to  profess  the  religion 
that  the  latter  does  not  believe,  or  to  renounce  the  religion 
which  he  does  believe,  commands  him  to  commit  a  crime. 
The  subject  that  yields  obedience  acts  a  lie,  betrays  his 
conscience,  and  does  a  thing  which  he  believes  to  be  for- 
bidden him  by  God.  The  Protestant  who,  either  from 
interest  or  from  fear,  becomes  a  Catholic,  and  the 
Catholic  who,  from  the  same  motives,  becomes  a  Prot- 
estant, are  both  of  them  guilty  of  the  same  crime." 

Under  Turgot's  influence  the  government  addressed 
to  the  Protestant  ministers  as  well  as  to  the  Catholic 
prelates  a  cordial  letter,  asking  for  their  good  offices  in 
quelling  the  spirit  of  rebellion  among  the  people  (Bread 
Riots)  and  convincing  them  of  the  king's  good  inten-  \ 
tions.  Thus  after  ninety  years  of  proscription  the  Hugue- 
nots received  government  recognition.  Shortly  after-  > 
ward  their  baptismal  registers  were  officially  recognized. 
Active  in  securing  the  rights  of  the  Protestants  at  this 
time  were  Rabaut  St.  Etienne,  son  of  Paul  Rabaut,  and 
Court  de  Gebelin,  the  learned  son  of  Antoine  Court, 
who  was  for  years  (1765  onward)  advocate  of  the  per- 
secuted Protestants  at  the  royal  court  and  was  by  rea- 
son of  his  merit  as  an  author  made  royal  censor  (1780), 
and  given  the  highest  honors  of  the  French  Academy. 
Lafayette,  who  had  co-operated  with  Washington  in  the 
War  of  Independence,  and  who  had  returned  to  France 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  was  chiefly  instrumental  in  securing  the  com- 
plete removal  of  the  disabilities  of  the  Protestants  in  the  | 
Edict  of  Toleration  (1787). 

(5)  The  Reformed  Churches  and  the  Revolution.  Scarcely 
had  the  exultation  of  the  Protestants  over  the  partial 
remedying  of  their  grievances  ceased  when  the  rumblings 
of  the  great  Revolution  that  was  for  a  time  to  overthrow 
the  very  foundations  of  society  and  to  put  Catholicism 
as  well  as  Protestantism  under  the  ban,  were  heard,  and 
the  evangelical  cause  suffered  disaster  almost  as  great  as 
in  the  Desert  age.     With  the  convocation  of  the  States 


600  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [I'ER.  VI. 

General  (1789)  the  Protestants  made  haste  to  secure  a 
place  of  worship  in  the  very  heart  of  Paris,  which  it  had 
never  been  their  privilege  to  do  before.  Rabaut  St. 
Etienne  was  made  president  of  the  National  Assembly 
(1790)  and  with  pardonable  pride  and  exultation  wrote 
the  venerable  Paul  Rabaut:  "My  father,  the  president 
of  the  National  Assembly  is  at  your  service."  As  a 
member  of  the  Assembly  he  made  a  most  able  and  ear- 
nest plea  for  the  complete  religious  equality  of  his 
brethren  with  the  Catholics.  In  the  name  of  two  mil- 
lion Protestants  he  demanded  "  not  toleration,"  but 
"liberty."  "1  demand  that  toleration  in  its  turn  be 
proscribed.  And  it  shall  be  proscribed,  that  unjust  word 
which  presents  us  only  as  citizens  deserving  of  pity,  as 
culprits  to  whom  pardon  is  accorded,  as  men  whum 
frequently  accident  and  education  have  led  to  think 
otherwise  tlian  we  do.  Error,  gentlemen,  is  not  a  crime. 
He  that  professes  it  takes  it  for  the  truth.  It  is  the  truth 
for  him.  He  is  bound  to  profess  it,  and  no  man,  no 
association  of  men,  has  the  right  to  forbid  him."  The 
Assembly  did  not  yield  to  his  demand,  but  gave  the 
Protestants  liberty  of  worship  conditioned  on  their  not 
disturbing  the  public  order.  In  1790  the  Assembly  de- 
creed a  restoration  to  the  Protestants,  as  far  as  it  could 
equitably  be  done,  of  property  that  had  been  confiscated 
during  the  age  of  persecution.  Barere,  who  was  to  be- 
come a  leading  Terrorist,  spoke  most  eloquently  in  favor 
of  a  recognition  of  Huguenot  claims  to  reparation. 

The  atheistic  frenzy  of  1793-1794  swept  many  of  the 
Protestant  ministers,  as  it  did  many  of  the  Catholic 
priests  and  monks,  off  their  feet.  The  pastor  of  the 
Parisian  congregation,  Marron,  was  ostentatious  in  his 
declaration  that  Christianity  was  an  outgrown  supersti- 
tion and  that  the  only  proper  objects  of  worship  were 
liberty  and  equality.  What  proportion  of  the  Protestant 
ministers  and  members  renounced  the  faith  during  the 
Reign  of  Terror  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  but  it 
must  have  been  very  large.  Rabaut  St.  Etienne  was 
one  of  the  victims  of  the  Terror. 

(6)  The  Reformed  Cliurcli  as  ReconstitiiteJ  under  Napo- 
leon (1802  onzvard).  After  sanity  had  been  restored  to 
the   French   mind  (1795)  the   Huguenots   gradually  re- 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  6oi 

gathered  the  churches  that  had  been  scattered  and 
wasted  ;  but  those  who  after  the  Revolution  adhered 
fully  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers  were  relatively  few. 
It  was  Napoleon's  policy  to  put  Reformed  and  Lutherans 
on  a  parity  with  Roman  Catholics.  This  involved,  on 
the  part  of  the  government,  protection,  financial  sup- 
port, the  establishment  and  maintenance  of  educational 
institutions,  control  in  matters  of  discipline  and  doctrine, 
and  the  courses  of  instruction  in  the  colleges,  the  pre- 
scription of  a  presbyterial  system  on  a  regular  numeri- 
cal basis,  and  complete  government  supervision  with 
reservation  of  veto  power.  The  churches  were  to  pray 
for  the  government,  have  none  but  French  ministers 
free  from  relations  with  foreign  powers,  submit  all  pro- 
posed changes  in  doctrinal  definition  or  discipline  to  the 
government,  secure  the  permission  of  the  government 
for  the  calling  of  synods,  which  must  be  held  in  the 
presence  of  government  officials  and  for  not  more  than 
six  days,  and  in  general  to  be  entirely  subservient.  It 
was  proposed  by  Portalis,  Napoleon's  chief  adviser  in 
this  matter,  that  the  Protestants  should  support  their 
own  churches  and  institutions,  and,  presumably,  enjoy  a 
greater  degree  of  independence.  But  leading  Protestants 
preferred  State  support  and  State  control. 

According  to  this  scheme  each  section  of  six  thousand  Reformed 
(or  Lutherans)  was  to  have  a  consistorial  church,  and  five  consis- 
torial  churches  were  to  form  a  synod.  Each  consistory  was  to  be 
made  up  of  the  pastors  and  from  six  to  twelve  laymen  from  among 
the  highest  taxpayers.  The  consistory  was  entrusted  with  tiie  ad- 
ministration of  the  discipline  and  finances  and  the  appointment  and 
removal  of  pastors,  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  government. 
Napoleon  did  not  recognize  the  individual  churches  in  liis  scheme. 
A  consistory  might  be  a  single  large  cinirch  or  several  churches 
grouped  together.  Louis  Napoleon  (1852)  restored  the  authority  of 
the  local  churches  with  their  presbyteries  (the  lav  members  to  be 
appointed  by  the  congregation)  who  should  constitute  together  with 
certain  other  representatives  nominated  by  themselves,  the  consis- 
tories for  each  six  thousand  members.  No  national  synod  was  pro- 
vided for  in  either  scheme  and  none  was  permitted  until  1872,  under 
the  new  republic. 

By  1848  dissension  in  the  ranks  of  the  Reformed  body 
had  become  acute.  A  large  majority  of  the  pastors  and 
churches  had  come  under  the  influence  of  the  liberalistic 
spirit  that  prevailed  so  widely  in  Germany,  Switzerland, 


6o2  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

and  the  Netherlands,  during  the  first  four  decades  of  the 
nineteenth  century.  The  evangelical  revival  led  by  the 
Haldanes,  Malan,  Vinet,  et  al.,  had  won  a  considerable 
number  of  pastors  and  others  to  its  support  and  the  Re- 
vivalists had  come  to  form  a  party  in  opposition  to  the 
Latitudinarians,  who  were  liberal  in  doctrine  and  ar- 
dently attached  to  the  prevailing  system  of  State  control. 
Then  there  was  a  more  or  less  distinct  mediating  party. 
The  failure  of  the  synod  called  in  1848  to  adopt  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith  led  to  the  secession  of  a  number  of  prom- 
inent ministers  and  churches,  including  the  Pressenses 
(father  and  son,  the  latter  an  eminent  church  historian 
and  statesman),  Rosseeuw-St.  Hilaire  (Professor  of  His- 
tory in  the  Sorbonne),  Armand-Delile,  Audebez,  and  De 
Bersier.  Fifty  churches  united  to  form  a  "  Union  of 
Evangelical  Churches." 

Even  after  this  withdrawal  to  form  a  free  church,  doc- 
trinal strife  continued  in  the  Reformed  Church.  When 
in  1872  a  national  synod  was  held  to  consider  the  ques- 
tion of  formulating  Articles  of  Faith  and  harmonizing  the 
differences  that  existed,  and  a  majority  adopted  a  very 
brief  and  non-committal  statement  of  views,  forty-one 
liberal  consistories  protested  against  even  such  a  declara- 
tion of  faith.  At  a  synod  called  the  next  year  the  liberals 
failed  to  appear.  The  government  gave  authority  to  the 
new  Declaration  of  Faith  (1874),  but  a  controversy  raged 
for  several  years  and  could  only  be  quieted  by  allowing 
the  liberals  to  act  in  accordance  with  their  consciences 
in  relation  to  the  Declaration.  The  orthodox  party  has 
twenty-one  provincial  synods  whose  consistories  accept 
the  Declaration  of  Faith  of  1872.  These  unite  from  time 
to  time  in  a  general  synod  under  go\'ernment  control. 
The  liberals  hold  separate  synodical  meetings.  Recent 
efforts  to  harmonize  the  two  parties  seem  not  to  have 
succeeded.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  orthodox 
majority  are  only  relatively  orthodox  and  are  not  so 
according  to  the  older  Reformed  symbols. 

There  are  at  present  in  France  and  Algiers  about  six 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  Protestants,  of  whom  about 
eighty  thousand  are  Lutheran.  The  number  of  Reformed 
is  considerably  less  than  the  estimated  number  at  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution.     Though  constituting  onl\' 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  603 

a  small  fraction  of  the  population  the  Protestants  of 
France,  by  virtue  of  their  superior  average  ability,  exert 
an  influence  on  government,  commerce,  literature,  etc., 
altogether  out  of  proportion  to  their  numbers.  Catholics 
have  complained  that  a  million  Protestants  give  the  law 
to  thirty-six  millions  of  their  fellow-citizens.  There  are 
communes  where  the  only  Protestant  is  mayor.  In  Mac- 
Mahon's  cabinet  (1879)  ^'^^  ^^^  ^^  ■"•'•'^s  were  Protestants. 
A  few  years  ago  a  Protestant  was  at  the  head  of  the 
normal  school,  Protestants  were  at  the  head  of  primary 
and  secondary  instruction,  a  Protestant  woman  was  head 
of  the  school  of  Sevres,  Protestant  generals  were  in 
charge  of  the  polytechnic  school  and  the  school  of  Ver- 
sailles, and  a  large  proportion  of  the  judges,  counselors, 
and  eminent  lawyers  were  Protestant  (Baird,  in  1895). 
The  same  general  condition  no  doubt  still  prevails. 

V.  THE  SCOTTISH  REFORMED  CHURCHES. 

LITERATURE:  "Book  of  the  Universal  Kirk,"  3  vols.,  1839- 
1845 ;  Stanley,  "  The  Scottish  Church  "  ;  McCrie,  "  Story  of  the 
Scottish  Church  from  the  Reformation  to  1843,"  and  "  Annals  of 
English  Presbytery  from  the  Earliest  Period  to  the  Present  time," 
1872  ;  Killen,  "  Eccl.  Hist,  of  Ireland,"  1875  ;  Wodrow,  "  The  Hist, 
of  the  Sufferings  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  from  the  Restoration  to 
the  Revolution,"  1841  ;  Briggs,  "  American  Presbyterianism,"  1885 ; 
Thompson,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Presbyterian  Churches  in  the  U.  S.," 
1895  (contains  excellent  bibliography  of  Reformed  churches  in  gen- 
eral and  of  European  and  American  Presbyterian  churches  in  partic- 
ular);  art.  "  Presbyterian  Churches,"  and  biographical  articles  in 
Schaff-Herzog  ;  and  art.  "  Schottland,"  in  Haucl<-Herzog. 

*  (i)  Presbyterianism  in  England  from  1648-1660.  The 
period  opens  with  English  and  Scottish  Presbyterians  in 
control  of  Parliament  and  with  a  great  ecclesiastical 
assembly  (the  Westminster)  which  had  been  called  by 
Parliament  sitting  side  by  side  with  the  civil  legislative 
body  and  with  a  deep  sense  of  opportunity  and  respon- 
sibility attempting  to  impose  a  carefully  wrought-out 
Presbyterian  system  upon  England  and  Ireland.  The 
British  Isles  were  to  have  but  one  form  of  religion  and 
that  was  to  be  Presbyterian.  The  triumph  of  the  Inde- 
pendent army  and  the  exclusion  of  the  Presbyterian 
members  from  the  Long  Parliament  meant  the  downfall 
of    Presbyterianism   in    England.      Many    Presbyterian 


604  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

ministers  became  pastors  of  State  Churches  under  Crom- 
well's administration.  Two  years  after  the  restoration 
of  the  Stuarts  (1660)  those  who  would  not  obey  the 
provisions  of  the  new  Act  of  Uniformity  (1662)  were 
thrust  from  their  pastorates  and  hundreds  endured  great 
hardships.  Many  Presbyterian  congregations  maintained 
themselves  in  England  during  the  period  of  persecution 
(Charles  II.  and  James  II.)  and  under  William  and  Mary 
they  took  their  place  side  by  side  with  the  other  free 
churches  in  accordance  with  the  Act  of  Toleration 
(1689).  During  the  following  thirty  years  most  of  the 
Presbyterian  churches  of  England  yielded  to  the  de- 
structive influence  of  Socinianism  and  related  types  of 
thought  and  became  Unitarian. 

The  burning  of  the  Solemn  League  and  Covenant  on 
a  street  in  London  by  a  common  hangman  on  behalf  of 
the  new  Parliament  of  Charles  II.  (May,  1661)  was  an 
insult  of  the  gravest  character  to  the  entire  Presbyterian 
brotherhood.  Many  of  the  English  Presbyterians  of  the 
more  moderate  type,  such  as  Baxter,  Calamy,  Reynolds, 
Asche,  and  Manton,  made  an  earnest  effort  to  lead  their 
brethren  in  a  compromise  measure  whereby  Presbyte- 
rians might  remain  in  the  established  church.  They 
were  willing  to  give  up  presbyterial  church  government 
and  to  accept  episcopacy,  but  wished  the  liturgy  simpli- 
fied. The  king  had  expressed  iiimself  as  favorable  to  a 
revision  of  the  Prayer  Book  and  such  adjustments  of  the 
prelatical  system  as  would  make  it  easier  for  Presbyteri- 
ans to  conform  ("Declaration  of  his  majesty  to  all  his 
loving  subjects  .  .  .  concerning  ecclesiastical  affairs," 
September,  1660),  and  he  called  the  conference  of  Savoy 
(March,  1661)  in  which  the  bishops  discussed  with  the 
leading  Presbyterians  the  points  at  issue.  The  Presby- 
terians were  requested  to  write  out  their  objections  to 
the  liturgy.  Baxter,  Bates,  and  Jacomb  responded,  speci- 
fying eight  points  in  the  Prayer  Book  with  which  they 
thought  it  sinful  to  comply.  The  conference,  so  far  from 
assuaging  increased  the  irritation  between  the  parties. 
The  bishops  counseled  the  king  against  any  kind  of  com- 
promise and  the  subservient  F'arliament  sustained  them 
in  this  position.  Some  of  the  Presbyterians  finally 
yielded  obedience  to  the  Act  of  Uniformity.     Reynolds 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  605 

was  appointed  to  a  bishopric.  Baxter  and  Calamy  were 
offered  bishoprics,  but  decHned. 

(2)  Presbyterianism  in  Scotland  under  Charles  II.  and 
James  II.  The  Scottish  Parliament,  equally  with  the 
English,  was  subservient  to  the  bishops  and  the  king, 
and  in  1661  repealed  all  legislation  favorable  to  Presby- 
terianism and  re-established  episcopacy.  All  ministers 
who  had  been  ordained  since  1649  in  order  to  hold  their 
livings  must  secure  recognition  at  the  hands  of  the  newly 
appointed  bishops.  Four  hundred  ministers  abandoned 
their  livings.  A  considerable  number  here  as  in  Eng- 
land conformed,  hoping  for  better  times  later  on.  Leigh- 
ton  accepted  a  bishopric.  Sharp  became  archbishop  of 
St.  Andrews  and  a  base  persecutor  of  his  brethren.  The 
heroism  that  has  always  belonged  to  the  Scottisii  char- 
acter had  now  abundant  opportunity  to  manifest  itself. 
From  the  beginning  of  the  Reformation  it  had  been  usual 
for  the  Scotch  in  times  of  danger  to  bind  themselves  to 
each  other  and  to  God  to  protect  the  form  of  Christianity 
that  they  had  adopted  with  life  and  goods  and  to  do 
everything  possible  for  the  overthrow  of  popery  and 
prelacy.  At  this  time  there  were  several  shades  of 
opinion  with  reference  to  the  proper  course  to  pursue. 
Some  were  ready  to  conform.  Others  were  unwilling 
to  conform,  but  anxious  to  avoid  trouble  with  the  gov- 
ernment and  inclined  to  temporize. 

Those  who  were  stanch  and  stalwart  banded  them- 
selves together  anew  by  solemnly  signing  the  covenant, 
and,  as  is  likely  to  happen  in  cases  of  this  kind,  became 
somewhat  fanatical  in  their  opposition  to  the  government 
which  seemed  to  them  utterly  antichristian  and  diabolical. 
The  government  denounced  as  traitors  all  who  signed 
covenants  against  the  established  order.  For  their  lead- 
ership in  insubordination  the  Marquis  of  Argyle  was  be- 
headed (1661)  and  James  Guthrie  was  hanged.  This 
still  further  exasperated  the  Covenanters.  The  Earl  of 
Lauderdale  \\'as  sent  to  the  west  of  Scotland  to  enforce 
the  law.  He  found  a  large  proportion  of  the  people  in 
rebellion.  Ejected  ministers  were  prohibited  from  hold- 
ing services  on  pain  of  death,  and  heavy  fines  and  im- 
prisonment were  the  penalties  for  attendance  at  unau- 
thorized meetings.     Troopers  patrolled  the  country  for 


6o6  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

the  detection  and  punishment  of  those  who  insisted  on 
worshiping  God  in  the  Presbyterian  way.  Sometimes 
the  exasperated  people  turned  upon  their  persecutors  and 
took  bloody  vengeance.  This  usually  led  to  still  severer 
measures  in  the  regions  concerned.  In  1679  Archbishop 
Sharp  was  seized  by  a  band  of  Covenanters  and  assas- 
sinated because  of  his  treachery  and  tyranny.  In  1680 
a  body  of  extremists,  led  by  Richard  Cameron,  drew  up 
a  declaration,  disowning  Charles  II.  because  of  his  tyr- 
anny and  his  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the  country. 
Cameron  was  slain  in  battle  a  few  months  later,  but  his 
followers  organized  themselves  into  societies,  who  after 
the  Revolution  (i688j  and  the  re-establishment  of  Pres- 
byterianism  were  dissatisfied  with  the  settlement  and 
refused  to  co-operate  with  the  established  church,  which 
in  their  opinion  had  made  unworthy  compromises.  They 
insisted  upon  the  independence  of  the  church  and  the 
recognition  of  the  covenants,  and  thought  that  God  was 
not  sufficiently  honored  in  the  new  State  Church.  In 
1706  John  Macmillan  united  with  them  and  strengthened 
them  by  his  leadership.  In  1743  tliey  organized  a  "  Re- 
formed Presbytery."  They  are  known  in  history  as 
"  Cameronians,"  or  "Covenanters";  but  they  call 
themselves  "Reformed  Presbyterians."  They  never 
attained  to  much  numerical  strength,  but  have  proved 
wonderfully  persistent. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  eighteen  thousand  Cov- 
enanters were  either  banished  or  put  to  death  between 
1661  and  i68g.  While  much  of  their  violence  was  inex- 
cusable, it  is  certain  that  their  membership  embraced 
many  of  the  very  best  ministers  and  laymen  in  Scotland 
at  the  time,  and  it  may  safely  be  said  that  if  violent  re- 
sistance to  tyrannical  measures  is  ever  allowable  to 
Christians  it  was  so  in  their  case. 

(3)  Presbyierianism  in  Scotland  from  ihc  '^'volution  to 
the  Secession.  The  new  settlement  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs  in  Scotland  under  William  and  Mary  was  essen- 
tially a  restoration  of  the  arrangement  of  1592.  Presby- 
terianism  became  again  the  established  form  of  Christi- 
anity, supported  by  the  State,  and  in  important 
particulars  controlled  by  the  State.  The  Episcopalians 
of    Scotland   were    thenceforth    the  persecuted  party. 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFOR.MED  CHURCHES  607 

Many  of  the  Scotch  resented  the  Caesaro-papacy  that 
was  involved  in  the  subjection  of  the  church  to  an  Epis- 
copalian sovereign  ;  but  the  government  of  William  and 
Mary  was  highly  conciliatory,  and  little  occurred  that 
was  calculated  to  irritate.  The  union  of  Scotland  with 
England  on  a  basis  of  equality  (1707)  greatly  diminished 
the  political  friction  between  the  two  countries,  and 
would  no  doubt  have  tended  to  promote  ecclesiastical 
peace  had  not  Queen  Anne's  Parliament  (171 1)  passed 
an  act  restoring  the  principle  of  lay-patronage,  which  in- 
volved the  bestowing  of  the  right  of  nomination  to  vacant 
pastorates  upon  certain  landed  proprietors  connected  with 
the  parishes.  This  act  brought  endless  confusion,  being 
utterly  subversive  of  the  principles  of  the  church  and 
irritating  beyond  measure  in  its  practical  application  to  a 
people  so  sensitive  and  determined  as  the  Scotch.  The 
very  fact  that  a  minister  was  nominated  by  a  lay-patron 
was  in  itself  sufficient  to  prejudice  the  people  against  him, 
and  if  by  the  employment  of  government  authority  such 
a  nominee  was  forced  upon  a  congregation  he  could  not 
hope  to  escape  criticism  or  enjoy  the  confidence  and  sym- 
pathy of  the  flock.  The  General  Assembly  protested 
year  by  year  against  this  infringement  on  the  rights  of 
the  church.  In  many  cases  armed  force  had  to  be  em- 
ployed in  installing  those  who  had  been  appointed  by 
government  authority.  During  the  first  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century  there  was  in  Scotland,  as  in  England 
and  on  the  Continent,  a  marked  decline  in  religious  life. 
A  large  proportion  of  the  ministers  were  without  any 
deep  religious  experience.  Socinianism  and  Deism 
wrought  their  deadening  work  here  as  well  as  elsewhere. 
Many  of  the  ministers,  especially  such  as  owed  their 
livings  to  lay  patronage,  became  defenders  of  the  system, 
and  many  of  the  churches  ceased  to  realize  its  incongru- 
ity with  true  Presbyterianism.  The  refusal  of  the  church 
authorities  to  dismiss  John  Simson,  professor  of  theology 
at  Glasgow,  for  alleged  heresy,  was  highly  unsatisfactory 
to  the  more  orthodox.  A  pronouncement  by  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  in  favor  of  lay  patronage  (1732)  called  forth 
earnest  protests.  A  book  entitled  "  The  Marrow  of  Mod- 
ern Divinity,"  in  which  laxity  of  doctrine  was  sharply 
criticised,  was  condemned  by  the  General  Assembly. 


6o8  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

(4)  The  Secession  and  Relief  Mozrments.  Among  the 
most  eminent  of  the  men  who  stood  against  lay  patron- 
age, theological  laxity,  and  the  "course  of  defection 
from  our  Reformed  and  covenanting  principles  "  in  gen- 
eral, was  Hbenezer  Hrskine  (1680-1754).  Erskine  was 
one  of  the  most  impressive  preachers  and  most  influential 
leaders  of  the  time.  A  contemporary  declared  he  had 
never  "seen  so  much  of  the  majesty  of  God  in  an>' 
mortal  man  as  in  Hbenezer  Erskine."  in  1732  Erskine 
preached  a  sermon  against  the  action  of  the  General 
Assembly  in  favor  of  lay  patronage,  and  declared  "the 
church  of  Christ"  "the  freest  society  in  the  world." 
He  was  also  a  stanch  defender  of  "The  Marrow  of 
Modern  Divinity,"  and  the  term,  "Marrow  men,"  came 
to  be  applied  to  him  and  his  followers.  In  1733  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  expelled  from  their  charges  and  suspended 
from  the  ministry  Erskine,  at  that  time  pastor  at  Sterling  ; 
Wilson,  pastor  at  Perth  ;  Moncrief,  pastor  at  Abernethy, 
and  Fisher,  pastor  at  Kinclaven.  Erskine  suffered  for 
the  offenses  mentioned  above,  the  rest  for  their  strongly 
expressed  sympathy  with  him.  The  following  year  the 
Assembly  empowered  the  synod  of  Perth  and  Stirling  to 
remove  the  sentence  of  censure,  but  they  declined  to 
avail  themselves  of  a  forgiveness  that  implied  wrong- 
doing on  their  part.  These  four,  with  four  others  who 
had  accepted  their  views,  formed  the  "  Associate  Assem- 
bly," and  in  1740  all  eight  were  solemnly  deposed  "  from 
the  office  of  the  holy  ministry  "  and  prohibited  from 
further  exercising  "  the  same  within  this  church  for  all 
coming  time."  By  1747  they  had  increased  to  forty-five 
congregations  and  had  made  provision  for  the  education 
of  ministers.  About  this  time  controversy  arose  among 
the  Seceders  regarding  the  lawfulness  of  an  oath 
administered  to  burgesses  in  the  leading  cities  of  Scot- 
land by  which  they  obliged  themselves  to  support  "the 
true  religion  presently  professed  within  this  realm." 
The  question  was  whether  the  expression  was  to  be  in- 
terpreted as  meaning  the  Established  Church  of  Scotland 
or  simply  evangelical  Christianity.  This  controversy 
led  to  a  schism,  "Burghers"  and  "Anti-burghers" 
being  the  names  popularly  applied  to  the  two  parties. 
These  two  parties  remained  distinct  for  about  seventy 


CHAP.  IV.]     THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES         6o(j 

years,  when  measures  of  reunion  led  the  extremists 
of  both  to  withdraw  and  form  other  non-communing 
parties. 

In  1752  Thomas  Gillespie,  who  had  been  educated  by 
Philip  Doddridge,  was  deposed  from  the  ministry  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland  by  reason  of  his  refusal  to  take  part 
in  the  installation  of  a  minister  who  was  being  thrust 
upon  an  unwilling  congregation  through  the  exercise  of_ 
lay  patronage.  Settling  in  Dumferline,  he  gathered  a 
congregation,  and  for  six  years  labored  independently. 
At  the  end  of  this  time  he  was  joined  by  Thomas  Boston 
(son  of  the  theologian).  A  presbytery,  which  they 
called  "  The  Relief  Presbytery  "  (designed  to  give  relief 
to  churches  oppressed  by  lay  patronage),  was  formed 
(1761),  which  by  1794  had  grown  into  a  synod,  that  in 
1823  was  strong  enough  to  found  a  theological  seminary. 
Up  to  this  date  candidates  for  the  ministry  were  encour- 
aged to  study  in  the  State  Church  divinity  school.  The 
Relief  Church  was  Calvinistic,  though  not  as  aggressively 
so  as  the  Secession  Church,  its  attitude  toward  other 
forms  of  Christianity  was  also  much  more  liberal.  Gil- 
lespie had  derived  from  Doddridge  liberal  views  respect- 
ing communion.  "  1  hold  communion,"  he  said,  "with 
all  that  visibly  hold  the  Head,  and  with  such  only." 
Such  he  was  in  the  habit  of  inviting  to  participate  in  the 
Supper,  it  was  this  feature  of  his  doctrine  and  practice, 
his  more  moderate  Calvinism,  and  his  comparative  indif- 
ference to  the  covenants,  that  prevented  him  and  his 
followers  from  uniting  with  the  Secession  Church. 

By  1847  the  Secession  Church  had  become  assimilated 
to  the  Relief  Church  to  such  an  extent  as  enabled  the 
two  parties  to  unite  in  forming  "The  United  Presbyte- 
rian Church  of  Scotland."  Both  parties  were  vigorous 
and  evangelical  at  the  time  of  the  union,  and  were  en- 
gaging largely  in  foreign  missionary  and  other  evangel- 
istic and  philanthropic  work.  The  union  was  a  most 
hearty  and  joyful  one,  and  has  proved  a  perfect  suc- 
cess. The  United  Presbyterian  Church,  until  its  union 
with  the  Free  Church  (1900)  to  form  the  United  Free 
Church,  was  a  highly  progressive  body.  It  sustained 
a  theological  college  in  Edinburgh  and  had  reached  a 
membership  of  about  two  hundred  thousand.  In  the 
20 


6lO  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Basis  of  Union  the  Westminster  Confession  of  Faith  and 
the  Larger  and  Shorter  Catechisms  are  accepted,  yet  in 
such  a  way  as  to  exclude  any  approval  "  of  compulsory 
or  persecuting  and  intolerant  principles  in  religion." 
Great  stress  is  laid  upon  the  obligation  to  "preach  the 
gospel  to  every  creature."  "  In  accepting  the  Standards 
it  is  not  required  to  be  held  that  any  who  die  in  infancy 
are  lost,  or  that  God  may  not  extend  his  grace  to  an)' 
who  are  without  the  pale  of  ordinary  means,  as  may 
seem  good  in  his  sight." 

(5)  The  Free  Church  Movement  (184^).  At  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century  the  established  church  had  sunk 
to  the  lowest  depth  that  it  ever  reached.  Acquiescence 
in  lay  patronage,  opposition  to  the  more  evangelical  dis- 
senting churches,  and  the  widespread  influence  of  skep- 
tical pliilosophy,  had  brought  about  a  condition  of  lethargy 
and  inefficiency  in  the  ministry  and  of  indifference  and 
unbelief  among  the  people.  During  the  early  decades  of 
the  century,  in  sympathy  with  the  wave  of  evangelical 
influence  that  swept  over  Christendom,  the  Church  of 
Scotland  rapidly  recuperated  and  a  number  of  able  and 
evangelical  men  came  to  adorn  her  pulpits  and  profes- 
sors' chairs.  The  most  noted  of  these  was  Thomas 
Chalmers  (1780-1847).  Brought  up  in  a  Calvinistic 
family,  he  early  came  under  the  influence  of  the  prevail- 
ing moderatism,  which  laid  much  more  stress  on  culture 
and  philosophical  and  scientific  study  than  upon  religion. 
Though  without  a  genuine  experience  of  grace,  he 
entered  the  University  of  Edinburgh  with  a  view  to  pre- 
paring for  the  Christian  ministry  ;  but  he  devoted  his 
attention  almost  exclusively  to  mathematics,  natural 
science,  and  economics.  After  he  had  accepted  a  pastor- 
ate he  still  gave  much  of  his  time  to  mathematical  teach- 
ing, and  one  of  his  earliest  published  writings  was  on  an 
economic  theme  (1808).  Family  afflictions  and  a  long- 
continued  illness  led  him  to  think  more  seriously  about 
religious  matters,  and  he  received  much  help  from 
Pascal's  "Thoughts"  and  Wilberforce's  "Practical 
View  of  Christianity."  When  requested  to  contribute 
to  the  Edinburgh  Encyclopaedia  he  at  first  chose  "  Trig- 
onometry "  as  his  theme,  but  afterward  decided  to  write 
the  article  on  "  Christianity."    This  led  him  into  studies 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  6ll 

that  completely  revolutionized  his  view  of  Christianity, 
and  were  used  by  the  Spirit  of  God  in  transforming  his 
life.  From  this  time  onward  he  became  an  eloquent  gos- 
pel preacher,  and  by  reason  of  his  great  personality,  a 
mighty  leader  among  men.  As  a  preacher,  a  professor, 
a  writer  on  theological,  ethical,  and  economic  themes, 
and  as  leader  in  a  great  movement  that  shook  the  relig- 
ious life  of  Scotland  to  its  very  foundations,  Chalmers 
may  well  be  regarded  as  the  most  important  Scotchman 
since  Knox.  As  pastor  in  Glasgow  Chalmers  set  on  foot 
many  philanthropic  schemes  that  proved  fruitful  there, 
and  set  an  example  for  other  communities.  As  a  leader 
in  the  General  Assembly  he  labored  earnestly  and  suc- 
cessfully for  church  extension  and  the  meeting  of  the 
needs  of  the  neglected  classes  with  evangelizing  agencies. 
It  was  largely  due  to  his  influence  that  the  evangelical 
party  in  the  General  Assembly  came  to  outnumber  the 
"  Moderates." 

In  1834  Chalmers  induced  the  General  Assembly  to 
pass  what  was  known  as  the  Veto  Act.  In  this  the  As- 
sembly declared  that  no  one  could  be  settled  as  pastor 
of  a  congregation  unless  he  had  a  call  from  the  congre- 
gation, although  he  may  have  been  nominated  by  a  lay- 
patron.  In  other  words,  it  insisted  on  the  right  of  the 
congregation  to  veto  a  nomination  made  by  a  lay-patron. 
In  case  a  majority  of  the  male  heads  of  families  disap- 
proved of  a  nomination  they  were  to  report  the  vacancy 
to  the  lay-patron  for  a  fresh  nomination.  A  test  case 
occurred  a  few  years  later.  The  congregation  of  Auch- 
terarder  almost  unanimously  rejected  Robert  Young,  who 
had  been  nominated  by  Lord  Kintoul.  The  case  was 
appealed  to  the  courts,  which  decided  in  favor  of  Lord 
Kintoul  and  Young.  The  courts  decided  that  not  only 
was  the  congregation  obliged,  under  the  law,  to  receive 
the  nominee,  though  every  member  was  opposed  to  him, 
but  that  the  presbytery  must  take  him  on  trial,  and  if 
possessed  of  the  requisite  qualifications,  ordain  him  to  the 
ministry.  The  General  Assembly  of  1842  entered  an 
earnest  protest  against  what  a  majority  of  its  members 
believed  to  be  an  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  church  in 
a  "  Claim  of  Right."  Appeals  were  made  to  the  gov- 
ernment for  relief,  but  in  vain.     An  effort  was  made  to 


6l2  A  MANUAL  OF  CHL'RCH   HISTORY  [per.  \  I. 

secure  remedial  measures  at  the  hands  of  Parliament, 
but  a  bill  in  this  interest  was  overwhelmingly  defeated. 
When  the  Assembly  met  in  1843,  tJoctor  Welsh,  moder- 
ator in  1842,  laid  on  the  table  before  the  royal  commis- 
sioner a  "  protest,"  in  which  the  grievances  of  the  church 
were  fully  recited,  and  the  purpose  of  those  who  had 
signed  it  was  declared  to  withdraw  from  the  State  Churcii 
and  to  join  in  organizing  the  "  Free  Church  of  Scotland." 
Two  hundred  and  three  members  of  the  General  Assem- 
bly participated  in  the  original  organization  of  the  Free 
Church.  Four  hundred  and  seventy  of  the  twelve  hundred 
ministers  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  gave  up  their  livings 
and  cast  themselves  upon  the  liberality  of  the  people. 
They  claimed  that  in  taking  this  step  they  were  carrying 
out  the  principles  of  Knox,  Melville,  Henderson,  Gillespie, 
and  other  worthies  of  the  past,  and  that  they  were  doing 
precisely  what  these  fathers  would  have  done  under 
similar  circumstances.  The  lay  element  nobly  responded 
to  the  call  of  the  pastors.  The  four  hundred  and  sev- 
enty seceding  ministers  were  able  to  take  with  them  a 
large  proportion  of  their  flocks.  In  many  cases  the  lay- 
men were  more  enthusiastic  than  the  pastors  themselves 
in  support  of  the  measure.  The  whole  body  of  mission- 
aries to  Jews  and  heathen  cast  in  their  lots  with  the  Free 
Church.  The  great  mass  of  the  Highlanders,  to  whom 
lay  patronage  had  proved  particularly  distasteful,  went 
over  to  the  ranks  of  the  new  party.  Parochial  school- 
masters suffered  equally  with  the  seceding  ministers, 
being  ejected  from  their  schools  and  obliged  to  depend 
upon  voluntary  support.  Chalmers  had  svrought  out 
beforehand  a  scheme  for  church  extension,  and  the  Free 
Church  at  once  took  measures  for  covering  with  its  work 
the  whole  of  Scotland.  A  theological  seminary  was  es- 
tablished in  Edinburgh  with  Chalmers  at  its  head.  Others 
have  since  been  provided  at  Aberdeen  and  Glasgow. 
Funds  were  easily  raised  for  the  erection  of  church  build- 
ings for  destitute  congregations,  in  many  cases  it  proved 
difficult  to  secure  sites  owing  to  the  unfriendliness  of 
landowners.  The  foreign  mission  work  assumed  by  the 
new  organization  was  vigorously  pressed,  and  the  ex- 
pense involved  in  re-equipping  the  missions  was  cheerfully 
borne.    Many  manses  were  erected  by  public  subscription 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  613 

chiefly  through  the  agency  of  Doctor  Guthrie.  A  sus- 
tentation  fund  was  created  and  liberally  supported  for 
the  supplementing  of  inadequate  salaries,  a  minimum 
stipend  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds  sterling  (later 
increased  to  one  hundred  and  sixty)  being  provided. 
Liberal  provision  has  also  been  made  for  the  support  of 
the  widows  and  orphans  of  ministers.  The  Free  Church 
has  abounded  in  every  good  work  and  its  congregations 
have  increased  to  over  a  thousand. 

The  withdrawal  of  so  large  a  part  of  the  ministerial 
strength  and  of  the  more  earnest  lay  life  from  the  estab- 
lished church  might  have  been  expected  to  leave  it  in 
a  deplorable  condition.  For  some  years  the  loss  was  no 
doubt  sorely  felt.  But  the  example  of  the  Free  Church 
in  its  well-planned  and  successful  home  and  foreign  mis- 
sion enterprise,  in  education,  and  in  philanthropy  proved 
highly  stimulating  to  the  established  church.  As  a  mat- 
ter of  fact  Scotland  was  inadequately  supplied  with  church 
buildings  and  pastors.  The  duplication  of  churches,  with 
the  increase  of  interest  that  competition  brings,  brought  a 
greatly  increased  number  under  religious  influences.  A 
vast  amount  of  Christian  wealth  that  would  not  have 
been  available  apart  from  the  secession  was  applied  to 
the  support  of  Christian  wori\,to  the  benefit  of  the  givers 
as  well  as  of  the  cause  of  Christ.  The  voluntary  liber- 
ality of  the  established  church  has  greatly  increased 
since  the  division.  A  large  number  of  unendowed 
churches  and  mission  stations  are  supported,  many  new 
buildings  have  been  erected,  and  up  to  1880  three  hun- 
dred and  twelve  new  parishes  had  been  created  with 
regular  endowments,  at  an  expense  of  about  two  million 
pounds  sterling.  The  present  number  of  ministers  in 
the  established  church  exceeds  the  number  before  the 
disruption.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  past  sixty 
years  have  witnessed  a  large  increase  in  population  and 
wealth  in  Scotland. 

In  October,  1900,  after  preliminary  negotiations  that 
had  resulted  in  bringing  the  two  parties  into  the  most 
perfect  accord  and  intensified  the  desire  of  both  for  or- 
ganic union,  representatives  of  the  Free  Church  and  the 
United  Presbyterian  Church  met  in  assembly  and  consum- 
mated a  union  under  the  name,  "United  Free  Church." 


6l4  A  MANUAL  or-   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

It  is  noticeable  that  the  Scotch  have  been  so  persist- 
ently Presbyterian,  owing  to  their  reverence  for  Knox 
and  his  coadjutors,  the  covenants,  their  sufferings  for  the 
faith,  and  their  native  sturdiness  of  character,  that  how- 
ever much  the  spirit  of  division  might  prevail,  there  has 
been  little  departure  from  the  old  standards.  The  ad- 
vantages that  have  come  from  the  stimulus  of  competi- 
tion in  other  less  homogeneous  communities  where  dif- 
ferent denominations  have  wrought  side  by  side  have 
come  to  the  Scotch  by  such  a  multiplication  of  Presbyte- 
rian bodies  as  has  been  noticed. 

(6)  Presbyterianism  in  Ireland.  A  considerable  num- 
ber of  Scotch  Presbyterians  had  settled  in  the  north  of 
h'eiand  before  the  Revolution.  After  the  battles  of  the 
Boyne  and  Aughrim  (1690  and  1691)  the  English  gov- 
ernment invited  the  Scotch  to  settle  in  Ulster,  which  had 
been  appropriated  by  the  crown,  on  terms  which  they 
considered  advantageous.  Many  thousands  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  by  the  end  of  their  thirty  years'  lease 
they  constituted  a  large  part  of  the  population.  The 
raising  of  their  rents  by  the  English  landlords  during  the 
first  half  of  the  eighteenth  century  drove  many  thou- 
sands of  the  Scotch-Irish  to  America,  where  they  became 
(especially  in  the  South)  a  very  important  element  of 
the  population  and  took  a  leading  part  in  the  War  of  In- 
dependence. Arianism  or  Socinianism  invaded  the  ranks 
of  the  Irish  Presbyterians  before  1727,  when  the  synod 
of  Antrim,  infected  with  Unitarian  views,  seceded  from 
the  main  body.  A  hundred  years  later,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Henry  Cooke,  the  synod  of  Ulster  purged  itself 
of  Arianism  which  had  continued  to  give  trouble,  and  a 
remonstrant  synod  was  formed.  The  present  Presbyte- 
rian population  of  Ireland  is  nearly  half  a  million,  of 
which  all  but  about  twenty  thousand  are  in  Ulster.  The 
body  sustains  two  theological  seminaries,  one  at  Belfast 
and  the  other  at  Londonderry.  The  Presbyterians  of 
Ulster,  owing  to  the  fact  that  they  were  never  in  the 
position  of  being  an  established  church,  developed  more 
of  the  democratic  spirit  and  less  of  the  theocratic  than 
their  brethren  in  Scotland.  The  former  rather  than  the 
latter  gave  tone  to  American  Presbyterianism  and  im- 
pressed itself  on  American  institutions. 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  615 

(7)  Presbyterianism  in  America.  There  was  much  of 
Presbyterian  spirit  among  the  Puritans  who  settled  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay  and  Connecticut,  and  many  of  the  Puri- 
tans that  settled  in  Bermuda  and  in  Virginia  early  in  the 
seventeenth  century  were  essentially  Presbyterian.  A 
considerable  number  of  English  Puritans,  who  were  vir- 
tually Presbyterians,  settled  in  the  Dutch  colony  on  the 
Hudson  and  Long  Island  (1640  onward).  During  the 
later  years  of  Charles  II.  a  very  large  number  of 
Scotch  and  Irish  Presbyterians  emigrated  to  America  to 
escape  persecution.  As  they  found  New  England,  New 
York,  and  Virginia  with  established  churches  to  which  they 
could  not  conform  and  closed  against  dissent,  they  settled 
chiefly  in  East  and  West  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Del- 
aware (Quaker  colonies),  and  Maryland.  Some  of  these 
organized  themselves  into  feeble  churches,  but  being  pas- 
torless  little  progress  was  made.  In  1680  some  of  them 
petitioned  their  brethren  in  Ireland  for  a  missionary,  and 
in  1683  Francis  Makemie  was  sent  out  to  shepherd  the 
scattered  flocks.  For  some  time  he  made  Rehoboth,  Md., 
his  headquarters,  and  ministered  to  several  other  congre- 
gations in  the  surrounding  regions.  He  also  visited  Bar- 
badoes,  Virginia,  and  Carolina  in  the  interest  of  Presby- 
terian evangelization.  Other  ministers  from  Ireland  and 
New  England  came  into  this  large  and  needy  field  during 
the  later  years  of  the  century.  In  1705  occurred  the 
first  general  organization  of  Presbyterianism  in  America. 
Seven  ministers,  Makemie  among  them,  met  at  Philadel- 
phia and  organized  the  Presbytery  of  Philadelphia.  By 
1 710  there  were  in  all  twelve  Presbyterian  churches  in 
America :  one  in  Virginia,  four  in  Maryland,  five  in 
Pennsylvania,  and  two  in  New  Jersey.  By  1716  the 
churches  numbered  seventeen,  of  which  five  were  in 
New  York.  At  this  time  they  formed  a  synod  and  dis- 
tributed the  churches  into  three  presbyteries.  There 
were  now  nineteen  ministers.  By  1729  the  number  of 
ministers  had  risen  to  twenty-seven  and  the  synod 
adopted  the  Westminster  symbols.  Yet  there  appeared 
even  at  this  time  considerable  diversity  of  opinion  among 
the  ministers,  in  sympathy  with  doctrinal  differences 
that  had  arisen  in  Britain,  some  laying  chief  stress  upon 
educational  qualifications  for  the  ministry  (Old  Side)  and 


6l6  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

others  regarding  personal  piety  as  more  important  than 
learning  (New  Side)  and  willing  in  the  great  dearth  of 
godly  and  learned  ministers  to  accept  the  services  of 
gifted,  zealous,  orthodox  men  who  had  not  enjoyed  col- 
legiate advantages. 

The  differences  of  view  between  these  two  parties 
were  accentuated  by  what  is  commonly  called  the  Great 
Awakening.  Before  the  beginning  of  the  Great  Awak- 
ening considerable  disturbance  had  been  aroused  among 
the  Presbyterians  through  the  evangelistic  zeal  of  Gil- 
bert Tennent,  who  had  come  under  the  influence  of 
Jacob  Frelinghuysen,  a  Dutch  Reformed  minister  of  pi- 
etistic  antecedents  and  tendencies.  William  Tennent, 
Gilbert's  father,  had  established  an  academy  (the  "  Log 
College")  north  of  Philadelphia  and  had  educated  his 
sons  and  others  for  the  ministry  (1726  onward).  Gilbert 
Tennent  became  pastor  of  the  New  Brunswick  Church 
in  1726,  and  while  there  came  in  contact  with  Freling- 
huysen. In  1728  a  great  religious  awakening  resulting 
in  many  conversions  occurred  among  his  people  and 
spread  throughout  the  adjacent  regions.  This  occurred 
before  the  awakening  at  Northampton  under  Jonathan 
Edwards  (1734)  or  Whitefield's  evangelistic  tours  (1739 
onward).  The  evangelism  of  Gilbert  Tennent  was  of 
a  remarkably  fiery  and  drastic  type.  Whitefield,  with 
whom  he  co-operated  heartily,  described  him  as  "a  son 
of  thunder,  whose  preaching  must  either  convert  or  en- 
rage hypocrites."  He  was  not  content  to  labor  for  the 
conversion  of  sinners,  but  he  had  a  holy  indignation 
against  ministers  who  while  pretending  to  be  the  spir- 
itual guides  of  the  people  were  themselves  devoid  of 
spiritual  life  and  even  stood  in  the  way  of  the  evangel- 
ization of  their  flocks.  He  and  his  associates  felt  no  ob- 
ligation to  seek  the  permission  of  such  to  labor  in  their 
parishes  and  denounced  them  right  and  left  as  hypo- 
crites, etc. 

In  the  synod  of  1740  Tennent  and  Blair  arraigned 
the  ministers  who  opposed  their  evangelism  in  the  most 
exasperating  way,  but  did  not,  when  required,  bring 
proof  of  the  charges  they  made.  By  a  sermon  on  "An 
Unconverted  Ministry"  (March,  1840),  Tennent  made 
it  impossible  for  the  anti-revivalists  to  continue  in  fel- 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  617 

lowship  with  him.  At  the  next  meeting  of  the  synod 
(1741)  Tennent,  Blair,  and  their  supporters  were  ar- 
raigned for  overthrowing  the  authority  of  the  synod,  ir- 
ruption into  other  ministers'  parishes,  censorious  judg- 
ments, making  a  call  to  the  ministry  a  matter  of  feeling, 
preaching  the  terrors  of  the  law  in  an  unauthorized  way, 
and  teaching  an  unwholesome  doctrine  of  assurance. 
By  a  small  majority  they  were  denied  seats  in  the  synod. 
The  New  Brunswick  Presbytery  at  once  withdrew.  The 
New  York  Presbytery,  after  a  vain  effort  to  effect  a  rec- 
onciliation, refused  to  sit  in  the  synod  (1743)  from  which 
the  New  Brunswick  Presbytery  was  excluded.  A  synod 
of  New  York,  including  the  New  Brunswick  Presbytery, 
was  next  formed,  which  by  1758  had  a  constituency  of 
seventy-two  churches  as  compared  with  the  twenty- 
three  of  the  Philadelphia  Synod.  New  York  had  fallen 
into  line  with  the  Great  Awakening  and  many  new 
churches  had  been  established  through  the  labors  of  the 
Tennents,  Whitefield,  and  others.  The  New  York  Synod, 
while  thoroughly  committed  to  the  new  evangelism,  rec- 
ognized the  necessity  of  an  educated  ministry  and  es- 
tablished (1745)  a  college,  which  was  to  develop  into 
Princeton  University  and  Theological  Seminary,  and  was 
to  send  forth  a  host  of  well-trained  young  men  imbued 
with  the  spirit  of  the  gospel. 

By  1758  the  New  Light  leaders  had  become  more 
conciliatory  and  the  Old  Light  leaders  had  come  to 
appreciate  more  fully  the  benefits  of  the  revival.  Ten- 
nent himself  was  anxious  for  reunion,  and  through  the 
overtures  of  the  New  York  Synod  harmony  was  re- 
stored and  the  body  which,  through  extensive  immigra- 
tion from  Scotland  and  Ireland  and  accessions  from 
the  Puritan  ranks  of  New  England  as  well  as  through 
the  conversion  of  large  numbers  by  evangelistic  effort, 
had  greatly  increased  in  numerical  strength,  thus  re- 
united, had  taken  its  place  as  one  of  the  three  lead- 
ing denominations  in  America.  From  1758  to  the  out- 
break of  the  War  of  Independence  growth  continued  to 
be  rapid.  Thousands  came  from  Ulster  to  the  southern 
colonies  and  the  spiritual  interests  of  these  had  to  be 
looked  after  by  the  Presbyterians  of  the  middle  colonies. 
A  large  number  of  Scotch  Presbyterians  settled  in  Nova 


6l8  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

Scotia.  These  also  required  attention.  Princeton,  under 
a  series  of  presidents  remarkable  for  learning,  ability, 
and  popular  power,  continued  to  flourish  beyond  expec- 
tation and  enabled  Presbyterians  to  claim  a  ministry 
equal  in  culture  to  that  of  the  Congregationalists  of  New 
England.  Representatives  of  the  minor  Presbyterian 
parties  of  Scotland  would  have  amalgamated  readily  with 
the  standard  type  of  American  Presbyterianism,  but  in- 
terference on  the  part  of  the  Church  of  Scotland  pre- 
vented, and  they  felt  obliged  to  keep  up  their  old  affilia- 
tions and  names. 

Presbyterians,  like  all  other  denominations,  suffered 
terribly  from  the  War  of  Independence.  With  few  ex- 
ceptions they  were  ardent  supporters  of  the  colonial 
claims  and  they  contributed  their  full  share  to  the  military 
strength  and  leadership,  as  well  as  the  statesmanship,  of 
the  Revolutionary  cause.  In  Virginia,  Presbyterians  co- 
operated nobly  with  Baptists  in  their  struggle  for  the 
complete  separation  of  Church  and  State  and  absolute 
liberty  of  conscience,  though  they  would  have  been 
content  with  compromise  measures  (^.^.,  general  assess- 
ment by  the  State  for  the  support  of  worship,  each 
man's  dues  to  be  paid  to  his  own  church).  After  the 
war  efforts  were  made,  not  altogether  successful,  to 
amalgamate  the  various  Presbyterian  parties  into  a  great 
whole.  Much  attention  was  given  to  the  completion  of 
the  organization  of  the  body  and  the  adoption  of  a  revised 
form  of  government  and  discipline  and  confession  of 
faith.  The  Westminster  symbols  were  readopted  with 
certain  changes  regarding  the  civil  magistrate's  relation 
to  the  church;  toleration,  etc.  (1789). 

The  position  and  prospects  of  American  Presbyterian- 
ism at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  were  unsur- 
passed by  those  of  any  other  denomination.  It  had 
learning,  wealth,  completeness  of  organization,  prestige 
from  noble  services  in  the  cause  of  independence,  and  a 
sturdy  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish  population,  sure  to  be 
increased  by  immigration.  It  has  notably  failed  to  hold 
its  own.  Baptists,  Methodists,  Episcopalians,  and  Disci- 
ples having  drawn  into  their  ranks  more  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Presbyterians  than  have  remained  Presbyterian. 
The  later  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  early 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  619 

years  of  the  nineteenth  were  a  time  of  enthusiastic 
evangelism  and  widespread  religious  awakening.  The 
undue  stress  laid  by  Presbyterians  on  elaborate  confes- 
sions of  faith  and  catechisms  led  to  formalism  and  scho- 
lasticism in  the  preaching  of  the  body.  Undue  stress 
was  also  laid  upon  a  highly  educated  ministry  and  suffi- 
cient encouragement  was  not  given  to  zealous  and 
spiritually  minded  men  without  collegiate  education  to 
enter  the  ministry  or  to  lay  evangelism.  The  great 
mass  of  Presbyterian  ministers  were  without  sympathy 
for  the  enthusiastic  revivalism  that  the  times  seemed  to 
demand.  They  were  not  gifted  in  popular  evangelism 
themselves  and  they  frowned  upon  others  who  insisted 
on  saving  the  perishing  in  disregard  of  good  taste  and 
even  of  accurately  orthodox  doctrine.  Baptists  and 
Methodists  met  the  popular  need  and  won  the  people. 
The  lack  of  Presbyterianism,  as  then  constituted,  in 
adaptability  to  the  new  conditions  is  illustrated  in  the 
schism  that  led  to  the  formation  of  the  Cumberland 
Presbyterian  denomination. 

in  1800  a  religious  awakening  began  in  connection 
with  the  ministry  of  James  McGready  in  the  presbytery 
of  Transylvania,  Ky.,  and  extended  throughout  the 
Cumberland  Valley  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  Mul- 
titudes were  converted  and  many  new  churches  organ- 
ized. Among  those  v/ho  had  experienced  the  gracious 
influences  of  the  awakening,  some  felt  prompted  to 
engage  in  evangelistic  work,  and  so  inadequate  was  the 
supply  of  educated  ministers  that  the  Cumberland  Pres- 
bytery thought  it  right  to  license  them  to  preach  and  in 
some  cases  to  ordain  them.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
ministers  and  elders  of  the  synod  to  which  the  Cumber- 
land Presbytery  belonged  looked  with  disfavor  upon  the 
revival  as  fanatical  and  disorderly,  and  the  synod  took 
measures  against  the  presbytery  for  irregularity  in  low- 
ering the  standard  for  admission  into  the  ministry.  The 
result  was  the  dissolution  by  the  synod  of  the  Cumber- 
land Presbytery  and  the  transference  of  the  obedient 
members  of  this  presbytery  to  the  Transylvania  Presby- 
tery (1806).  in  1805  those  who  had  incurred  censure 
organized  themselves  into  a  council  for  continuing  the 
evangelistic    work,   and,   being   reluctant   to   lead    in    a 


620  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

schism,  awaited  the  redress  of  their  grievances  by  a 
higher  tribunal.  An  appeal  to  the  General  Assembly 
having  failed,  they  proceeded,  in  1810,  to  form  them- 
selves into  a  new  denomination.  Through  the  influence 
of  the  Methodists,  these  evangelistic  Presbyterians  had 
adopted  Arminian  views.  Their  Confession  of  Faith 
denies  eternal  reprobation,  asserts  the  universality  of 
the  atonement,  maintains  the  salvation  of  all  who  die  in 
infancy,  and  declares  a  working  of  the  Holy  Spirit  so 
universal  as  to  leave  all  men  inexcusable,  in  other 
respects  the  new  party  adopted  Presbyterian  views  and 
practices.  The  denomination  soon  equipped  itself  with 
educational  and  publishing  institutions  and  has  had  a 
rapid  growth.  Its  present  membership  is  about  two 
hundred  thousand,  of  which  considerably  over  one-half 
is  in  the  States  of  Tennessee,  Missouri,  Texas,  and  Ken- 
tucky. 

The  War  of  1812  onward  was  followed  by  another 
great  religious  awakening  in  which  Presbyterians  par- 
ticipated. Immigration  brought  reinforcement  and  in- 
crease of  opportunity  and  obligation.  Educational  insti- 
tutions were  multiplied.  The  settlement  of  the  West 
called  for  large  expenditure  in  home  mission  effort, 
church  building,  etc.  Publication  enterprise  abounded. 
Presbyterians  participated  fully  in  the  great  foreign 
mission  enterprise  that  pressed  itself  upon  the  attention 
of  American  Christians  from  the  second  decade  of  the 
nineteenth  century  onward. 

During  the  third  decade  of  the  century  the  harmony 
of  the  Presbyterian  body  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the 
appearing  among  its  ministers  of  anti-Calvinistic  forms 
of  thought,  borrowed  for  the  most  part  from  New  Eng- 
land Congregationalism.  The  teachings  of  Samuel  Hop- 
kins, a  modification  of  those  of  Jonathan  Edwards,  had 
been  given  fresh  currency  in  a  still  further  modified  form 
by  N.  W.  Taylor,  of  New  Haven.  Among  those  whose 
views  attracted  most  attention  were  Albert  Barnes,  of 
Philadelphia,  and  Lyman  Beecher,  then  of  Cincinnati. 

It  may  be  said  in  genera!  that  the  objectionable  features  of  "  Hop- 
kinsianism  "  are  essentiailv  semi-Pelafiian  or  Arminian  :  Tiie  asser- 
tion of  free-will  (those  actuaily  choosinK  riglit  having;  the  natural 
power  to  choose  wrong),  the  limiting  of  obligation  to  natural  ability 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE  REFORMED  CHURCHES  62 1 

to  perform,  the  assertion  that  all  sin  is  so  overruled  as  to  result  in 
good  to  the  universe,  denial  of  imputation  of  holiness  or  sinfulness, 
limitation  of  holiness  and  sin  to  the  exercise  of  the  individual  will, 
comprehension  of  all  God's  moral  attributes  in  benevolence,  asser- 
tion of  the  universality  of  the  atonement,  and  representation  of  the 
atonement  as  a  manifestation  and  honoring  by  suffering  of  all  the 
divine  attributes  that  would  have  been  manifested  by  the  punishment 
of  the  redeemed. 

After  several  years  of  controversy  a  great  disruption 
occurred.  At  the  General  Assembly  of  1837  the  Old 
School  party,  finding  itself  for  the  second  time  within 
seven  years  in  the  majority,  exscinded  three  New  York 
synods  and  one  in  Ohio  in  which  New  School  sentiments 
prevailed,  their  aim  being  apparently  to  secure  for  their 
own  party  a  distinct  ascendency  in  the  Assembly.  This 
act  exasperated  the  New  School  party,  and  on  the  refusal 
of  their  demand  for  the  reinstatement  of  the  exscinded 
synods  at  the  opening  of  the  General  Assembly  for  1838, 
the  New  School  delegates  organized  another  General 
Assembly.  There  was  considerable  litigation  over  the 
possession  of  property.  The  members  of  the  New  School 
party  had  founded  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New 
York,  in  1836.  Princeton,  which  occupied  a  mediating 
position  during  the  controversies  that  led  to  the  disrup- 
tion, became  the  chief  institution  of  the  Old  School 
party. 

The  schism  between  the  Presbyterians  of  the  Northern 
and  those  of  the  Southern  States  was  not  consummated 
until  the  outbreak  of  the  War  of  Secession,  although  the 
slavery  question  had  for  years  caused  much  irritation. 
A  declaration  of  the  General  Assembly,  in  1861,  in  favor 
of  such  an  interpretation  of  the  United  States  Constitu- 
tion as  denied  the  right  of  secession  led  the  Southern 
Presbyterians  to  organize  a  new  General  Assembly 
(December,  1861).  This  strong  and  thoroughly  organ- 
ized body  is  well  equipped  with  institutions  of  learning, 
publication  facilities,  and  other  denominational  appli- 
ances. While  its  relations  to  Northern  Presbyterians 
are  cordial,  it  has  not  been  thought  expedient  as  yet  to 
re-enter  into  organic  union  with  them. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  Southern  brethren  had  the 
effect  of  drawing  the  Old  School  and  the  New  School 
parties  closer  together.     The  doctrinal   differences  be- 


622  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

tween  them  had  gradually  diminished  and  the  spirit  of 
toleration  had  increased.  They  began  correspondence 
in  1862.  In  1866,  at  St.  Louis,  representatives  of  the 
two  parties  partooi<  together  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  In 
1870  the  reunion  was  consummated  amid  great  rejoicing. 
By  this  time  the  two  bodies  had  a  membership  of  nearly 
half  a  million.  To  commemorate  the  union  a  fund  of 
nearly  eight  million  dollars  was  raised  for  extinguishing 
church  debts,  building  and  repairing  churches,  and  en- 
dowing educational  institutions. 

There  has  been  much  agitation  during  the  last  decade 
regarding  a  revision  of  the  symbols  of  the  church  and 
the  introduction  of  liberal  teaching  into  the  theological 
seminaries  and  the  pulpits  of  the  denomination.  Union 
Theological  Seminary,  as  the  chief  exponent  of  extreme 
freedom  in  biblical  criticism,  is  again  arrayed  against 
Princeton  as  the  opponent  of  innovation. 

The  present  membership  of  all  Presbyterian  parties  in 
the  United  States  is  about  a  million  and  a  half,  of  whom 
about  a  million  are  in  the  two  great  Northern  and  South- 
ern branches,  which  nothing  but  sentiment  and  conven- 
ience divides.  Besides  the  Cumberland,  with  its  two 
hundred  thousand  members,  there  are  ten  minor  Pres- 
byterian bodies,  some  of  which  perpetuate  European 
divisions  and  some  of  which  are  indigenous. 

(8)  Presbytericmism  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  After 
the  cession  of  Canada  to  England  by  the  French  mon- 
archy in  1760,  large  numbers  of  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians,  some  of  whom  had  fought  in  the  British 
army,  settled  in  the  Maritime  Provinces.  During  the 
War  of  the  Revolution  and  afterward  a  considerable 
number  of  Presbyterians  went  into  the  northern  British 
possessions.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury there  has  been  an  almost  perpetual  stream  of  immi- 
gration from  Scotland  and  the  north  of  Ireland  into 
Ontario  and  Quebec.  All  types  of  Scotch  Presbyterian- 
ism  were  represented  among  Canadian  Presbyterians, 
and  the  larger  bodies  were  equipped  with  institutions  of 
learning,  when  in  1875,  ^^■'^  ^  result  of  much  wise  nego- 
tiation and  a  rare  spirit  of  toleration  and  conciliation,  a 
union  was  effected.  The  United  Presbyterian  and  the 
Free  Church  parties  had  united  in  1861.     The  Canada 


CHAP.  IV.]  THE   REFORMED  CHURCHES  623 

Presbyterian  Church  is  equipped  with  seven  theological 
seminaries,  besides  several  other  institutions  for  higher 
education,  is  doing  a  large  home  mission  work,  especially 
in  Manitoba  and  the  Northwest  Territories  and  British 
Columbia,  and  sustains  an  extensive  foreign  mission 
enterprise.  Its  theological  faculties  and  its  more  impor- 
tant pulpits  have  been  filled  to  a  large  extent  by  importa- 
tions from  Scotland  and  heland  and  the  most  intimate 
relations  have  been  maintained  with  the  Presbyterianism 
of  the  old  land.  Canadian  Presbyterians  have  main- 
tained a  high  standard  of  orthodoxy,  but  in  recent  years 
the  influence  of  German  and  Scotch  liberalism  has  begun 
to  manifest  itself  among  ministers  and  professors. 

(9)  Presbyterianism  in  ^Australia  and  New  Zealand. 
About  one-eighth  of  the  European  colonizers  of  Austral- 
asia have  been  Scotch  and  Scotch-Irish  and  the  Presby- 
terian population  of  these  British  colonies  now  constitutes 
about  the  same  proportion  of  the  entire  population.  The 
Church  of  England  stands  first  in  numerical  strength, 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church  comes  second,  and  the  Pres- 
byterian Church  ranks  third.  But  in  intellectual,  moral, 
and  religious  influence  Presbyterians  are  easily  foremost. 

The  Church  of  England  (with  the  possible  exception 
of  the  High  Church  party),  the  Congregationalists,  the 
Baptists,  the  Methodists,  the  Disciples,  and  most  of  the 
minor  evangelical  parties,  belong,  as  regards  their  doc- 
trinal views,  to  the  Reformed  type  of  Christianity,  but 
it  has  been  thought  best  not  to  include  these  in  the 
present  chapter.  When  these  great  bodies  are  con- 
sidered, in  addition  to  the  Reformed  bodies  that  have 
already  claimed  our  attention,  it  becomes  evident  how 
large  a  share  of  the  Christian  work  of  the  world  has 
been  done  and  is  being  done  by  this  type  of  Christian 
life  and  thought. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND 

Literature  :  Perry,  "  Hist,  of  the  Ch.  of  Eng.  from  the  Death 
of  Elizabeth  to  the  Present  Time,"  1861-1864,  and  "  Ch.  Hist,  of 
Eng.  from  596  to  1884,"  1881-1886 ;  Hore,  "  The  Ch.  of  Eng.  from 
William  111.  to  Victoria,"  1886;  Stoughton,  "Hist,  of  Religion  m 
England  from  1640  to  1800,"  new  ed.,  1881  ;  Hunt,  "  Rel.  Thought 
in  Eng.  from  the  Reformation  to  the  End  of  the  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury," 1870-1873  ;  Coleridge,  "  Notes  on  English  Divines,"  1852, 
1853 ;  Rogers,  "  The  Ch.  Systems  of  Eng.  in  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury," 1881  ;  Conybeare,  "Church  Parties";  Tulloch,  "  Rational 
Theology  and  Christian  Philosophy  in  England  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century"  and  "Rel.  Thought  in  Britain  during  the  Nineteentii 
Century,"  1885  ;  Stephen,  "  Hist,  of  Eng.  Thought  in  the  Eigh- 
teenth Century,"  1881  ;  Cairns,  "  Unbelief  in  the  Eighteenth  Cen- 
tury," 1881  ;  Lechler,  "  Gesc/i.  d.  Eng.  Deismus,'"  1841;  Lecky,  "  Hist, 
of  Eng.  during  the  Eighteenth  Century,"  1872;  Churton,  "  Latitudi- 
narians  from  1671  to  1787,"  1861  ;  encyclopaedia  articles  on  leading 
characters  and  movements. 

/.  From  1648  to  the  Evangelical  Revival. 

(i)  The  Cambridge  Christian  Platonists.  The  present 
period  opens  with  the  Church  of  England  prostrate  and 
the  dissenting  parties  in  the  place  of  influence.  A  large 
proportion  of  the  educated  clergy  remained  loyal  to  the 
Stuarts  and  patiently  labored  and  waited  for  the  restora- 
tion. Various  types  of  churchmanship  perpetuated  them- 
selves throughout  the  nearly  twenty  years  of  Puritan 
and  Independent  control.  Most  of  those  who  had  mani- 
fested Puritan  tendencies  before  1640  became  Presby- 
terians or  Independents  during  the  revolutionary  time. 
At  the  Restoration  the  disciples  of  Laud  preponderated 
among  those  who  had  to  do  with  the  administration  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  but  Platonic  philosophy,  Socinian- 
ism,  and  Arminianism  had  wrought  in  a  large  number  of 
intelligent  men  a  spirit  of  latitudinarianism  that  made 
them  indifferent  to  forms  of  church  government  and 
ready  to  conform  to  a  system  in  which  they  did  not 
recognize  any  authority  save  that  of  the  sovereign. 
624 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  625 

At  the  University  of  Cambridge  there  had  grown  up 
during  the  Cromwellian  age  a  school  of  Platonic  or  Neo- 
Platonic  divines,  who  by  their  learning  and  excellence  of 
character  had  gained  a  widespread  influence.  Earlier 
representatives  of  this  type  of  thought  were  John  Hales 
(d.  1656),  who  through  attendance  at  the  Synod  of  Dort 
became  converted  to  Arminianism,  and  William  Chilling- 
worth  (d.  1644),  who  in  his  youth  had  been  converted 
by  a  Jesuit  to  Roman  Catholicism,  but  had  recovered 
his  footing,  and  in  his  "  The  Religion  of  Protestants  a 
Safe  Way  to  Salvation  "  had  made  a  masterly  defense  of 
evangelical  religion  that  is  still  highly  prized,  and  formu- 
lated a  maxim  that  is  still  constantly  quoted  ("The 
Bible,  the  whole  Bible,  and  nothing  but  the  Bible,  is  the 
religion  of  Protestants  "),  but  repudiated  the  damning 
clauses  in  the  Athanasian  creed  as  "most  false,  and 
also  in  a  high  degree  schismatical  and  presumptuous." 
He  was  accused  of  Socinianism  and  no  doubt  had  been 
influenced  to  some  extent  by  Socinian  thought.  The 
most  noted  of  the  Anglican  Platonists  whose  activity 
falls  within  the  present  period  are  Ralph  Cudworth 
(d.  1688),  Benjamin  Whichcote  (d.  1683),  and  Henry 
More  (d.  1687).  Cudworth  was  one  of  the  greatest 
scholars  and  profoundest  thinkers  of  his  time  and  was 
withal  deeply  devout.  His  "The  True  Intellectual  Sys- 
tem of  the  Universe"  (1678),  of  which  only  the  first 
part  was  completed,  was  intended  as  an  exhaustive 
answer  to  deism,  which  through  the  influence  of  the 
philosophy  of  Hobbes  was  spreading  at  the  time,  as  well 
as  to  atheism  and  every  other  false  form  of  belief  or 
disbelief.  He  concludes  his  final  chapter,  which  is  occu- 
pied with  proof  of  the  existence  of  God  and  refutation  of 
atheism,  with  the  statement  that  to  derive  the  origin  of  all 
things  from  a  lifeless,  unconscious  matter  is  nonsense,  as 
are  also  the  supposition  that  the  universe  has  proceeded 
from  an  unconscious  or  semi-conscious  matter  with  or- 
ganically creative  potency  and  the  supposition  of  an 
eternally  existing  world.  There  is,  he  maintains,  only 
one  infinite,  self-existent  nature,  from  which  everything 
springs,  through  which  everything  is  ruled,  namely,  the 
most  perfect,  all-wise,  and  all-good  God.  He  was  a 
profound  student  of  Plato,  the  Neo-Platonists,  and  the 

2P 


626  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

Jewish  Cabbala,  and  his  theology  was  considerably  in- 
fluenced by  these  earlier  types  of  thought.  His  view  of 
the  godhead  was  essentially  Sabellian.  Calvinistic  pre- 
destination he  rejected  with  the  utmost  decision.  He 
regarded  philosophy  as  a  result  of  divine  illumination, 
but  he  did  not  make  it  of  equal  authority  with  revealed 
religion.  While  he  was  a  devoted  churchman,  he  recog- 
nized the  right  of  other  religious  communions  to  tolera- 
tion, and  did  not  deny  their  Christian  character.  He 
had  little  sympathy  with  High  Church  formalism,  sacer- 
dotalism, and  exclusiveness. 

Of  less  importance  than  Cudworth,  more  Platonizing 
and  mystical,  and  less  practical,  was  Henry  More,  who, 
putting  aside  a  hereditary  benefice  and  declining  from 
time  to  time  a  college  mastership  and  rectorship,  a  dean- 
ery, and  a  bishopric,  spent  most  of  his  life  at  Cambridge 
as  a  private  tutor.  He  had  come  under  the  influence  of 
Descartes  as  well  as  that  of  Neo-Platonism  and  the  Cab- 
bala. By  some  of  his  contemporaries  he  was  regarded 
as  "the  holiest  person  upon  the  face  of  the  earth,"  and 
a  modern  writer  has  characterized  him  as  "the  most 
poetic  and  transcendental  and,  on  the  whole,  the  most 
spiritual  looking  of  all  the  Cambridge  divines  "  (Tul- 
loch).  He  sought  to  combine  Neo-Platonic  transcenden- 
talism with  a  recognition  of  the  reality  of  the  supernat- 
ural in  historical  Christianity. 

Benjamin  Whichcote  was  the  most  eloquent  and  mag- 
netic of  the  Cambridge  Christian  Platonists.  From  1644 
until  the  restoration  he  was  provost  of  King's  College, 
and  exerted  a  strong  influence  on  philosophical  and  theo- 
logical tliought.  His  definition  of  religion  is  character- 
istic :  "  Religion  is  being  as  much  like  God  as  man  can 
be  like  him."  He  was  removed  from  his  position  by 
Charles  11. 

(2)  Persecuting  Measures  of  Charles  11.  Cliarles  had 
come  to  the  throne  through  the  co-operation  of  Scotch 
Presbyterians  and  many  English  c'issenters  (including 
Baptists),  and  after  what  were  taken  to  be  full  assurances 
of  his  purpose  to  tolerate  dissent.  He  had  written  from 
Breda,  May  i,  1660: 

We  do  declare  a  liberty  to  tender  consciences,  that  no  man  shall 
be  disquieted  or  called  in  question  for  differences  of  opinion  in  matters 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND  627 

of  religion  which  do  not  disturb  the  peace  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  that 
we  shall  be  ready  to  consent  to  such  an  act  of  Parliament  as,  upon 
mature  deliberation,  shall  be  offered  to  us  for  the  full  granting  of 
that  indulgence. 

But  the  intolerant  spirit  of  the  churchmen,  once  re- 
stored to  power,  was  too  aggressive  to  be  long  kept  in 
restraint  by  the  feeble-minded  king.  For  a  time  he  in- 
terested himself  actively  in  measures  for  the  conciliation 
of  the  Presbyterians,  and  would  have  gladly  made  con- 
siderable concessions  to  them  if  thereby  he  could  have 
induced  them  to  conform,  in  a  declaration  of  October, 
1660,  he  promised  a  number  of  reforms  by  way  of  satis- 
fying Presbyterian  scruples,  but  Parliament  refused  to 
give  authority  to  the  king's  declaration,  and  the  bishops, 
when  called  to  treat  with  Presbyterian  leaders,  were  ab- 
solutely unyielding  (Savoy  Conference).  Instead  of  re- 
moving from  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  the  features 
that  were  objectionable  to  Puritans,  Convocation  intro- 
duced still  further  Romanizing  features.  The  king  re- 
fused his  approval  to  some  of  the  changes,  but  most  of 
them  were  allowed. 

By  this  time  the  king  had  become  convinced  that  all 
hopes  of  conciliation  were  at  an  end,  and  that  ecclesias- 
tical order  could  be  secured  only  by  enforcing  remorse- 
lessly an  Act  of  Uniformity,  which  prelates  and  Parlia- 
ment were  ready  to  approve.  It  should  be  remarked  that 
Charles'  attitude  toward  dissent  had  been  rendered  dis- 
tinctly less  favorable  by  reason  of  the  fanatical  uprising 
under  Henry  Venner,  a  Fifth  Monarchy  man  (January, 
1661).  Two  thousand  ministers  (Presbyterians,  Con- 
gregationalists,  and  a  few  Baptists)  were,  on  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's Day,  1662,  driven  from  their  churches  and 
parsonages  and  deprived  of  their  salaries.  The  Act  of 
Uniformity  required  every  minister  not  only  to  use  the 
Book  of  Common  Prayer  as  recently  revised,  but  also 
openly  to  declare  his  unfeigned  assent  and  consent  to 
everything  contained  therein.  It  also  required  every 
canon,  professor,  reader,  and  tutor  in  universities  and 
schools,  and  every  teacher  of  any  public  or  private  school 
to  declare  it  unlawful  under  any  circumstances  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  king  and  to  promise  to  "conform  to 
the  liturgy  of  the  Church  of  England,  as  it  is  now  by 


628  A   MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  Vi. 

law  established."  The  act  also  required  that  all  incum- 
bents have  episcopal  ordination,  and  prohibited  those  in 
charge  of  church  property  from  allowing  any  one  to 
preach,  read  a  sermon,  or  lecture  in  any  church,  chapel, 
or  other  place  of  worship  unless  approved  and  licensed 
by  the  archbishop  or  bishop,  assenting  to  the  Prayer 
Book,  and  actually  using  it  in  connection  with  the  serv- 
ice. 

Having  thus  multiplied  dissent  and  exasperated  dis- 
senters, it  was  felt  to  be  necessary  to  supplement  the 
Act  of  Uniformity  with  other  specific  penal  legislation. 
On  the  petition  of  the  clergy  for  "severe  laws  against 
the  Anabaptists,"  who  are  characterized  as  a  "strange 
prodigious  race  of  men  who  labored  to  throw  off  the  yoke 
of  government,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,"  the  Con- 
venticle Act  was  passed  (1664),  inflicting  heavy  fines 
and  imprisonment,  and  for  the  third  offense  transporta- 
tion to  America,  with  death  as  the  penalty  of  return, 
upon  those  attending  unauthorized  religious  meetings. 
This  was  followed  by  the  Five  Mile  Act,  which  in- 
flicted imprisonment  and  a  forty  pounds  fine  on  ministers 
refusing  to  swear  that  it  is  not  lawful  under  any  circum- 
stances to  take  up  arms  against  the  king  and  who  should 
come  within  five  miles  of  any  city,  town,  borough,  or 
any  parish  in  which  they  have  ministered.  A  few  years 
later  (1670)  these  acts  were  supplemented  by  the  pro- 
vision that  informers  should  receive  part  of  the  fines, 
that  persecutors  were  not  to  be  held  responsible  for  out- 
rages they  might  commit  in  dealing  with  heresy,  and 
that  record  of  a  fact  by  a  justice  should  be  taken  as  legal 
conviction.  Archbishop  Sheldon  declared  that  the  dili- 
gent execution  of  this  act  would  be  "to  the  glory  of 
God,  the  welfare  of  the  church,  the  praise  of  his  ma- 
jesty and  government,  and  the  happiness  of  the  whole 
kingdom."  The  Corporation  Act  (1661)  had  preceded 
the  Act  of  Uniformity,  and  required  every  officer  of  a 
town  corporation,  magistrate,  or  other  local  official  to 
swear  that  it  was  not  lawful  under  any  circumstances  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  king  to  repudiate  the  oath  of  the 
Solemn  League  and  Covenant  and  to  have  partaken  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  in  the  established  church.  This  was 
aimed  especially  against  Presbyterians,  but  affected  all 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND  629 


types  of  dissent.  The  Test  Act  (16)03)  was  aimed  against 
Roman  Catholics  and  required  pmaking  of  the  Supper 
in  connection  with  the  established  church,  the  oaths  of 
supremacy  and  uniformity,  and  a  declaration  against 
transubstantiation  from  all  who  would  hold  public  offices, 
civil  or  military.  These  laws  were,  for  the  most  part, 
strictly,  even  cruelly,  enforced  for  many  years,  and 
Presbyterians,  Congregationalists,  Baptists,  and  Quak- 
ers were  greatly  afflicted. 

James  II.  (1685-1688)  had  united  with  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  some  years  before  his  accession,  and 
with  a  view  to  promoting  the  interests  of  Roman  Catholi- 
cism issued,  without  parliamentary  approval,  a  dispensa- 
tion from  the  persecuting  acts  of  his  predecessor.  The 
indulgence  applied  to  dissenters  in  general  ;  but  so  great 
was  the  horror  of  popery  that  dissenters  themselves  were 
unwilling  to  profit  by  an  unconstitutional  act  that  might 
result  in  the  restoration  of  Roman  Catholicism  as  the 
State  religion.  Seven  bishops  who  refused  to  read  the 
declaration  in  their  churches  were  tried  in  Westminster 
Hall  (June,  1688),  and  when  they  were  acquitted  there 
was  universal  rejoicing,  many  even  weeping  from  the  ex- 
cess of  their  joy.  A  terrible  calamity  had  been  averted. 
The  people  could  breathe  freely  now  and  suffer  persecu- 
tion, if  need  be,  but  they  were  not  to  be  enslaved  again 
to  the  pope. 

(3)  The  Act  of  Toleration,  the  Latitndinarian  Prelates, 
and  the  Non-jiirors.  William  and  Mary  were  disposed  to 
tolerate  differences  of  opinion  in  religion  as  far  as  Eng- 
lish sentiment  at  the  time  would  allow  or  their  Whig  ad- 
visers thought  safe.  In  1689  "  An  Act  for  exempting 
their  Majesty's  subjects  Dissenting  from  the  Church  of 
England  from  the  Penalties  of  certain  Laws  "  relieved 
dissenters  of  the  burden  of  all  the  persecuting  measures 
of  Charles  II.,  except  that  of  the  Corporation  and  Test 
Acts.  The  new  act  required  all  who  would  minister  to 
dissenting  congregations  and  those  who  constituted  the 
congregations  to  swear  assent  to  the  Thirty-Nine  Arti- 
cles, with  the  exception  of  Articles  Thirty-Four,  Thirty- 
Five,  Thirty-Six,  and  the  portion  of  Article  Twenty 
that  recognized  the  power  and  authority  of  the  church. 
Provision  was  made  for  the  substitution  of  an  affirmation 


630  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

for  an  oath  by  those  (like  the  Quakers)  whose  con- 
sciences would  not  allow  them  to  swear.  An  oath  of 
allegiance  or  a  declaration  of  loyalty  to  the  new  sov- 
ereigns was  also  required,  witii  the  repudiation,  on  the 
part  of  those  who  declined  the  oath,  of  "  that  damnable 
doctrine  "  which  made  it  lawful  to  depose  and  murder 
princes  excommunicated  by  the  pope.  A  declaration  of 
belief  in  the  Trinity  and  in  the  inspiration  of  the  Scrip- 
tures was  also  required  of  such  as  would  not  take  the 
prescribed  oath.  There  was  evidently  a  fear  lest  secret 
papists  should  avail  themselves  of  the  exemption  from 
the  oath  intended  for  the  Quakers.  A  bill  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  public  officers  who  should  attend  dissenting 
meetings,  and  for  requiring  all  such  to  commune  three 
times  a  year  in  the  established  church  was  passed  by  the 
House  of  Commons,  but  rejected  in  the  House  of  Lords 
(1702).  This  led  to  violent  denunciations  of  the  Lords 
by  the  High  Church  party  and  much  irritation  between 
the  liberals  and  the  reactionaries. 

The  most  influential  of  the  liberal  (Whig,  Latitudina- 
rian)  prelates  under  William  and  Mary  were  John  Tillot- 
son  and  Gilbert  Burnet.  Tillotson  (1630-1694)  was  the 
son  of  a  zealous  Puritan  and  was  educated  under  Puritan 
influence  at  Cambridge.  But  his  theological  views  were 
to  a  great  extent  molded  by  the  Cambridge  Platonists. 
At  the  Savoy  Conference  he  appeared  on  the  side  of  the 
Presbyterians  ;  but  he  submitted  gracefully  to  the  Act 
of  Uniformity  and  became  preacher  at  Lincoln's  Inn, 
where  he  soon  became  known  as  one  of  the  most  popu- 
lar preachers  in  England.  His  theological  views  were  so 
liberal  that  he  has  been  charged  with  Socinianism.  He 
was  an  earnest  polemicist  against  Roman  Catholicism, 
was  strongly  opposed  to  Stuart  despotism,  especially  as 
embodied  in  James  IL  with  his  Romanizing  policy,  at- 
tended Lord  Russell  on  the  scaffold,  and  rejoiced  in  the 
deposition  of  James  and  in  the  accession  of  William  and 
Mary.  In  1691  he  was  made  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  primate  of  all  England.  He  was  in  hearty  sympa- 
thy with  the  toleration  measures  of  the  new  govern- 
ment ;  but  he  was  far  more  a  preacher  than  an  ecclesias- 
tical statesman.  Burnet  (1643-1715),  was  son  of  a  Scot- 
tish nobleman,  and  was  educated  at  Aberdeen.     After  his 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND  63 1 

graduation  he  declined  church  preferment  and  went 
abroad  for  further  studies,  visiting  England,  Holland,  and 
France,  and  coming  in  close  contact  with  Lutherans,  Cal- 
vinists,  Arminians,  Baptists,  Independents,  and  Unita- 
rians. Returning  to  Scotland  he  accepted  a  humble  pas- 
torate and  combated  the  episcopacy  which  was  being 
forced  upon  the  unwilling  Scots  ;  yet  he  was  not  a 
thorough-going  Presbyterian  in  his  doctrinal  or  his  litur- 
gical views.  Finding  himself  in  an  uncomfortable  position 
he  retired  for  two  years  and  devoted  himself  to  historical 
studies  that  were  to  bear  fruit  in  the  noted  works  ("  His- 
tory of  the  Reformation  of  the  Church  of  England,"  and 
"  History  of  His  Own  Time  ")  by  which  he  is  chiefly 
known.  In  1669  he  became  professor  in  the  University 
of  Glasgow.  Here  he  became  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  Duchess  of  Hamilton,  published  (1676)  the 
"  Memoirs  of  the  Dukes  of  Hamilton,"  and  prepared  the 
way  for  his  later  career  as  an  ecclesiastical  statesman. 
He  was  offered  by  Lord  Lauderdale  his  choice  of  four 
Scottish  bishoprics,  but  he  declined,  being  convinced,  no 
doubt,  that  however  desirable  episcopacy  might  be  in 
itself,  it  could  never  be  permanently  established  in  Scot- 
land. With  a  view  to  winning  him  over  to  the  High 
Church  position,  Lauderdale  procured  him  a  chaplaincy 
at  court  and  brought  him  into  intimate  relations  with 
Charles  II.  and  the  Duke  of  York  (afterward  James  II.). 
Unable  to  countenance  the  Romanizing  policy  of  Charles 
and  James  he  left  the  court  and  became  a  pronounced 
opponent  of  the  Stuarts.  In  1684  he  was  dismissed  from 
his  position  as  preacher  in  the  Rolls  Chapel  because  of 
his  sympathy  with  Lord  Russell.  After  spending  some 
months  in  France,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Switzerland,  he 
settled  at  the  Hague  (1685),  where  he  engaged  in  liter- 
ary work  and  acted  as  counselor  of  William  of  Orange 
in  his  proceedings  for  tiie  securing  of  the  British  crown. 
In  1688  he  accompanied  William  to  England,  where  he 
was  made  Bishop  of  Salisbury.  As  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Lords  and  as  the  trusted  counselor  of  the  king 
he  may  be  said  to  have  shaped  the  civil  and  ecclesiasti- 
cal policy  of  this  reign,  although  his  pastoral  letter  (1689) 
in  which  he  based  William's  right  to  the  throne  on  con- 
quest was  condemned  by  both  houses  of  Parliament  and 


632  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

burned  by  the  public  executioner,  and  his  exposition  of 
the  Thirty-nine  Articles  (1699)  was  condemned  as  heret- 
ical by  Convocation.  Honest,  unselfish,  upright,  stanch 
in  defense  of  principle,  sharply  polemical  but  without 
bitterness,  eloquent,  clear-headed,  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  the  poor  and  oppressed,  a  great  church  historian 
withal,  he  stands  out  as  the  most  admirable  of  all  the 
churchmen  and  statesmen  of  his  time. 

A  large  proportion  of  the  High  Church  clergy,  who 
under  the  Stuarts  constituted  a  majority,  felt  constrained 
to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  William  and  Mary  and 
retaining  their  positions  were  ready  to  lead  in  the  reac- 
tionary measures  of  the  reign  of  Queen  Anne  (1702- 
1714).  A  considerable  number  with  whom  the  divine 
right  of  kings  was  a  part  of  their  religion,  if  not  indeed 
the  most  cherished  part,  and  who  regarded  Charles  I.  as 
a  holy  martyr,  continued  to  regard  James  II.  as  king  by 
divine  right  and  could  not  conscientiously  take  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  new  sovereigns.  Among  the  four 
hundred  clerical  Non-jurors  were  nine  bishops,  several  of 
whom  were  eminent  for  learning  and  piety.  The  Non- 
juring  bishops  were  Ken,  of  Bath  and  Wells,  who  had 
not  hesitated  to  rebuke  the  licentiousness  of  Charles  II., 
had  suffered  imprisonment  under  James  II.  for  refusing 
to  read  the  declaration  of  indulgence,  an  eloquent 
preacher,  a  writer  of  deeply  devout  and  spiritual  hymns, 
in  short,  one  of  the  finest  characters  of  the  age  ;  San- 
croft,  of  Canterbury,  who  had  also  suffered  for  refusing 
to  read  the  declaration  of  indulgence  ;  Turner,  of  Ely, 
who  had  had  the  same  experience  ;  Lake,  of  Chichester  ; 
White,  of  Peterborough  ;  Thomas,  of  Worcester  ;  Llo)'d, 
of  Norwich  ;  Frampton,  of  Gloucester  ;  and  Cartwright, 
of  Chester.  In  1691  the  survivors  (all  except  Cart- 
wright  and  Lane)  were  deposed.  Eminent  among  Non- 
jurors was  Collier,  the  well-known  church  historian, 
Leslie,  the  apologist  (author  of  "A  Short  and  Easy 
Method  with  the  Deists  ")  and  Law,  whose  "  Serious 
Call  to  a  Devout  and  Holy  Life  "  has  profoundly  in- 
fluenced many  minds,  including  those  of  John  Wesley 
and  Samuel  Johnson.  The  Non-jurors  considered  them- 
selves the  true  Church  of  England  and  for  many  years 
(to  1805)  kept  up  a  separate  church  organization  with  a 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  633 

succession  of  bishops.  Tliey  were  always  bitterly  op- 
posed to  the  existing  government  and  ready  to  join  in 
any  movement  that  looked  toward  the  restoration  of  the 
Stuarts. 

(4)  The  ^Reactionary  Movement  imder  Queen  <^mie.  Dur- 
ing the  earlier  years  of  Queen  Anne's  reign  the  Whigs 
(the  party  of  toleration)  were  in  a  majority  in  both  houses 
of  Parliament,  in  1709  Henry  Sachverell,  preacher  at 
St.  Saviour's,  Southwark,  preached  a  violently  denuncia- 
tory and  alarmist  sermon  against  the  toleration  policy  of 
the  government  and  raised  the  cry  which  was  re-echoed 
by  High  Churchmen  throughout  the  land  of  "  the  church 
in  danger."  The  immediate  occasion  of  the  alarm  was 
the  union  of  Scotland  with  England  (1707),  with  the  ad- 
mission of  fifteen  Presbyterians  into  the  House  of  Lords 
and  forty-five  into  the  House  of  Commons,  the  suspen- 
sion of  Convocation,  whose  extreme  High  Churchism  had 
rendered  it  obnoxious  to  Parliament,  and  the  naturaliza- 
tion of  Protestants  from  abroad.  The  trial  and  punish- 
ment of  Sachverell  for  libel  by  Commons  and  Lords 
aroused  High  Churchmen  to  such  a  fury  that  the  Tories 
triumphed  at  the  election  of  1710,  and  Queen  Anne, 
whose  sympathies  were  with  the  Tories,  was  able  to 
further  High  Church  interests  at  the  expense  of  dissen- 
ters. During  the  later  years  of  this  reign  the  press 
teemed  with  tlie  most  ill-tempered  High  Church  polemics 
against  dissent,  and  legislation  seriously  curtailing  the 
liberties  of  dissenters,  especially  in  the  conducting  of 
private  schools,  was  on  the  point  of  being  put  in  force, 
when  the  queen  relieved  the  situation  by  her  opportune 
death. 

(5)  King  George  I.  and  the  Bangorian  Controversy.  The 
new  Hanoverian  king  dared  not  commit  himself  to  the 
Tories,  whose  sympathies  were  known  to  be  with  the 
Stuarts,  and  proceeded  at  once  to  form  a  Whig  cabinet, 
that  was  able  to  exert  such  an  influence  on  the  elections 
as  soon  to  secure  a  Whig  Parliament.  The  toleration  of 
dissent  was,  of  course,  a  part  of  his  policy,  and  High 
Churchmen  and  Tories  were  utterly  discomfited.  In 
1717  Benjamin  Hoadley,  who  had  been  made  Bishop  of 
Bangor  by  the  new  government  (1715),  preached  a  ser- 
mon  on  the  text  "My  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world," 


634  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

which  aroused  all  England  to  hearty  approval  or  violent 
denunciation.  Fifty  writers,  some  of  them  eminent 
(Law,  Sherlock,  etc.),  were  engaged  in  the  controversy 
that  followed.  It  was  an  earnest  plea  for  liberty  of 
conscience.  On  the  supposition  that  the  church  is  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  he  argues  that  Christ  must  be  "the 
sole  lawgiver  and  sole  judge  of  his  subjects  in  all  points 
relating  to  the  favor  or  displeasure  of  Almighty  God,  and 
that  all  his  subjects,  in  what  station  soever  they  may  be, 
are  equally  subjects  to  him  ;  and  that  no  one  of  them, 
any  more  than  another,  hath  authority  to  make  new 
laws  for  Christ's  subjects,  or  to  impose  a  sense  upon  the 
old  ones,  which  is  the  same  thing  ;  or  to  judge,  censure, 
or  punish  the  servants  of  another  master  in  matters  re- 
lating purely  to  conscience  or  salvation."  Convocation 
impeached  Hoadley  and  churchmen  everywhere  were  led 
to  believe  that  the  very  foundations  of  the  Church  of 
England  were  being  destroyed  by  such  teaching.  Re- 
cent High  Churchmen  regard  the  suppression  of  Convo- 
cation as  the  opening  of  the  floodgates  of  error  and  the 
cause  of  the  later  degeneracy  of  religious  life  and  thought 
in  England.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  using  its  authority 
for  the  suppression  of  pure  evangelical  utterances  like 
that  of  Hoadley  and  for  arousing  the  passions  of  the  peo- 
ple against  any  sort  of  freedom  of  teaching  and  any  sort 
of  recognition  of  dissenters. 

(6)  The  English  Deists  of  the  Seventeenth  and  Eighteenth 
Centuries.  English  deism  is  a  peculiar  form  of  unbelief 
that  was  due  in  part  to  continental  Socinianism  and  the 
Cartesian  philosophy  and  in  part  to  the  theological  and 
partisan  conflicts  in  England  during  the  revolutionary 
period  of  the  seventeenth  century.  It  well-nigh  wrecked 
the  religious  thought  and  life  of  England,  exerted  a  pro- 
found influence  on  the  men  who  became  leaders  of  skep- 
tical thought  in  France  "and  propagated  it  in  other 
European  countries,  and  along  with  French  skeptical  in- 
fluence, produced  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  on  Dutch 
and  German  thought  during  the  middle  years  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  In  an  important  sense  English 
deism  is  a  revival  and  adaptation  of  Stoicism,  which 
identified  God  with  the  nature  of  things  and  sought  a 
purely  natural  basis  for  religion  and  morality.     It  was  a 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND  635 

reaction  against  religious  mysticism  and  enthusiasm  as 
these  had  been  manifested  among  the  religious  sects  of 
the  seventeenth  century  in  England,  in  the  Jansenists 
and  the  Huguenots  of  France,  etc.  It  was  the  aim  of 
deism  to  reach  a  philosophy  of  religion  independently  of 
revelation,  it  was  an  attempt  to  find  underlying  prin- 
ciples that  would  unify  religious  and  ethical  thought. 

The  father  of  English  deism  was  Lord  Herbert,  of 
Cherbury  (d.  1648).  He  was  a  friend  of  Grotius  and 
Casaubon,  and  through  residence  in  France  had  come 
under  the  influence  of  the  skepticism  of  Montaigne. 
While  he  regarded  religion  as  the  one  characteristic  of 
man,  he  sought  to  reduce  it  to  its  simplest  elements  and 
denied  the  need  and  the  reality  of  a  supernatural  reve- 
lation. The  elements  of  religion  are  :  the  existence  of 
God  ;  obligation  to  worship  ;  virtue,  or  conformity  of 
life  to  the  ends  of  being  ;  repentance,  from  failure  in  vir- 
tue ;  rewards  and  punishments  in  this  life  and  the  life  to 
come.  Immortality  seems  to  be  presupposed.  He  re- 
garded the  manifoldness  of  religions  as  due  in  part  to 
the  allegorizing  and  poeticizing  of  nature,  and  in  part  to 
priestly  craftiness  and  fantasy.  He  supposed  that  origi- 
nal Christianity  had  been  corrupted  in  this  way.  He 
did  not  explicitly  deny  that  the  Scriptures  are  a  divine 
revelation  in  a  supernatural  sense,  but  he  pointed  out 
difficulties  and  fostered  skepticism. 

Thomas  Hobbes  (d.  1679),  in  deriving  all  knowledge 
from  sense-perception  and  reason,  in  denying  the  exist- 
ence of  disinterested  affection,  and  in  denying  that  the 
contents  of  God's  word  could  be  contrary  to  reason, 
fostered  sensualistic  freethinking. 

John  Locke  (d.  1704)  in  affirming  the  sovereign  right 
of  the  human  reason  to  determine  the  reality  and  mean- 
ing of  revelation,  and  in  denying  that  revelation  could 
teach  anything  contradictory  of  reason,  promoted  ration- 
alism, though  he  believed  in  Christianity  and  wrote  "  The 
Reasonableness  of  Christianity  "  (1695). 

In  his  "Christianity  not  Mysterious"  John  Toland 
(d.  1722)  denied  that  original  Christianity  contained  any- 
thing that  had  not  been  known  before  and  attributed 
whatever  is  mysterious  in  the  New  Testament  to  Jewish 
and  heathen  influences. 


636  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

Anthony  Collins  (d.  1729)  affirmed  tliat  free  thought 
was  an  inalienable  right  of  man,  practised  and  approved 
by  the  biblical  writers  themselves  ("  Discourse  on  Free 
Thinking,"  171 3),  and  he  bitterly  assailed  the  church 
for  its  attempt  to  curtail  this  freedom.  In  a  later  work 
(1724)  he  attacked  Christianity  as  being  based  upon  an 
allegorical  interpretation  of  prophecy. 

Thomas  Woolson  (d.  1733)  attacked  the  New  Testa- 
ment miracles,  declaring  the  narratives  to  be  absurd  and 
incredible  as  records  of  fact  and  supposing  that  they 
were  intended  to  be  taken  mystically. 

Matthew  Tindal  (d.  1733)  has  been  called  the  "great 
apostle  of  deism."  He  asserted  the  absolute  sufficiency 
and  perfection  of  natural  religion  and  made  of  it  the 
criterion  whereby  Christianity  is  to  be  tested.  So  far  as 
Christianity  agrees  with  natural  religion  it  is  true  and 
so  far  only.  The  title  of  his  chief  work,  "  Christianity 
as  Old  as  the  Creation,"  shows  his  point  of  view. 

In  David  Hume  (d.  1776)  deism  became  pronounced 
skepticism,  and  he  was  not  careful  to  show  that  Chris- 
tianity corresponded  with  natural  religion. 

Closely  related  to  the  deistical  mode  of  thought  was 
the  Arianism  or  Socinianism  of  Samuel  Clarke,  Wil- 
liam Whiston,  and  others.  Clarke  (d.  1729)  has  been 
characterized  as  the  founder  of  rationalistic  supranat- 
uralism.  While  he  earnestly  defended  revelation  in  its 
entirety  against  deism  and  pantheism,  he  yet  insisted 
upon  the  complete  validity  and  the  absolute  right  of 
reason.  Like  the  deists  he  ascribed  religion  and  mor- 
ality to  the  eternal  nature  and  fitness  of  things.  He 
regarded  the  ideas  of  God,  virtue,  and  immortality  as 
postulates  of  the  practical  reason,  and  showed  the  neces- 
sity and  the  reasonableness  of  revelation  as  adapted  to 
and  supplying  the  needs  of  the  human  soul.  His  proof 
of  the  existence  of  God  from  the  idea  of  eternity  is  well 
known.  We  cannot  escape  the  idea  of  eternity.  There 
must  be  something  corresponding  to  the  idea.  The 
world  is  not  eternal  as  the  mind  thinks  of  it  as  originated, 
and  is  not,  as  regards  its  form  or  its  substance,  necessary. 
Only  God  meets  the  requirement,  and  his  attributes  are 
declared  to  be  eternity,  infinity,  omnipresence,  unity, 
intelligence,  freedom,  omnipotence  (or  at  least  power  to 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  637 

create  everything  else  that  exists),  wisdom,  holiness, 
righteousness.  In  the  moral  attributes  of  God  human 
morality  has  its  source  and  its  obligation.  The  reward- 
ing of  virtue  and  the  punishment  of  its  opposite  lie  in 
the  very  nature  of  God.  in  opposition  to  the  deists  he 
sought  to  present  a  rational  view  of  the  Trinity  ("  The 
Scripture  Doctrine  of  the  Trinity,"  1712),  but  his  care- 
ful exegetical  study  of  the  New  Testament  passages 
concerned  gave  him  no  light  on  the  metaphysical  essence 
of  the  divine  persons.  \n  expounding  his  view  of  the 
economic  Trinity  he  maintains  (in  opposition  to  Sabel- 
lianism)  the  diversity  of  persons  and  (in  opposition  to 
Arianism)  the  eternity  of  Son  and  Spirit.  Yet  he 
grounds  the  distinctive  being  of  Son  and  Spirit  not  in  an 
inner  necessity,  but  in  the  inscrutable  will  of  God. 
Thus  he  fell  short  of  the  orthodox  trinitarian  doctrine 
and  did  not  rise  much  above  a  refined  Arianism,  as  was 
fully  shown  by  Waterland. 

Whiston  (d.  1752)  was  far  more  decided  and  aggressive 
in  his  Arian  (Socinian)  teachings.  In  an  essay  on  the 
"Apostolical  Constitutions"  (1708)  he  sought  to  prove 
that  Arianism  was  the  prevailing  doctrine  during  the  first 
two  centuries  and  declared  the  Constitutions  the  "  most 
sacred  of  the  canonical  books  of  the  New  Testament." 
He  was  expelled  from  the  University  of  Cambridge  in 
1710,  because  of  his  enthusiastic  advocacy  of  these  un- 
settling views.  In  his  "  Primitive  Christianity  Revived  " 
(1711,  1712)  he  sought  by  a  diligent  study  of  patristic 
literature  to  show  the  anti-trinitarian  character  of  early 
Christianity.  He  spent  much  time  in  prophetic  study, 
adopted  millenarian  views,  and  fixed  the  date  of  the 
millennium  and  the  restoration  of  the  Jews  in  1776. 
The  Athanasian  creed  was  so  hateful  to  him  that  in  1747 
he  left  the  established  church  and  formed  a  Primitive 
Christian  congregation  of  his  own,  preparing  for  it  a  new 
prayer  book.  Whiston  was  too  eccentric  to  become  a 
great  party  leader,  but  his  learning  and  his  literary  gifts 
gave  considerable  currency  to  his  anti-trinitarian  views. 

Of  a  somewhat  different  anti-trinitarian  type  was 
Daniel  Whitby  (d.  1726)  who  passed  through  a  number 
of  phases  of  opinion  before  he  came  to  his  ultimate  posi- 
tion.    In  1683  he  created  a  great  commotion  by  the  pub- 


638  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

lication  of  his  "The  Protestant  Reconciler,  humbly 
pleading  for  Condescension  to  Dissenting  Brethren  in 
Things  Indifferent."  The  University  of  Oxford  had  the 
bool<  publicly  burnt,  and  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  whom 
he  served  as  chaplain,  required  him  to  retract  the  state- 
ment that  "it  is  not  legal  for  the  authorities  to  require 
in  worship  anything  to  be  said  or  used  which  the  older 
custom  did  not,"  and  that  it  was  a  violation  of  Christian 
duty  toward  the  weaker  brethren  to  require  of  them 
things  indifferent.  He  met  the  requirement  of  the  bishop 
by  publishing  a  second  work  in  which  he  urged  Non- 
conformists to  come  into  the  church  and  refuted  their 
objections  to  so  doing.  In  opposition  to  deism  he  issued 
(1710)  his  "  Discourse  "  on  the  five  points  of  Calvinism, 
in  which  he  took  essentially  Arminian  ground,  Anti- 
Calvinistic  views  had  appeared  to  some  extent  in  his  "  A 
Paraphrase  and  Commentary  on  the  N.  T."  (1703).  In 
a  Latin  treatise  (1714)  he  was  at  much  pains  to  discredit 
the  Fathers  as  interpreters  of  Scripture,  and  to  prove 
the  inadmissibility  of  appealing  to  them  as  authority  on 
the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  Of  as  little  value  are  coun- 
cils and  ecclesiastical  tradition.  In  a  controversy  with 
Waterland  he  renounced  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity  and 
became  an  avowed  Arian.  In  his  posthumous  "  Last 
Thoughts"  he  retracted  his  exposition  of  the  trinitarian 
dogma,  declaring  it  to  be  a  tissue  of  absurdities. 

(7)  High  Church  Defenders  of  the  Faith  during  the 
Eighteenth  Century.  The  most  eminent  apologists  of 
this  century  of  unbelief  were  Butler,  Waterland,  and 
Warburton.  Joseph  Butler  (d.  1752)  was  probably  the 
profoundest  English  thinker  of  the  eighteenth  century 
and  stands  in  the  front  rank  of  English  theologians  in 
general.  When  only  twenty-one  years  of  age  he  ad- 
dressed to  Dr.  Samuel  Clarke  a  criticism  of  his  "  Dem- 
onstration of  the  Being  and  Attributes  of  God,"  which 
was  so  discriminating  and  searching  that  the  author  ap- 
pended it  to  the  next  edition  of  the  work.  His  sermons 
preached  in  the  Rolls  Cliapel  are  masterpieces  of  argu- 
mentation. His  "  Analogy  of  Religion,  Natural  and  Re- 
vealed, to  the  Constitution  and  Course  of  Nature  " 
(1736)  has  been  characterized  by  a  recent  German 
writer  (Buddensieg,  in  Hauck-Herzog)  as  "at  that  time 


CHAP.  \.]  THE   CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND  639 

the  most  complete  and  the  most  thorough  answer  to  the 
objections  of  deism  against  revealed  religion."  It  has 
attained  the  position  of  a  classic  and  it  is  probable  that 
no  apologetical  work  of  modern  times  has  been  so  much 
studied  or  has  exerted  so  profound  an  influence.  He  has 
commanded  the  highest  admiration  of  men  of  genius  as 
diverse  in  character  and  modes  of  thought  as  James 
Mill,  John  Henry  Newman,  and  W.  E.  Gladstone.  The 
"  Analogy  "  was  the  result  of  twenty  years  of  profound 
thinking,  and  the  utility  of  the  work  has  fully  justified 
the  expenditure  of  time.  Its  argument  was  so  effective 
that  no  contemporary  attempted  a  direct  refutation  of  it. 
He  aimed  to  show  not  that  "  Christianity  is  as  old  as 
the  creation"  and  that  revelation  must  be  pared  down 
to  the  dimensions  of  natural  religion,  but  that  natural 
religion,  with  its  limitations  and  its  failure  to  answer 
many  of  the  questions  that  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance 
to  man  in  his  sinful  and  disordered  condition  to  have  an- 
swered, points  to  and  imperatively  demands  revealed  re- 
ligion as  its  complement.  In  answer  to  the  contention 
of  the  deists  that  the  law  of  nature  is  absolutely  perfect 
and  absolutely  certain,  he  pointed  out  with  rare  acute- 
ness  and  discrimination  that  so  far  from  this  being  the 
case  essentially  the  same  difficulties  that  confront  the 
human  mind  in  connection  with  revealed  religion  are  en- 
countered in  the  study  of  natural  religion.  In  1736 
Butler  was  made  "clerk  of  the  closet  to  Queen  Caro- 
line," and  to  her  he  dedicated  the  "  Analogy,"  published 
the  same  year.  He  was  soon  afterward  appointed 
Bishop  of  Bristol.  In  1746  he  was  made  "clerk  of  the 
closet "  to  the  king.  He  is  said  about  this  time  to  have 
declined  the  archbishopric  of  Canterbury  on  the  ground 
that  he  was  too  old  to  save  a  falling  church.  Afterward 
he  accepted  the  bishopric  of  Durham. 

Daniel  Waterland  (d.  1740)  was  one  of  the  boldest 
and  ablest  defenders  of  the  faith  against  Arian  and 
Socinian  error  during  the  eighteenth  century.  He  wrote 
voluminously  in  refutation  of  the  views  of  the  godhead 
put  forth  by  Clarke  and  Whitby.  He  also  combated 
Bishop  Hoadley's  Low  Church  view  of  the  Lord's  Supper 
as  well  as  the  Romanizing  views  of  some  High  Church- 
men of  an  extreme  type  (Johnson  and  Brett.) 


640  A   AUNUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

William  Warburton  (d.  1779),  during  a  long  country 
pastorate,  wrote  his  "  Alliance  between  Church  and 
State  "  and  his  remarkable  book,  entitled  "  The  Divine 
Legation  of  Moses,  Demonstrated  on  the  Principles  of  a 
Religious  Deist,  from  the  Omission  of  the  Doctrine  of  a 
Future  State  of  Rewards  and  Punishments  in  the  Jew- 
ish Dispensation  "  (1737,  onward).  Deists  had  sought 
to  discredit  the  Old  Testament  by  alleging  the  absence 
of  any  definite  teaching  of  immortality  with  rewards 
and  punishments  in  a  future  life.  Warburton  admitted 
the  absence  of  such  teaching  in  the  Old  Testament  and 
made  of  this  very  fact  his  chief  argument  in  favor  of  the 
divinity  of  the  Mosaic  legislation,  since  without  the  help 
of  the  doctrine  of  a  future  life  of  rewards  and  punish- 
ments the  Mosaic  law  was  able  to  accomplish  moral  re- 
sults that  no  heathen  system  was  ever  able  to  accom- 
plish. The  essence  of  the  Old  Testament  system  he 
made  to  be  the  theocracy,  which  dealt  out  in  the  present 
life  righteous  rewards  and  punishments  upon  individual 
and  nation.  It  is  probable  that  he  did  not  give  sufficient 
weight  to  the  intimations  of  immortality  that  the  Old 
Testament  contains  ;  but  it  was  assuredly  a  bold  under- 
taking to  make  of  the  absence  of  such  a  fundamental 
truth  from  the  Old  Testament  a  proof  of  its  divine  ori- 
gin. His  argument  was  hardly  satisfactory,  either  to  the 
orthodox  or  to  the  deists,  and  it  created  great  commotion 
in  the  theological  world  of  the  day. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  of  Charles  Leslie 
(d.  1722),  an  extreme  High  Churchman  (Non-juror),  who 
wrote  voluminously  against  deists,  Socinians,  Jews,  and 
dissenters  in  general.  His  "Short  and  Easy  Method 
with  the  Deists"  was  widely  used  and  is  said  to  have 
been  highly  effective.  Dr.  Samuel  Johnson  character- 
ized him  as  "  a  reasoner,  and  a  reasoner  who  was  not  to 
be  reasoned  against."  He  is  said  to  have  brought  more 
people  into  the  Church  of  England  from  other  com- 
munions than  were  ever  won  by  any  other  man. 

Bishop  George  Berkeley  (d.  1753)  should  also  be  no- 
ticed as  a  philosopher  and  apologist.  His  idealistic  phi- 
losophy exerted  considerable  influence  on  later  specula- 
tive thought.  His  "  Alciphron,  or.  The  Minute  Philoso- 
pher," has  been  characterized  as  "  a  powerful  refutation 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF   ENGLAND  641 

of  the  free  thinking  then  so  popular  and  fashionable." 
It  appears  to  have  been  written  during  his  several  years' 
residence  in  Rhode  Island.  He  had  come  to  America 
under  the  auspices  of  the  English  government  to  do  edu- 
cational missionary  work  in  Bermuda.  The  enterprise 
had  to  be  abandoned  for  lack  of  expected  support.  He 
is  the  author  of  the  prophetic  lines  beginning,  "West- 
ward the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way." 

(8)  Condition  of  Religious  Life  in  England  during  the 
First  Third  of  the  Eighteenth  Century.  Queen  Anne, 
though  neither  intellectual  nor  remarkably  religious, 
had  lavished  her  wealth  upon  ecclesiastical  enterprises 
— educational,  religious,  and  philanthropic.  Under  her 
patronage  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel 
and  the  Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Christian  Knowl- 
edge entered  upon  careers  that  promised  much  for  the 
prosperity  of  Anglican  Christianity.  This  religious  ac- 
tivity was  accompanied  by  a  spirit  of  intolerance  toward 
dissent  that  has  been  already  referred  to.  George  I.  and 
George  II.  were  indifferent  toward  religion,  and  Sir  Rob- 
ert Walpole,  the  most  influential  statesman  of  the  time, 
seems  to  have  done  everything  possible  to  promote  the 
decline  of  religious  interest.  The  missionary  societies 
of  the  church  languished.  Through  the  influences  that 
have  been  described  already,  skepticism  and  open  infi- 
delity became  widespread  and  aggressive.  Queen 
Anne's  scheme  for  building  fifty  new  churches  in  Lon- 
don was  quietly  dropped.  Church  services  in  London 
and  elsewhere  became  fewer  and  the  attendance  was 
greatly  diminished.  Fear  of  Puritan  enthusiasm  and  of 
Romanizing  pietism  and  asceticism,  along  with  the  free- 
thinking  influences  that  have  been  noticed,  led  to  a  col- 
orless moderatism  in  the  ministers  that  had  no  attractive 
power.  The  sermons  of  orthodox  High  Churchmen,  no 
less  than  those  of  Socinian  and  deistical  ministers  were, 
for  the  most  part,  dry,  moral  disquisitions  or  scholastic 
discussions  of  points  of  doctrinal  controversy  which  had 
little  interest  for  the  average  man.  The  commercial  and 
industrial  prosperity  which  the  peace  policy  of  Walpole 
had  greatly  promoted  tended  also  to  fix  the  interests  of 
the  people  on  material  things  to  the  neglect  of  spiritual. 
Vast  populations  were  being  aggregated  in  the  towns  by 

2Q 


# 


642  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

industrial  enterprise  and  hardly  anything  was  being  done 
for  their  moral  and  spiritual  welfare.  Dissenting  bodies 
had  degenerated  almost  as  sadly  as  the  established 
church.  They  had  dwindled  in  numbers  and  doctrinal  de- 
generacy had  sapped  their  lives.  The  suppression  of  Con- 
vocation in  1717  had  done  much  toward  destroying  the  dis- 
cipline and  the  esprit de  corps  of  the  clergy  of  the  established 
church.  Many  church  livings  were  enjoyed  by  non- 
residents who  made  no  pretense  of  rendering  services  in 
return.  Poorly  paid  vicars  took  the  places  of  highly  paid 
incumbents  and  in  many  cases  the  parish  work  was  ut- 
terly neglected.  Many  of  the  clergy  had  no  sense  of 
the  dignity  of  their  office  and  were  the  boon  companions 
of  the  squires  in  their  fox-hunting,  drinking,  card-play- 
ing, etc.  Swift's  sneering  attitude  toward  religious  zeal, 
which  he  regarded  as  fanaticism,  imposture,  or  hypoc- 
risy, was,  no  doubt,  shared  by  many.  But  it  would  be 
a  mistake  to  suppose  that  the  established  church  and 
the  dissenting  bodies  were  entirely  devoid  of  zealous 
and  religious  men  and  women.  There  were  thousands 
who  had  not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal  and  were  quietly 
or  more  publicly  living  earnest  Christian  lives,  and  scores 
of  ministers  in  the  establishment  and  outside  of  it  were 
peaching  a  comparatively  pure  gospel  and  seeking  to  lead 
the  people  in  Christian  work. 

2.   From  the  Evangelical  Revival  to  the  Outbreak  of  the 
Tractarian  Controversy. 

(i)  Leaders  of  the  Revival.  John  Wesley  (1703- 
1791),  son  of  Samuel  Wesley,  a  High  Churchman  of 
learning,  piety,  and  literary  gifts,  and  of  Susannah  An- 
nesley,  daughter  of  a  Nonconformist  preacher,  was  a 
descendant  of  a  medieval  baron,  Wellesley,  from  whom 
also  the  Duke  of  Wellington  sprang,  and  became  the 
leader  of  the  evangelical  revival  and  the  founder  of 
Methodism.  He  was  brought  up  in  High  Church  prin- 
ciples and  sent  at  an  early  age  (1720)  to  the  University 
of  Oxford,  the  center  of  High  Church  influence.  On 
the  advice  of  his  mother  he  devoted  considerable  atten- 
tion to  practical  divinity,  and  was  influenced  by  Thomas 
a  Kempis'  "Imitation  of  Christ,"  Jeremy  Taylor's 
"Holy    Living"    and    "Holy    Dying,"    and    William 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND  643 

Law's  "  Christian  Perfection  "  and  "  Serious  Call."  He 
received  his  Bachelor's  degree  in  1724,  was  ordained  to 
the  ministry  in  1725,  and  was  appointed  a  fellow  of  Lin- 
coln College  in  1726.  After  two  years  of  service  as  his 
father's  curate  (1727-1729)  he  returned  to  Oxford  and 
soon  afterward  formed  the  "Holy  Club,"  whose  me- 
thodical and  somewhat  ascetical  religious  exercises  and 
manner  of  life  gave  the  name  to  the  great  religious  body 
he  was  to  be  instrumental  in  founding,  though  the  name 
Methodist  seems  first  to  have  been  applied  to  his  brother 
Charles  for  his  methodical  attention  to  the  regulations 
and  work  of  the  university.  The  Holy  Club  met  fre- 
quently for  reading  the  Greek  Testament,  for  mutual  ex- 
hortation, and  for  heart-searching.  Its  members  engaged 
earnestly  in  efforts  for  the  moral  and  religious  better- 
ment of  the  students,  in  temporal  and  spiritual  ministra- 
tion to  the  poor  and  to  prisoners,  and  in  providing  liter- 
ary and  religious  instruction  for  children  of  the  poor. 
The  piety  inculcated  and  practised  by  these  Oxford 
Methodists  was  of  the  High  Church,  ascetical  type,  and 
involved  the  most  scrupulous  attention  to  the  rubrics  of 
the  Prayer  Book  and  the  canons  of  the  church. 

In  1736  General  Oglethorpe  called  for  a  minister  "in- 
ured to  contempt  of  the  ornaments  and  conveniences  of 
life,  to  bodily  austerities,  and  to  serious  thoughts,"  to 
accompany  him  to  Georgia  as  a  missionary  to  the  colo- 
nists and  Indians  (1736).  Wesley  cheerfully  responded, 
his  widowed  mother  having  encouraged  him  and  his 
brother  Charles  both  to  go.  "  Had  I  twenty  sons,"  she 
said,  "  I  should  rejoice  that  they  were  all  so  employed, 
though  I  should  never  see  them  more."  On  his  out- 
ward voyage  he  came  in  contact  with  Moravian  mission- 
aries, but  it  was  not  until  the  return  voyage  that  he  fully 
yielded  to  their  influence.  His  work  in  Georgia  was  not 
a  decided  success,  owing  chiefly  to  his  rigorous  High 
Churchism.  He  insisted  on  immersion  as  the  only  proper 
baptism  (being  prescribed  in  the  Prayer  Book)  and  al- 
lowed communicants  only  to  act  as  sponsors.  He  ex- 
cluded dissenters  from  the  Supper  unless  they  would 
submit  to  a  new  baptism,  refused  to  read  the  burial  serv- 
ice at  dissenters'  funerals,  and  excluded  from  the  Supper 
the  wife  of  an  influential  citizen,  with  whom  before  her 


644  A   MANUAL  OF   CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

marriage  he  had  been  in  love,  because  of  some  breach 
of  discipline.  By  such  proceedings  he  made  himself  so 
obnoxious  to  the  community  that  he  found  it  best  to 
return  to  England  in  1738. 

His  later  opinion  was  that  when  seeking  to  carry  out 
High  Church  ideas  in  Georgia  he  was  still  unconverted, 
that  he  had  had  a  zeal  for  God  but  not  according  to 
knowledge.  On  the  way  to  Georgia,  Spangenberg,  who 
was  later  to  succeed  Zinzendorf  as  leader  of  the  Mora- 
vian Brethren,  had  pointedly  asked  Wesley  whether  he 
had  the  witness  within  himself,  and  whether  the  Spirit 
of  God  bore  witness  with  his  spirit  that  he  was  a  child 
of  God  ;  also  whether  he  knew  Jesus  Christ.  He  was 
unable  to  give  a  satisfactory  answer  to  these  questions  ; 
but  they  sank  deep  into  his  heart,  and  led  him  to  give  at- 
tention to  the  mastering  of  the  German  language  in  order 
that  he  might  better  communicate  with  these  men  of 
God.  On  the  return  voyage  the  Moravian,  Peter  Boh- 
ler,  was  his  fellow-passenger,  and  he  was  led  by  this 
godly  man  to  trust  in  Christ  as  his  Saviour  and  to  expe- 
rience the  assurance  of  sins  forgiven  and  acceptance 
with  God.  He  now  came  to  realize  the  utter  inadequacy 
of  Law's  High  Church  pietism,  and  he  wrote  his  former 
"oracle"  searchingly  criticising  his  views. 

His  conversion  occurred  in  London  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Brethren,  where  the  introduction  to  Luther's  commen- 
tary on  Romans  was  being  read  (May  24^  1738).  He 
entered  at  once  upon  a  fifty  years'  career  as  evangelist 
and  religious  leader  which,  with  the  co-operation  of  a 
multitude  of  earnest  men,  was  to  result  in  the  forma- 
tion of  hundreds  of  societies  that,  in  spite  of  his  strong 
desire  to  avoid  separation  from  the  Church  of  England, 
were  to  become  Methodist  churches  ;  in  the  building  up 
in  the  Church  of  England  itself  of  a  strong  evangelical 
party,  zealous  in  philanthropy,  Bible  distribution,  mis- 
sions, and  social  reform  ;  and  in  bringing  the  dissenting 
denominations,  that  had  lost  their  evangelical  zeal,  to  a 
realization  of  their  obligation  to  carry  out  the  Great 
Commission  of  our  Lord. 

It  will  not  be  practicable  to  give  the  details  of  the  work 
of  Wesley  and  his  coadjutors.  That  they  should  have 
met  with  violent  opposition  at  the  hands  of  churchmen 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  645 

and  dissenters  alike  was  to  be  expected.  M.ost  of  the 
church  buildings  were  closed  against  the  evangelists  and 
field-preaching  was  commonly  resorted  to.  Those  who 
were  converted  in  many  cases  went  immediately  to  work 
for  the  conversion  of  others,  and  so  the  work  propagated 
itself  from  community  to  community  until  the  English- 
speaking  world  was  covered  with  its  influence. 

As  a  High  Churchman,  Wesley  had  no  sympathy  with 
Calvinism.  The  theology  of  the  Moravian  Brethren  had 
more  in  common  with  Luther's  modes  of  thought,  and 
Luther's  doctrine  of  assurance  was  embodied  in  their 
scheme.  This  Wesley  adopted.  From  the  Bohemian 
Brethren  the  Moravians  had  perpetuated  the  mediaeval 
evangelical  semi-Augustinianism  which  laid  much  stress 
upon  human  responsibility,  and  put  too  little  emphasis 
on  the  divine  sovereignty,  but  was  far  removed  from  the 
Socinianizing  Arminianism  of  the  Dutch  Remonstrants  as 
well  as  from  the  Romanizing  semi-Pelagianism  of  the 
English  High  Church  party.  Wesley  followed  the  Mora- 
vians in  laying  the  utmost  stress  on  the  blood  of  Christ 
as  cleansing  from  all  sin,  as  well  as  upon  the  regener- 
ating and  sanctifying  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit  and  the 
witness  of  the  Spirit  in  the  believer. 

Closely  associated  with  John  Wesley  from  the  begin- 
ning was  his  younger  brother,  Charles  (1708-1788).  He 
followed  John  to  Georgia,  experienced  with  him  a  revo- 
lutionary change  under  Moravian  influence,  co-operated 
with  him  in  evangelistic  preaching,  and  above  all,  was 
the  lyrical  poet  of  Methodism.  Although  he  married  a 
a  wealthy  woman  (1749)  he  continued  for  seven  years 
longer  his  itineracy,  his  wife  riding  behind  him  from  place 
to  place  on  a  pillion,  and  leading  the  singing  at  his  meet- 
ings. From  1756  onward  he  was  a  settled  Methodist  pas- 
tor at  Bristol  and  London.  He  deprecated  the  proceedings 
of  his  brother  that  looked  toward  the  separation  of  the 
Methodist  societies  from  the  Church  of  England,  and  the 
relations  of  the  two  were  at  times  considerably  strained. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  his  own  practice  of  ministering  to  a 
congregation  at  the  regular  hours  for  church  service,  and 
administering  the  Supper  weekly  in  his  chapel,  was  more 
separatist  in  tendency  than  John's,  who  sought  in  his 
ministrations  to  avoid  the  regular  hours  for  church  serv- 


646  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

ice,  attended  the  church  services  where  he  was  laboring, 
and  required  his  disciples  to  do  likewise.  Charles  Wes- 
ley wrote  six  thousand  five  hundred  hymns,  many  of 
which  have  become  classics. 

Second  in  importance  to  John  Wesley  in  the  evangel- 
ical revival  was  George  Whitefield  (1714-1770).  Son  of 
an  innkeeper,  and  himself  for  a  time  bartender  in  the 
inn,  he  had  received  strong  religious  impressions  before 
he  entered  the  University  of  Oxford  in  1732.  Here  he 
came  under  the  influence  of  the  Wesleys,  joined  the 
"  Holy  Club,"  and  engaged  with  them  in  religious  and 
philanthropic  work.  In  1735  he  experienced  conversion, 
and  although  influenced  somewhat  in  1738  by  Moravian 
piety  and  evangelism,  and  with  the  Wesleys  closely 
associated  for  a  time  with  the  Moravians  in  their  London 
meetings,  he  did  not,  like  the  Wesleys,  repudiate  his 
earlier  religious  experiences.  Urged  by  the  Wesleys  to 
join  them  in  Georgia,  he  went  in  1738,  just  as  they  were 
returning  to  England,  and  preached  for  some  months 
there  with  great  acceptance.  He  had  been  graduated 
from  Oxford  in  1736  and  ordained  as  a  minister  in  the 
Church  of  England.  On  his  return  from  Georgia  he 
found  himself  in  ill  repute  because  of  the  alleged  extrava- 
gance of  his  evangelism,  and  very  soon  most  of  the 
churches  of  London  were  closed  to  him.  Denied  the  use 
of  the  churches  in  Bristol  (1739),  whither  he  had  gone 
after  conference  with  the  Wesleys,  he  determined  to 
preach  in  the  open  air,  a  thing  that  the  Wesleys  at  first 
hesitated  to  do  on  account  of  the  odium  attached  to  field 
preaching.  His  example  and  the  necessities  of  the  case 
led  them  to  make  this  a  prominent  feature  of  their  work 
and  enabled  them  to  reach  multitudes  that  could  never 
have  been  induced  to  enter  the  churches.  It  is  probable 
that  no  evangelist  ever  surpassed  Whitefield  in  power  to 
draw  together  and  master  great  mixed  assemblies.  He 
was  soon  preaching  to  audiences  of  many  thousands  (we 
may  well  be  skeptical  when  we  are  told  that  he  some- 
times preached  to  twenty  thousand),  and  multitudes 
were  melted  into  penitence  by  his  fervid  eloquence  and 
found  peace  in  trusting  in  a  crucified  Saviour.  In  Wales, 
Howell  Harris,  a  layman,  had  begun  evangelizing  two 
years  before  the  Wesleys  and  Whitefield  began.    White- 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF  ENGLAND  647 

field  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  Welsh  revival.  A  tour 
in  Scotland  produced  a  wonderful  awakening.  His  over- 
powering enthusiasm  and  his  disparaging  references  to 
the  clergy  as  "blind  guides"  aroused  much  opposition, 
and  in  1739  alone  forty-nine  publications  are  said  to  have 
appeared  against  him.  His  labors  in  Britain  were  inter- 
rupted by  several  long  periods  of  labor  in  America,  where 
his  preaching  was  equally  blessed,  Whitefield  had  never 
been  so  steeped  in  High  Church  semi-Pelagianism  as  the 
Wesleys,  and  never  entered  so  heartily  as  did  they  into 
the  old  evangelical  semi-Augustinianism  and  mysticism 
of  the  Moravians.  A  moderate  type  of  Calvinistic  teach- 
ing, which  seemed  to  him  identical  with  that  of  the  Apos- 
tle Paul,  early  mastered  his  own  spirit,  and  proved  in 
his  case,  as  it  had  often  proved  before  and  has  often 
proved  since,  a  mighty  instrument  for  the  conversion  of 
sinners  and  the  building  up  of  Christian  character.  If 
Whitefield  had  possessed,  along  with  his  overmastering 
evangelistic  gifts,  anything  like  the  statesmanship  of 
John  Wesley,  a  far  larger  proportion  of  the  Methodists 
of  the  later  time  would  have  been  Calvinistic  than  was 
actually  the  case.  For  a  time  these  doctrinal  differences 
threatened  to  alienate  the  two  great  evangelists,  but  the 
spirit  of  conciliation  prevailed.  Whitefield's  work  was 
greatly  furthered  by  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon  (Selina 
Shirley),  who  accepted  his  views  with  enthusiasm,  gave 
him  the  opportunity  to  preach  to  the  nobility  and  the 
clergy,  and  contributed  largely  of  her  means  for  the  build- 
ing of  chapels,  the  support  of  preachers,  and  the  founding 
of  a  theological  seminary  (Trevacca  College  in  South 
Wales)  for  the  training  of  pastors  and  evangelists.  The 
Lady  Huntingdon  Connection  of  Methodists  perpetuates 
Whitefield's  Calvinistic  teaching.  A  bitter  controversy 
between  the  coadjutors  of  Wesley  and  those  of  Whitefield, 
in  which  Toplady  and  Rowland  Hill  sustained  the  Calvin- 
istic side  and  Fletcher  (De  la  Flechiere),  who  had  been 
educated  at  Geneva  and  was  converted  in  the  Wesleyan 
meetings,  the  Arminian.  Fletcher's  character  has  been 
described  as  one  of  rare  beauty  and  excellence. 

(2)  Some  Effects  of  the  Great  Revival  on  tlie  Church  of 
England,  it  was  inevitable  that  this  all-pervasive  and 
long-continued   evangelistic    movement,  which  for  fifty 


64S  A  MANUAL   OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PBR.  Vi. 

years  disclaimed  all  separatist  aims,  should  have  made  a 
deep  impression  on  the  Church  of  England  as  a  whole, 
and  that  it  should  have  been  instrumental  in  raising  up 
a  large  body  of  evangelical  ministers  and  laymen  who, 
while  sympathizing  profoundly  with  the  spiritual  side  of 
the  movement,  should  foresee  the  schism  that  was  inev- 
itable and  should  deprecate  those  features  of  Methodism 
that  seemed  separatist  in  their  tendency.  Wesley  him- 
self had  a  decided  aversion  toward  dissenters,  and  could 
not  abide  the  thought  that  his  societies  would  become 
churches  or  would  unitedly  come  to  constitute  a  denomina- 
tion; yet  many  evangelical  churchmen  found  it  far  easier 
to  be  on  cordial  terms  with  avowed  dissenters  than  with 
Wesley  and  his  followers,  it  may  further  be  said  that 
most  churchmen  who  adopted  evangelical  views  with- 
out becoming  Methodists  were  content  with  the  moderate 
Calvinism  of  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  and  objected 
strongly  to  Wesley's  Arminianism.  Among  the  most 
influential  of  the  evangelical  churchmen  of  this  time  may 
be  mentioned  James  Hervey  (1714-1758),  whose 
"  Theron  and  Aspasio,"  a  popular  exposition  of  moder- 
ate Calvinism,  had  a  wide  circulation  and  influenced 
many  minds  toward  sound  thinking  and  right  living. 
Though  deeply  indebted  to  Wesley,  he  refused  to  become 
an  itinerant  and  rejected  decisively  his  Arminianism. 
William  Grimshaw  (1708-1763),  because  of  his  eccen- 
tricities sometimes  called  "  the  mad  parson,"  was  abun- 
dant in  evangelical  activity,  and  built  a  Methodist 
"preaching  house,"  but  declined  to  cast  in  his  lot  with 
Wesley.  He  introduced  a  rigorous  system  of  church 
discipline  in  his  parish  church  at  Haworth,  and  his  zeal 
led  him  to  disguise  himself  and  act  as  a  detective  in  order 
to  bring  transgressors  to  justice. 

Equally  eccentric,  zealous,  and  useful  was  John  Ber- 
ridge,  of  Everton,  who,  like  Grimshaw,  engaged  in 
evangelistic  work  outside  of  his  own  parish  and  brought 
large  numbers  to  a  knowledge  of  the  truth. 

There  is  much  to  admire  in  the  character  and  the  self- 
sacrificing  career  of  William  Romaine  (1714-1795),  son 
of  a  Huguenot,  eminent  as  a  Hebraist  and  as  a  mathe- 
matician, an  ardent  Calvinist,  a  friend  of  Whitefield,  a 
chaplain  of  the  Countess  of  Huntingdon,  and  deeply  de- 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  649 

vout.  For  years  he  preached  to  crowded  congregations 
in  London  and  stood  firmly  for  a  pure  gospel.  He  had 
occupied  the  chair  of  astronomy  in  Gresham  College.  A 
sermon  on  "The  Lord  our  Righteousness,"  highly  Cal- 
vinistic  in  tone,  brought  him  into  disrepute  in  that  High 
Church  center  and  led  to  his  London  ministry.  When  he 
saw  that  Whitefield  and  Lady  Huntingdon  were  about  to 
become  separatists  he  withdrew  from  intimate  relations 
with  them,  but  refrained  from  attacking  even  Wesley, 
with  whom  he  differed  so  greatly  in  doctrine. 

John  Newton  (1725-1807)  had  been  so  degraded  as  to 
be  the  menial  servant  of  an  African  slave  dealer  and 
as  depraved  as  one  could  easily  conceive.  An  ac- 
count of  his  conversion  cannot  be  here  given.  Brought 
to  a  knowledge  of  the  truth,  he  devoted  himself  with 
rare  industry  and  success  to  the  acquirement  of  an  edu- 
cation, and  while  still  a  seaman  became  familiar  with 
several  of  the  Latin  classics,  made  much  progress  in 
mathematics,  and  learned  some  Hebrew  and  Aramaic. 
As  rector  at  Olney  he  was  the  spiritual  adviser  of  Cow- 
per.  As  rector  of  St.  Mary  Woolnoth,  London,  he  was 
for  many  years  the  most  influential  of  the  evangelical 
leaders,  and  was  on  the  most  cordial  terms  with  dissent- 
ing ministers.     He  is  now  best  known  for  his  hymns. 

Thomas  Scott  (1746-1821),  a  disciple  of  Newton's  and 
his  successor  at  Olney,  was  less  genial  and  influential. 
His  rigorous  Calvinism  made  him  unpopular,  but  his 
well-known  commentary  has  given  him  a  lasting  repu- 
tation. 

Richard  Cecil  (1748-1810),  one  of  the  most  sweet- 
.spirited  and  spiritual  of  the  evangelicals,  was  an  eloquent 
London  preacher  and  the  author  of  practical  works  which 
were  widely  useful. 

Isaac  Milner  (1751-1820),  as  professor  of  mathematics 
and  president  of  Queen's  College,  exerted  for  years  a 
strong  evangelical  influence  on  the  students  of  the  univer- 
sity and  others.  In  co-operation  with  his  brother  Joseph 
he  wrote  "  The  History  of  the  Church  of  Christ,"  which 
was  long  considered  the  standard  evangelical  work  on 
the  subject. 

Charles  Simeon  (1759-1836)  perpetuated  the  influence 
of  Milner  at  Cambridge,  and  has  been  called  the  founder 


650  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

of  the  modern  Low  Church  party.  His  "  Horce  Homilei- 
icce,"  in  seventeen  volumes,  long  furnished  weaker  evan- 
gelical ministers  with  materials  for  their  sermons. 

Unequaled  in  influence  as  an  evangelical  leader  in  the 
established  church  was  William  Wilherforce  (1759-1833). 
A  pupil  and  lifelong  friend  of  Isaac  Milner,  he  owed  to 
him  the  impulse  that  led  to  his  conversion  (1785).  He 
devoted  his  splendid  statesmanship  and  his  great  wealth 
to  the  promotion  of  religious  and  philanthropical  enter- 
prises, and  brought  his  personal  influence  powerfully  to 
bear  upon  many  people  of  the  wealthier  class.  His 
"  Practical  View  of  the  Prevailing  Religious  System  of 
Professed  Christians  in  the  Higher  and  Middle  Classes 
in  this  Country,  Contrasted  with  Real  Christianity  " 
(1797)  passed  through  many  editions  and  was  translated 
into  the  principal  Continental  languages.  Its  influence 
for  good  cannot  be  estimated.  It  was  distinctly  a  writ- 
ing for  the  time  and  is  little  read  to-day. 

Among  the  results  of  the  revival  inside  of  the  estab- 
lished church  may  be  mentioned  the  development  of  the 
Sunday-school,  the  establishment  (1799)  of  the  Religious 
Tract  Society,  the  founding  of  the  British  and  Foreign 
Bible  Society  (1804),  the  founding  of  the  London  Mis- 
sionary Society  (1795),  in  which  dissenters  and  church- 
men united,  and  the  Church  Missionary  Society  (1799). 
The  beneficent  influence  that  led  to  the  formation  of 
these  great  societies  and  the  work  they  were  instru- 
mental in  accomplishing  furnish  sufficient  proof  that  the 
Church  of  England,  even  after  allowing  for  the  entire 
Methodist  separation,  gained  vastly  more  than  it  lost 
from  the  revival.  It  seems  certain  that  the  revival  was 
a  powerful  antidote  to  the  influence  of  French  skepticism 
and  the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolution  in  England. 
That  England  did  not  share  largely  in  the  moral  and 
spiritual  decline  suffered  by  the  Netherlands,  Switzer- 
land, and  Germany  in  connection  with  the  French  Revo- 
lution was  due  in  part,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  England 
alone  escaped  French  invasion,  and  after  the  first  few 
years  of  the  revolution  was  persistently  in  arms  against 
France,  but  quite  as  much  to  the  thoroughness  with 
which  the  evangelical  revival  had  permeated  English 
life. 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  651 

3.  Parties  and  Controversies  in  the  Church  of  England 
during  the  Nineteenth  Century. 

The  present  condition  of  the  Church  of  England  can 
be  best  illustrated  by  the  controversies  that  have  oc- 
curred and  the  legal  decisions  that  have  been  made 
during  the  century  that  has  just  closed.  The  party  di- 
visions and  the  great  secession  to  Rome  during  the  cen- 
tury have  left  the  church  still  strong  in  resources,  strong 
in  social  and  religious  influence,  and  thoroughly  aroused 
to  the  necessity  of  activity  in  every  department  of  church 
work.  It  is  probable  that  the  church  never  had  a  more 
learned  and  efficient  ministry  than  at  present,  and  a 
higher  moral  standard  never  prevailed.  The  religious 
life  of  the  members  of  the  Church  of  England  is  probably 
of  a  distinctly  higher  type  than  in  any  previous  age. 
The  rapid  growth  of  dissenting  bodies  in  numbers,  wealth, 
culture,  and  influence  has  stimulated  rather  than  weak- 
ened the  established  church.  Agitation  for  disestablish- 
ment and  disendowment  is  likely  to  continue  and  may 
be  successful  in  the  remote  future,  but  the  conservative 
forces  in  England  are  far  too  strong  to  yield  readily  or 
speedily  to  demands  for  religious  equality. 

(i)  The  Tractarian  Controversy.  The  great  evangeli- 
cal movement  of  the  eighteenth  century,  with  the  vast 
increase  of  the  religious  life  and  activity  of  dissent,  had 
shocked  and  alarmed  the  refined  and  scholarly  church- 
men. Agitation  for  the  abolition  of  class  legislation  and 
for  the  removal  of  dissenters'  disabilities  had  become 
intensified.  The  influence  of  the  American  and  French 
revolutions  was  deeply  felt  in  England  about  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  century.  The  reform  bill  having 
been  defeated  in  1831  by  the  votes  of  the  bishops,  a 
strong  popular  feeling  against  the  sitting  of  bishops  in 
the  House  of  Lords  was  aroused,  it  began  to  look  as  if 
the  disestablishment  of  the  Church  of  England  would  be 
speedily  accomplished.  Roman  Catholics  co-operated 
with  Protestant  dissenters  and  Jews  in  agitation  against 
obnoxious  laws.  In  1833  ten  Irish  bishoprics  were  abol- 
ished. The  evangelical  party  in  the  Church  of  England 
favored  a  large  measure  of  religious  freedom,  and  was 
co-operating  with  dissenters  in  philanthropic  and    mis- 


652  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

sionary  work.  The  Broad  Church  party  was  becoming 
more  and  more  aggressive.  High  Churchmen  became 
frantic  with  alarm.  A  number  of  Oxford  divines — Per- 
cival,  Froude,  and  Palmer,  with  H.  J.  Rose,  editor  of  the 
"British  Magazine  " — met  to  consider  the  feasibility  of  se- 
curing united  effort  on  the  part  of  High  Churchmen  against 
innovations.  Newman,  Keble,  Thomas  Mozley,  and 
many  other  leading  theologians,  soon  took  an  active  in- 
terest in  the  movement.  The  maintenance  of  apostolic 
succession  and  the  preservation  of  the  Prayer  Book  from 
Socinian  adulteration  were  to  be  the  chief  objects  of 
effort.  An  attempt  was  made  to  form  associations  in 
this  interest  throughout  England.  This  failed  through 
the  opposition  of  the  bishops,  hi  February,  1834,  an 
address  was  presented  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
signed  by  seven  thousand  clergy,  deprecating  reckless 
changes  and  promising  the  heartiest  co-operation  toward 
reviving  the  discipline  of  the  ancient  church.  A  similar 
petition  was  signed  by  two  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
lay  heads  of  families.  The  declaration  of  William  IV.  in 
favor  of  the  High  Church  party  gave  a  fresh  impetus  to 
the  movement.  As  early  as  1833  some  Oxford  "  Friends 
of  the  Church  "  began  to  publish  a  series  of  "  Tracts  for 
the  Times  on  Church  History  and  Doctrine."  The  chief 
writers  were  those  already  mentioned  and  Doctor  Pusey. 
J.  H.  Newman  probably  wrote  more  than  any  other 
individual  member.  These  tracts  were  widely  circu- 
lated and  created  a  great  sensation.  They  became  more 
and  more  Romanizing  as  time  went  on.  The  publication 
of  the  famous  Tract  No.  90,  by  Newman,  brought  on  a 
crisis.  This  tract  was  designed  to  prove  that  the  Thirty- 
nine  Articles  are  capable  of  being  interpreted  in  accord- 
ance with  Roman  Catholic  views  of  the  sacraments. 
By  a  Jesuitical  process  he  sought  to  explain  away  every 
vestige  of  Protestantism  from  this  bulwark  of  the  Low 
Church  party. 

Among  the  results  of  this  movement  may  be  men- 
tioned :  a.  The  exodus  to  Rome  of  a  large  number  of  the 
ablest  and  most  zealous  members  of  the  party,  b.  A 
great  revival  of  ritualism  in  the  Church  of  England. 
Archaeological  studies  as  to  ancient  liturgies,  vestments, 
etc.,  have  occupied  a  large  share  of   attention.     High 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  653 

Church  clergy  have  in  many  instances,  in  defiance  of  the 
laws  and  of  the  sentiments  of  their  congregations,  intro- 
duced Roman  Catholic  ceremonies.  A  number  of  test 
cases  have  been  decided  by  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council.  It  has  thus  been  accurately  determined 
precisely  how  far  it  is  allowable  to  go  in  the  ritualistic 
direction.  Many  have  preferred  to  suffer  prolonged  im- 
prisonment rather  than  relinquish  objectionable  prac- 
tices, c.  The  High  Church  party  has  experienced  a  great 
revival  in  practical  aggressive  work  for  the  masses. 
The  zeal  of  the  party  is  of  a  Roman  Catholic  type.  The 
founding  of  sisterhoods  and  brotherhoods  of  a  monastic 
character  for  self-denying  work  among  the  neglected 
classes  is  an  important  feature  of  the  work  of  the  party. 
d.  Auricular  confession  has  been  revived.  A  few  years 
ago  a  work  called  "  The  Priest  in  Absolution,"  prepared 
for  secret  use  among  the  High  Church  clergy,  was  brought 
to  light  and  created  a  great  sensation.  It  was  an  almost 
literal  translation  of  a  French  Roman  Catholic  book,  and 
embraced  the  worst  features  of  the  Roman  Catholic  con- 
fessional. After  the  withdrawal  of  Newman,  Doctor 
Pusey  became  the  leader  of  the  party.  Liddon,  Knox- 
Little,  Mozley,  etc.,  were  representative  High  Church- 
men. The  party  still  possesses  a  very  large  share  of  the 
scholarship  and  zeal  of  the  church  and  is  supported  by 
a  large  proportion  of  the  nobility. 

(2)  The  Gorham  Controversv-  This  controversy  was 
in  some  respects  one  of  the  most  important  that  have 
occurred  in  the  Church  of  England  in  recent  times. 
Rev.  G.  C.  Gorham  was  in  1847  presented  by  Lord 
Chancellor  Cottenham  to  the  living  of  Brampton  Speke. 
Bishop  Philpott,  of  Exeter,  in  proceeding  to  institute 
him  in  the  living,  put  him  through  an  examination  on 
one  hundred  and  forty-nine  questions,  occupying  six 
days.  Dissatisfied  with  Gorham 's  answers  on  the  mat- 
ter of  baptismal  regeneration,  the  bishop  refused  to 
institute  him.  Gorham  proceeded  by  legal  means  to 
compel  the  bishop  to  institute  him.  After  going  through 
various  courts  it  was  decided  against  Gorham  by  the 
dean  of  the  Court  of  Arches.  Appeal  was  made  to  the 
judicial'committee  of  the  Privy  Council.  The  two  arch- 
bishops sat  in  the  committee  by  special  summons  of  the 


654  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

crown.  The  decision  was  in  Gorham's  favor.  The 
Bishop  of  Exeter  sought  to  get  the  decision  reversed  in 
the  Courts  of  Queen's  Bench,  Exchequer,  and  Common 
Pleas,  but  unsuccessfully.  This  was  regarded  as  a  test 
case,  and  the  intensest  interest  was  taken  in  it  by  High 
and  Low  Churchmen  alike.  The  decision  would  deter- 
mine whether  or  not  Calvinism  had  a  right  to  exist  in 
the  Church  of  England.  The  High  Church  party  was 
arrogant  and  aggressive  and  would  gladly  have  found  a 
means  of  excluding  all  Low  Churchmen  from  the  church. 

(3)  Broad  Church  Controversies.  The  Broad  Church 
party  of  the  present  century  may  be  said  to  have  owed 
its  origin  to  Coleridge.  It  may  be  regarded  as  in  part  a 
reaction  against  High  Church  extravagances  and  in  part 
as  the  effect  of  the  introduction  of  German  philosophy 
and  theology.  Most  Broad  Churchmen  defend  the  estab- 
lishment on  Erastian  grounds.  Holding  to  the  doctrine 
of  ecclesiastical  development,  they  regard  the  establish- 
ment as  an  institution  suited  to  the  times.  The  church 
they  regard  as  a  department  of  the  State,  just  as  are 
the  army,  navy,  etc.  But  in  order  to  be  national  it  must 
be  flexible  and  must  comprehend  the  greatest  possible 
variety  of  religious  life.  They  would  like  to  see  it  so 
broad  as  to  comprehend  even  dissenters.  They  insist 
on  the  right  of  the  individual  to  the  most  absolute 
freedom  of  thought  and  of  speech.  They  oppose  with 
all  their  might  enforced  subscription  to  creeds  of  any 
kind.  After  Coleridge  the  most  influential  leaders  in 
the  Broad  Church  party  were  Arnold,  Whately,  Hare, 
Maurice,  Hampden,  Stanley,  Kingsley,  and  Farrar.  The 
party  first  came  prominently  forward  controversially  in 
opposition  to  the  encroachments  of  the  High  Church 
party. 

a.  The  Hampden  Controversy.  Up  to  1836  the  members 
of  the  party  labored  quietly.  They  had  not  hesitated  to 
denounce  the  Romanizing  party,  but  this  they  did  in 
common  with  the  evangelicals.  In  1836  Doctor  Hamp- 
den was  appointed  Regius  professor  at  Oxford  on  the 
nomination  of  Lord  Melbourne,  a  Whig.  He  had  deliv- 
ered a  course  of  Bampton  lectures  a  year  before,  and  was 
known  to  entertain  liberal  views.  His  appointment  was 
exceedingly  distasteful  to  the  High  Church  party,  then 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  655 

dominant  at  Oxford.  J.  H.  Newman,  on  behalf  of  the 
High  Church  party,  attacked  tlie  Bampton  lectures  in  a 
pamphlet  and  intensified  the  dissatisfaction  with  Hamp- 
den's appointment.  The  University  Convocation  passed 
a  vote  of  censure  on  Hampden.  This  aroused  the  indig- 
nation of  such  men  as  Arnold,  Whately,  Hare,  etc. 
Arnold  compared  the  action  of  Convocation  to  the  con- 
demnation of  Huss  at  Constance,  the  condemnation  of 
Bishop  Burnet's  "Exposition  of  the  Thirty-nine  Arti- 
cles" by  Convocation,  etc.  He  stigmatized  the  Tracta- 
rian  party  as  Judaizers.  The  difficulty  at  Oxford  was 
relieved  by  the  appointment  of  Hampden  to  a  bish- 
opric, but  the  polemical  zeal  of  the  Broad  Church  party 
had  been  awakened,  and  henceforth  the  intensest  hos- 
tility was  manifest  between  the  High  Church  and  the 
Broad  Church  parties. 

b.  Maurice's  Theological  Essays.  These  appeared  in 
1853,  and  up  to  that  time  were  the  most  important 
Broad  Church  publication.  The  doctrines  of  the  trinity, 
incarnation,  inspiration,  future  punishment,  etc.,  were 
treated  with  a  freedom  that  startled  the  conservatives  of 
both  High  and  Low  Church  parties,  and  attracted  a  large 
number  of  able  young  men.  Maurice  was  then  professor 
in  King's  College,  London.  The  council  of  the  college 
pronounced  the  tendency  of  the  book  dangerous,  and  de- 
manded his  resignation.  He  was  soon  afterward  ap- 
pointed to  a  professorship  at  Cambridge,  where  his  influ- 
ence was  widened.  His  voluminous  writings  set  forth 
the  position  of  the  Broad  Church  party  in  many  of  its 
most  important  aspects. 

c.  The  Essays  and  Reviews  Controversy.  The  most 
important  controversy  in  connection  with  the  Broad 
Church  movement,  almost  equaling  the  Tractarian  con- 
troversy in  the  amount  of  public  attention  awakened, 
was  called  forth  in  i860  by  the  publication  of  a  volume 
under  the  title,  "  Essays  and  Reviews,"  containing  seven 
articles  written  by  seven  well-known  liberal  theologians. 
According  to  the  preface,  they  were  written  independ- 
ently, without  concert  or  comparison,  and  with  a  view 
to  illustrating  the  advantage  derivable  to  the  cause  of 
religious  and  mora!  truth  from  a  free  handling  in  a  be- 
coming spirit  of  subjects  peculiarly  liable  to  suffer  by 


656  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

the  repetition  of  conventional  language  and  from  tra- 
ditional methods  of  treatment.  The  essays  differ  greatly 
among  themselves  in  the  degrees  of  aberration  from 
commonly  received  views.  The  first  is  by  Doctor  Tem- 
ple, then  head  master  at  Rugby,  now  (1902)  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  on  "  The  Education  of  the  World."  The 
development  view  of  human  history  is  ably  set  forth. 
The  present  time  represents  the  world's  manhood,  in 
which  conscience  is  supreme.  The  second  essay,  by 
Dr.  Rowland  Williams,  is  an  appreciative  review  of 
Bunsen's  work  in  Old  Testament  criticism.  The  third 
essay,  by  Prof.  Baden  Powell,  is  on  the  Evidences  of 
Christianity.  External  evidences,  such  as  miracles,  are 
discredited,  and  internal  evidences  chiefly  relied  on. 
The  fourth  is  by  Rev.  H.  B.  Wilson,  on  the  National 
Church.  The  article  is  intensely  liberalistic.  The 
fifth,  by  Goodwin,  a  layman,  on  the  Mosaic  Cosmog- 
ony, attempts  to  show  that  the  Mosaic  cosmogony  is 
full  of  mistakes.  The  sixth,  by  Prof.  Mark  Pattison, 
on  the  Tendencies  of  Religious  Thought  in  England, 
1688-1750,  has  for  its  chief  object  to  show  the  incon- 
sistencies of  English  theology  with  regard  to  the  basis 
on  which  revelation  rests.  The  seventh  is  by  Prof. 
B.  Jowett,  and  is  on  the  Interpretation  of  Scripture. 
The  general  tone  of  the  "Essays  and  Reviews"  may 
be  said  to  be  negative  rather  than  positive.  The  vol- 
ume attracted  little  attention  for  the  first  few  months. 
"  The  Westminster  Review,"  a  rationalistic  publica- 
tion, noticed  it  appreciatively  and  assumed  an  under- 
standing among  the  writers.  It  made  an  extensi\'e 
collection  of  passages  to  show  the  heterodox  quality  of 
the  volume.  This  at  once  attracted  attention  to  it,  and 
it  became  the  book  of  the  season.  It  was  attacked  in 
the  "  Quarterly  Review."  Nine  thousand  clergy  signed 
a  protest  against  it.  Pulpit  and  press  united  in  con- 
demning it.  The  Convocations  of  Canterbury  and  York 
condemned  the  pernicious  doctrines  and  heretical  tenden- 
cies of  the  book.  Suit  was  entered  in  the  ecclesiastical 
courts  against  Williams  and  Wilson.  Thirt\'-two  expres- 
sions were  collected  from  the  essays  of  these  clergymen, 
which,  being  separated  from  their  connection,  appeared 
even  more  objectionable  than  they  would  otherwise  have 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  657 

done.  After  much  learned  argument  all  but  five  of  the 
specifications  were  thrown  out.  These  were,  denial  of 
the  necessity  of  a  distinction  between  covenanted  and 
uncovenanted  mercies,  justification,  inspiration,  and  jus- 
tification by  faith.  On  these  five  charges  the  Court  of 
Arches  suspended  Williams  and  Wilson  for  one  year. 
Appeal  was  made  to  the  Judicial  Committee  of  the  Privy 
Council.  The  Court  of  Arches  had  discarded  all  questions 
of  biblical  interpretation  and  criticism  as  entirely  beyond 
and  outside  of  the  Prayer  Book  and  Thirty-nine  Articles. 
All  charges  of  heresy  founded  on  questions  of  author- 
ship, date,  prediction,  or  prophecy,  etc.,  were  set  aside. 
When  the  case  was  brought  before  the  Judicial  Commit- 
tee of  the  Privy  Council  the  two  first  charges  were  aban- 
doned at  the  beginning.  One  by  one  the  other  three 
were  thrown  out.  The  questions  at  issue  assumed  the 
following  form  :  Whether  every  part  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testament  upon  any  subject  whatever,  however  uncon- 
nected with  religious  faith  and  moral  duty,  was  written 
under  the  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  or  whether  the 
Bible  was  inspired  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  that  has  ever 
dwelt  and  still  dwells  in  the  church,  which  dwelt  also  in 
the  sacred  writers  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  which  will  aid 
and  illuminate  the  minds  of  those  who  read  Scripture 
trusting  to  receive  the  guidance  of  the  Spirit.  The  court 
decided  that  the  framers  of  the  Articles  have  not  used 
the  word  inspiration  as  applied  to  Scripture,  nor  have 
they  laid  down  anything  as  to  the  extent  or  limits  of  the 
Spirit's  operation.  On  the  question  of  eternal  punish- 
ment the  charge  rested  on  the  hope  expressed  by  one  of 
the  writers,  that  at  the  day  of  judgment  those  who  are 
not  admitted  to  happiness  may  be  so  dealt  with  as  that 
the  perverted  may  be  restored,  and  all,  both  great  and 
small,  may  ultimately  find  refuge  in  the  bosom  of  the 
universal  Parent.  The  court  decided  that  it  had  always 
been  permitted  to  think  freely  on  this  subject,  an  article 
in  the  original  Forty-two  Articles  condemning  the  theory 
of  universal  restoration  having  been  thrown  out  in  the 
revision  under  Elizabeth.  As  regards  justification  by 
faith,  the  charge  rested  on  the  hint  contained  in  one  of 
the  essays,  that  justification  by  faith  might  mean  the 
peace  of  mind  or  sense  of  divine  approval  which  comes  of 

2R 


658  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

trust  in  a  righteous  God,  rather  than  a  fiction  of  merit  by 
transfer.  The  court  decided  that  the  Article  on  Justifi- 
cation is  wholly  silent  as  to  the  merits  of  Jesus  Christ 
being  transferred  to  us,  and  that  therefore  they  could  not 
declare  it  penal  to  speak  of  merit  by  transfer  as  a  fiction. 
As  the  Gorham  case  settled  the  right  of  the  Evangelical 
party  to  a  place  in  the  establishment,  so  the  "  Essays  and 
Reviews"  case  settled  the  right  of  the  Broad  Church 
party.  The  position  taken  by  the  highest  courts  is  in 
effect:  that  a  clergyman  may  say  and  write  what  he 
pleases  on  theological  matters  so  long  as  he  does  not  dis- 
tinctly contradict  the  exact  words  of  the  Articles  or  the 
Prayer  Book.  The  utmost  freedom  is  now  accorded  to 
the  English  clergy,  all  shades  of  opinion  abounding. 

4.  The  Church  of  England  in  America. 

The  Church  of  England  was  the  established  form  of 
religion  from  the  beginning  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas, 
in  New  York  (after  it  had  been  wrested  from  the  Dutch), 
and  in  Maryland  (after  the  dislodging  of  Roman  Catholi- 
cism, 1655).  As  the  clergy  were  for  the  most  part 
State-appointed  and  State-paid  they  were  little  solicitous, 
for  the  most  part,  about  the  good-will  of  the  people,  in 
many  cases  unworthy  and  even  immoral  men  were  sent 
out  from  England  because  of  scandals  that  disqualified 
them  for  service  at  home.  In  Virginia,  where  ample 
provision  was  made  for  the  support  of  the  Church  of 
England  by  the  glebe  lands,  tithes,  etc.,  the  corruption 
of  the  clergy  became  most  notorious,  and  their  loyalty 
to  England  during  the  Revolution  co-operated  with  grow- 
ing disapproval  of  their  lives  and  ministrations  to  make 
them  exceedingly  unpopular  and  to  cause  successful  agita- 
tion on  the  part  of  Baptists  and  Presbyterians  for  the  dises- 
tablishment and  disendowment  of  the  church.  In  New 
York  City  the  Church  of  England  early  acquired  posses- 
sion of  a  large  amount  of  property  that  in  course  of  time 
became  exceedingly  valuable,  and  now  yields  enormous 
revenues.  Philadelphia  early  became  a  stronghold  of 
Episcopal  influence  and  has  remained  so  to  the  present 
day. 

After  the  War  of  Independence  the  necessity  for  inde- 
pendent church  organization  was  realized.     Just  at  the 


CHAP,  v.]  THE  CHURCH   OF   ENGLAND  659 

close  of  the  war  Samuel  Seabury  was  consecrated  at 
Aberdeen,  by  some  Non-juring  bishops,  to  be  bishop  of 
the  American  church.  In  1785  a  convention  adopted  a 
revised  Prayer  Book,  a  new  constitution,  and  the  name, 
"Protestant  Episcopal  Church." 

Not  being  satisfied  with  the  ordination  of  Seabury, 
the  convention  of  1786  sent  three  of  its  ministers  to 
England  to  secure  episcopal  ordination  at  the  hands  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Provoost  and  White 
were  consecrated  by  him  early  in  1787.  Seabury's  or- 
dination, having  been  accepted  and  its  validity  insisted 
upon  by  New  England  churches,  was  recognized  by  the 
triennial  convention  of  1789.  From  this  time  onward  the 
body  prospered.  It  was  not  conditioned  so  as  to  gain 
advantages  from  the  great  revivals  of  the  nineteenth 
century  and  it  has  not  for  the  most  part  shown  much 
sympathy  with  evangelistic  efforts  for  the  conversion  of 
souls.  It  has  depended  for  its  growth  chiefly  upon  im- 
migration from  England  and  upon  the  strong  social  influ- 
ence that  since  the  Revolution,  as  before,  it  has  stead- 
ily exerted.  Many  ministers  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal 
Church  have  been  evangelical  and  have  been  possessed 
of  spiritual  power;  but  the  great  mass  have  been  lack- 
ing in  evangelistic  zeal,  and  have  exerted  a  moral  and 
churchly  rather  than  a  distinctively  religious  influence. 
In  the  great  cities,  and  in  many  of  the  smaller  cities  and 
towns,  it  is  the  "society  "  church.  The  various  parties 
in  the  Church  of  England  have  their  representatives  in 
the  United  States,  Canada,  and  Australia.  It  is  probable 
that  in  the  United  States  the  High  Church  spirit  is  pre- 
dominant. The  present  membership  of  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church  is  about  six  hundred  thousand. 

In  the  British  provinces  that  now  make  up  the  Domin- 
ion of  Canada  the  Church  of  England  was  at  first  estab- 
lished and  endowed,  but  as  a  result  of  agitations  during 
the  fourth  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century  its  special 
privileges  were  withdrawn.  It  has  now  an  episcopate  of 
its  own,  and  is  one  of  the  strong  and  well-equipped  bodies. 
in  Australia  and  New  Zealand,  owing  to  extensive  immi- 
gration from  England,  the  Church  of  England  occupies 
a  highly  influential  position  from  the  numbers,  wealth, 
and  social  standing  of  its  members. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE   GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN    DENOMINATIONS 

I.  THE  CONGREGATIONALISTS 

LITERATURE:  Dexter,  "The  ConKregatioiialism  of  the  Last 
Three  Hundred  Years,"  1880  (contains  remarkably  full  bibliography 
up  to  the  date  of  publication);  Weingarten,  '"Die  Revohitioiisknchen 
Englands,^^  1868 ;  Stoughton,  "Ecclesiastical  History  of  England" 
(under  various  titles  covers  the  time  1641-1880),  1 867-1 884  ;  Walker, 
"  The  Creeds  and  Platforms  of  Congregationalism,"  1893,  and 
"A  Hist,  of  the  Congregational  Churches  in  the  U.  S.,"  1894; 
Punchard,  "  Hist,  of  Congregationalism,"  1865-1881  ;  Mather, 
"  A/ J  3-;/ J //a,"  1702;  Uhden,  "The  New  England  Theocracy,"  Eng. 
tr.,  1858;  Hanburv,  "Historical  Memorials,"  1839-1843  ;  Felt, 
"The  EcclesiasticalHist.  of  N.  Eng.,"  1855-1863;  Palfrey,  "  Hist, 
of  N.  Eng.,"  1859-1890;  Ellis,  "The  Puritan  Age  and  Rule  in  the 
Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  1628-1685,"  1888  ;  biographical  arti- 
cles in  Schaff-Herzog,  Hauck-Herzog,  and  "  Dictionary  of  National 
Biography,"  ed.  Stephen  and  Lee. 

I.  English  Congregationalists  from  1648  Onward. 

The  preceding  period  closed  with  the  Independents 
(Congregationalists  and  Baptists)  under  Cromwell's 
leadership  dominating  the  army,  dispersing  the  Presby- 
terian Parliament  and  Westminster  Assembly,  trying 
and  executing  the  king,  and  introducing  an  era  of 
religious  toleration  in  England.  A  brief  account  of  the 
later  history  of  English  Congregationalism  must  here  be 
given. 

(i)  The  Cromwellian  Time.  It  is  probable  that  if 
Cromwell  had  been  starting  out  to  construct  a  com- 
monwealth anew  he  would  have  preferred  a  purely 
voluntary  system  with  no  established  or  favored  form  of 
Christianity.  But  he  had  the  church  buildings  and  the 
church  endowments  on  his  hands,  and  the  problem  was 
how  to  utilize  them  in  a  way  that  would  be  promotive  of 
true  religion  and  of  loyalty  to  the  civil  administration. 
He  recognized  the  hand  of  God  in  every  victory  of  the 
Independents,  in  the  overthrow  of  the  tyrant  Charles  I., 
660 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  66l 

in  the  defeat  of  the  intolerant  purposes  of  the  Presby- 
terians, and  in  the  putting  of  himself,  as  leader  of  the 
Independents,  in  the  place  of  power  and  responsibility. 
"Let  us  look  into  providences,"  he  said,  "surely  they 
mean  somewhat.  They  hang  so  together,  have  been 
so  constant,  clear,  unclouded,"  etc.  "God  has  accepted 
the  zeal  of  the  Independents,  as  once  he  did  the  zeal  of 
Phinehas." 

His  situation  was  one  of  great  difficulty  and  delicacy. 
The  friends  of  the  late  king,  though  inferior  in  intelli- 
gence and  courage  and  probably  in  numbers  to  the 
triumphant  army  and  its  supporters,  were  not  so  much 
in  the  minority  as  to  allow  of  any  lack  of  alertness  or 
armed  preparation  on  the  part  of  Cromwell.  The  exe- 
cution of  the  king  had  caused  him  to  be  regarded  as  a 
holy  martyr,  and  the  publication  of  the  " Eikon  Basilike" 
(1649),  purporting  to  be  the  king's  own  pious  reflections 
on  his  administration  and  justification  of  himself  before 
the  world,  tended  greatly  to  increase  the  enthusiastic 
devotion  of  the  royalists. 

On  the  other  side  a  considerable  number  of  extreme 
social  and  religious  democrats  (Levelers,  etc.)  were 
clamoring  for  liberty,  fraternity,  and  equality,  somewhat 
in  the  spirit  of  the  French  Revolutionists  of  1791-1794. 
The  Presbyterians  of  England  and  Scotland,  moreover, 
had  been  completely  alienated. 

He  did  not  think  it  wise,  even  if  he  had  thought  it 
right,  to  confiscate  church  property,  and  if  he  had  con- 
fiscated the  productive  estates  of  the  church,  the  build- 
ings would  have  been  still  on  his  hands.  He  was  too 
deeply  impressed  with  tlie  importance  of  having  Christi- 
anity in  its  purest  possible  form  preached  to  the  people 
everywhere  to  be  willing  in  any  case  to  use  for  secular 
purposes  what  had  been  dedicated  to  religion.  He  was 
not  narrow  enough  to  wish  to  set  up  Pedobaptist  Con- 
gregationalism as  the  religion  of  the  State  to  the  exclu- 
sion of  other  evangelical  parties.  He  regarded  "liberty 
of  conscience  "  as  "  a  natural  right,"  and  coupled  it  with 
"liberty  of  the  subject,"  regarding  them  together  as 
"two  as  glorious  things  to  be  contended  for  as  any  that 
God  hath  given  us."  "  If  the  poorest  Christian,  the 
most  mistaken  Christian,  shall  desire  to  live  peaceably 


662  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

and  quietly  under  you  [the  new  Parliament  of  1653] — I 
say,  if  any  shall  desire  but  to  lead  a  life  of  godliness  and 
honesty,  let  him  be  protected." 

But  as  the  exigencies  of  the  time  seemed  to  him  to 
justify  the  application  of  the  "little,  poor  invention" 
that  he  "found  out"  (1655)  of  making  himself  the 
military  head  of  the  nation  and  districting  the  countr>' 
into  major-generalsliips  for  military  government,  and  to 
put  a  somewiiat  rigorous  consorship  upon  the  press,  so 
he  thought  it  expedient  to  appoint  a  committee  of  thirty- 
eight  Tryers,  composed  of  Independent,  Presbyterian, 
and  Baptist  ministers,  to  pass  upon  the  intellectual, 
moral,  and  spiritual  qualifications  of  all  candidates  for 
the  pastorates  of  State-endowed  churches.  The  repre- 
sentatives of  each  parish  were  allowed  to  choose  their 
own  pastor,  but  he  could  not  be  installed  without  the 
approbation  of  the  committee  of  Tryers. 

Some  of  these  parish  committees  chose  Presbyterian 
pastors  ;  some  chose  evangelical  churchmen  that  could 
hardly  be  called  Presbyterian  (preferring  episcopacy,  but 
not  devoted  to  the  Stuart  cause)  ;  some  chose  Pedo- 
baptist  Independent  pastors ;  and  about  thirty  chose 
Baptists  as  pastors. 

With  such  a  body  of  Tryers  it  was  impossible  that 
denominational  differences  should  be  taken  into  account. 
Romanizing  and  High  Church  candidates  and  Arminians 
and  Socinians  v/ould  be  ruled  out.  Opposition  to  the 
Cromwellian  government,  whether  on  the  ground  of 
devotion  to  the  Stuarts  or  on  the  ground  of  extreme 
republicanism,  constituted  a  disqualification.  A  fair 
amount  of  education,  a  good  knowledge  of  biblical  truth, 
good  moral  character,  and  ability  to  edify  the  people, 
were  the  things  most  insisted  upon.  It  may  be  here 
remarked  that  the  great  majority  of  Baptists  opposed 
Cromwell's  policy  from  the  beginning,  insisting  upon 
pure  democracy  in  the  State  and  absolute  separation  of 
Church  and  State. 

Those  who  did  violence  to  the  principles  for  which 
Baptists  and  their  medieval  and  sixteenth  century  pro- 
genitors had  consistently  stood  (except  in  a  few  cases 
under  the  influence  of  millenarian  fanaticism)  were  men 
of  learning  and  piety  who  had  been  trained  in  the  estab- 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  663 

lished  church  and  had  not  yet  become  thoroughly  seized 
of  the  Baptist  position.  They  realized  Cromwell's  diffi- 
culties and  thought  it  expedient  in  the  meantime  to 
co-operate  with  him  in  his  efforts  to  allow  the  church 
endowments  and  properties  to  be  used  for  religious  pur- 
poses in  such  a  way  as  would  do  most  good  to  the  people 
without  danger  to  the  government. 

The  universities  of  England  being  national  property^ 
were  subjected  to  a  treatment  somewhat  similar  to  that 
of  the  State  churches.  That  aggressive  royalists  should 
have  been  excluded  and  supporters  of  the  government 
made  the  teachers  of  the  nation  was  to  be  expected. 
John  Owen,  the  profoundest  theologian  among  the  Con- 
gregationalists  of  the  time,  was  made  dean  of  Christ's 
Church  and  vice-chancellor  of  the  University  of  Oxford. 
Thomas  Goodwin,  who  had  been  a  Congregational  mem- 
ber of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  became  president  of 
Magdalen  College,  Cambridge.  Among  other  Congre- 
gationalists  who  occupied  high  positions  at  this  time  were 
John  Howe,  who  was  court  chaplain  to  Cromwell  ; 
Philip  Nye,  who  served  as  rector  of  St.  Bartholomew's, 
London  ;  and  Joseph  Caryl,  who  was  rector  of  St. 
Mary's  Magnus,  London. 

It  should  be  said  that  Cromwell  perpetuated  the  rights 
of  patronage  and  allowed  tithes  and  other  parish  dues  to 
be  collected  by  civil  authority  as  theretofore. 

Under  Cromwell's  patronage  Congregationalism 
greatly  increased  in  importance,  and  as  up  to  the  end 
of  the  last  year  of  his  reign  there  had  been  no  effort  to 
organize  Pedobaptist  Independents  into  a  denomination, 
it  was  thought  wise  by  himself  and  leading  Congrega- 
tional ministers  to  summon  by  public  authority  an 
assembly  of  Congregational  elders  to  prepare  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith.  After  preliminary  meetings,  the  synod 
met  in  the  Savoy  Palace,  London,  September  29,  1658, 
twenty-six  days  after  Cromwell's  death,  and  as  a  result 
of  a  session  of  eleven  days,  a  "  Declaration  of  Faith  and 
Order  Owned  and  Practised  in  the  Congregational 
Churches"  was  adopted.  The  principal  members  of 
the  synod  had,  with  the  exception  of  Owen,  been  mem- 
bers of  the  Westminster  Assembly,  and  it  was  natural 
that  they  should  make  the  Westminster  Confession  the 


664  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  VI. 

basis  of  tlieir  work.  Most  of  the  Westminster  Confes- 
sion was  adopted  bodily.  The  characteristic  feature  of 
the  Savoy  Declaration  is  the  section,  "Of  the  institution 
of  Churches  and  the  Order  Appointed  in  them  by  Jesus 
Christ,"  in  which  "the  independent  sufficiency  and 
scriptural  warrant  of  particular  local  churches,  composed 
of  saints  by  calling,"  are  insisted  upon,  and  the  propriety 
and  value  of  advisory  councils  are  recognized. 

(2)  English  Congregationalism  from  1660  Onward.  Con- 
gregationalists  suffered  in  common  with  Presbyterians, 
Baptists,  and  Quakers  under  the  persecuting  measures 
of  Charles  II.,  and  participated  equally  with  the  other 
bodies  of  nonconformists  in  the  overthrow  of  James  11. 
and  the  bringing  of  William  and  Mary  to  the  throne. 
Under  the  Act  of  Toleration  promulgated  by  the  latter 
sovereigns  (1689)  they  enjoyed  with  the  other  noncon- 
formists a  sufficient  measure  of  freedom  to  enable  them 
to  carry  on  somewhat  effectively  their  local  church  work, 
some  educational  work,  and  some  home  mission  work, 
and  to  make  valuable  contributions  to  literature.  When 
under  Queen  Anne  such  liberty  as  dissenters  enjoyed 
was  in  jeopardy,  Congregationalists  joined  hands  with 
their  brethren  of  other  denominations  in  earnest  and  per- 
sistent efforts  to  hold  what  they  had  and  to  secure  the 
abolition  of  all  the  religious  disabilities  under  which  dis- 
senters still  labored  and  complete  religious  equality  be- 
fore the  law.  Through  these  combined  efforts,  English 
dissenters  secured  in  the  nineteenth  century  (1828)  the 
abrogation  of  the  Corporation  and  Test  Acts,  with  the 
opening  of  the  universities  and  all  civil  and  military 
offices  to  dissenters,  and  in  fact  nearly  all  the  rights  that 
dissenters  can  enjoy  consistently  with  the  maintenance 
of  a  State  Church,  with  its  bishops  ex  officio  members  of 
the  House  of  Lords,  its  vast  endowments,  its  right  to  tax 
the  entire  population  for  its  support,  its  control  of  the 
universities  and  to  a  great  extent  of  popular  education, 
and  its  overwhelming  social  ascendency.  English  dis- 
senters are  still  unitedly  striving  for  religious  equality, 
and  are  convinced  that  the  only  complete  remedy  for 
their  grievances  is  disestablishment  and  disendowment. 

After  earlier  efforts  at  union  with  the  Presbyterians  of 
a  less  general   and    important   character  had    failed,  a 


CHAP.  VI.]   GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  665 

movement  in  this  direction  (1690  onward)  led  by  John 
Howe,  then  the  foremost  dissenting  minister  in  England, 
on  the  Presbyterian  side,  and  Matthew  Meade,  and  In- 
crease Mather,  a  leading  American  Congregationalist  at 
that  time  in  England  on  colonial  business,  on  the  Con- 
gregational side,  promised  for  a  time  to  prove  effective. 
Certain  "  Heads  of  Agreement  "  were  drawn  up,'  and  a 
common  sustentation  fund  was  established.  But  contro- 
versy soon  arose  and  the  union  effort  was  abandoned. 
The  "Heads  of  Agreement,"  which  Increase  Mather 
had  assisted  in  drawing  up,  proved  of  more  value  in 
America. 

Congregationalists  suffered  in  common  with  the  estab- 
lished church  and  the  other  dissenting  bodies  during  the 
eighteenth  century  from  the  prevalence  of  Socinian  and 
deistical  modes  of  thought.  Many  Congregationalists 
became  anti-trinitarian,  while  many  of  their  congrega- 
tions dwindled  and  became  extinct.  The  spirit  of  ag- 
gressiveness for  a  time  almost  disappeared.  Yet  there 
was  no  such  general  defection  to  anti-trinitarian  sen- 
timents as  among  the  English  Presbyterians. 

In  common  with  other  religious  bodies  the  Con- 
gregationalists of  England  participated  largely  in  the 
evangelical  revival.  During  the  last  decades  of  the 
eighteenth  century  their  membership  greatly  increased, 
moribund  churches  were  revived,  many  new  congrega- 
tions were  established,  interest  in  home  and  foreign 
evangelization,  Sunday-school  work,  the  circulation  of 
the  Scriptures  and  other  religious  literature,  and  in  general 
philanthropy  greatly  increased.  Congregationalists  were 
the  chief  movers  in  the  founding  of  the  London  Mis- 
sionary Society  (1795)  on  an  interdenominational  basis. 
It  soon,  however,  came  to  be  a  distinctively  Congrega- 
tional institution.  In  1832  the  Congregational  Union  of 
England  and  Wales  was  formed  as  a  means  of  consoli- 
dating, conserving,  and  increasing  the  forces  and  activities 
of  the  churches,  and  in  1833  the  union  adopted  "  A  Dec- 
laration of  the  Principles  of  Faith  and  Order  of  the  Con- 
gregational Body."  ^  One  of  their  avowed  objects  in  the 
new   declaration   was   to    distinguish    themselves   from 

'See  document  in  Walker,  "Creeds  and  Platforms."  p.  s^S  seq. 
^  See  Walker,  "  Creeds  and  Platforms."  p.  445  st,]. 


666  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI 

Methodists  on  the  one  hand  and  Socinians  on  the  other. 
It  is  a  thoroughly  irenical  statement,  and  expressed  fairly 
well  the  average  sentiments  of  the  CongregationaHsts  of 
the  time,  but  it  is  not  regarded  to-day  as  possessing  any 
binding  authority.  In  fact,  the  spirit  of  individualism 
and  freedom  of  thought  prevails  so  widely  among  Eng- 
lish CongregationaHsts  at  the  present  time  that  they 
would  find  it  difficult  to  unite  in  any  doctrinal  declara- 
tion. 

The  CongregationaHsts  of  England  and  Wales  are  at 
the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  a  numerous, 
wealthy,  and  highly  influential  body,  possessing  a  large 
number  of  learned  and  able  ministers,  well  equipped 
with  institutions  of  learning,  with  societies  for  various 
kinds  of  denominational  work,  and  with  well-conducted 
periodical  publications.  Among  the  most  eminent  leaders 
of  the  present  generation  may  be  mentioned  John  Stougli- 
ton,  the  church  historian  ;  R.  W.  Dale,  preacher  and 
theological  writer  ;  A.  M.  Fairbairn,  one  of  the  profound- 
est  theological  thinkers  of  the  time  and  principal  of  Mans- 
field College,  Oxford  ;  J.  Guiness  Rogers,  editor  and 
author,  and  Henry  Allon,  for  many  years  editor  of  the 
"  British  Quarterly  Review."  The  body  has  nearly  four 
thousand  congregations,  a  somewhat  smaller  number  of 
ministers,  and  between  three  and  four  hundred  thousand 
members. 

2.  American  Congregationalism  from  1648  Onward. 

We  have  seen  that  long  before  1648  New  England 
CongregationaHsts  had  become  a  somewhat  numerous 
body,  with  a  learned  ministry  and  a  college  at  Cam- 
bridge, and  that  a  theocratic  form  of  government,  that 
involved  a  complete  identification  of  Church  and  State, 
with  the  religious  element  in  control  and  a  presbyterial 
form  of  church  government,  had  been  established.  With 
a  view  to  keeping  the  magistracy  in  complete  harmony 
with  the  churches  and  thus  maintaining  the  theocratic 
character  of  the  commonwealth,  it  was  enacted  by  the 
Massachusetts  Court  (1631)  "that  no  man  shall  be  ad- 
mitted to  the  freedom  of  this  body  politic  but  such  as  are 
members  of  some  of  the  churches  within  the  limits  of  the 
same."     It    had   already  been  provided   that    no   body 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  667 

could  be  considered  a  church  for  such  a  purpose  but  one 
that  had  secured  the  approval  of  the  magistracy  and  of 
the  elders  of  the  churches  already  existing.  No  man 
was  eligible  for  a  civil  office  unless  he  was  a  member  in 
good  standing  of  a  recognized  church,  and  loss  of  mem- 
bership meant  expulsion  from  office.  The  object  of  these 
regulations  was  the  absolute  exclusion  of  all  forms  of  dis- 
sent (Baptist,  Quaker,  Anglican,  etc.). 

Up  to  1646  there  had  been  no  general  and  authorita- 
tive declaration  on  church  polity.  At  this  time  the  home 
government  was  Presbyterian  and  within  the  past  few 
years  a  considerable  number  of  Presbyterians  had  come 
from  England  and  were  clamoring  for  a  recognition  of 
their  rights. 

(i)  The  Cambridge  Platform  {1648).  In  1646  the  court 
requested  the  churches  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and 
Connecticut  to  send  elders  and  messengers  to  sit  in  a 
synod  at  Cambridge  to  settle  by  the  word  of  God  ques- 
tions of  church  government  and  discipline.  Most  of  the 
churches  sent  representatives.  John  Cotton,  Richard 
Mather,  and  Samuel  Partridge  were  appointed  each  to 
draw  up  independently  a  platform.  An  epidemic  hin- 
dered the  assembling  of  the  synod  at  the  appointed  time, 
and  final  action  was  not  taken  until  August,  1648,  when 
the  platform  drawn  up  by  Mather  was  with  some  changes 
adopted.  The  Cambridge  Platform,  which  was  authori- 
tative until  1662,  was  strongly  presbyterial  in  tone  as 
regards  the  relations  of  elders  and  people,  a  preponder- 
ance of  authority  being  vested  in  the  elders.  The  rela- 
tions of  churches  to  churches  are  defined  more  carefully 
than  in  any  preceding  Congregational  declaration.  Seven 
ways  are  mentioned  in  which  churches  may  intercom- 
mune  :  mutual  care  for  each  other's  welfare,  mutual  con- 
sultation, mutual  admonition,  joint  partaking  of  the  Lord's 
Supper,  mutual  relief  and  succor,  and  propagation  or  the 
surrendering  of  members  to  form  new  congregations 
(compared  to  the  swarming  of  bees).  Synods  orderly 
assembled  and  rightly  proceeding  are  declared  to  be  an 
ordinance  of  Christ  and  necessary  many  times  to  the 
well-being  of  the  churches,  yet  their  power  is  the  power 
of  the  churches  whose  elders  and  messengers  sit  in  the 
same.     Their  function  is  to  debate  and  determine  matters 


668  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PEK  vi. 

of  religion  according  to  tlie  word,  to  put  the  results  in 
definite  form  and  to  publish  them  to  the  churches,  to 
convict  of  errors  and  heresies,  and  to  establish  truth  and 
peace  in  the  churches.  The  right  of  magistrates  to  call 
synods  is  admitted,  but  synods  may  be  called,  in  case 
tile  magistrates  be  hostile,  independently  of  ci\il  au- 
thority. The  function  of  a  synod  does  not  extend  to 
"  the  exercise  of  church  censures  in  way  of  discipline 
nor  any  other  act  of  church  authority  or  jurisdiction." 
"  The  synod's  directions  and  determinations,  so  far  as 
consonant  with  the  word  of  God,  are  to  be  received  with 
reverence  and  submission,  not  only  for  their  agreement 
therewith,  but  also  secondarily  for  the  power  by  which 
they  are  made  as  being  an  ordinance  of  God  appointed 
thereunto  in  his  word." 

The  most  noteworthy  feature  of  the  platform  is  its 
rigorous  insistence  on  a  public  profession  of  faith,  involv- 
ing satisfactory  evidence  of  conversion,  as  a  condition 
of  admission  to  the  Lord's  Supper.  This  rule  applied  as 
well  to  those  baptized  in  infancy  as  to  those  not  so  bap- 
tized. Moreover,  only  the  children  of  parents  in  full 
communion,  /.  e.,  of  those  who  had  given  credible  evi- 
dence of  regeneration  and  had  continued  a  satisfactory 
Christian  walk,  were,  according  to  the  platform,  eligible 
for  baptism.  Thus  a  large  part  of  the  community  was 
sure  to  be  deprived  of  the  privilege  of  communion  and 
that  of  having  their  children  baptized.  Yet  the  platform 
insists  that  all  without  respect  to  their  fellowship  in  the 
churches  should  contribute  for  the  support  of  the  re- 
ligious teachers. 

(2)  The  Half-way  Covenant  {1662).  As  the  colonies 
became  large  and  prosperous,  the  average  of  piety  sen- 
sibly declined.  Many  of  the  children  of  the  godly  men 
who  had  come  to  America  for  conscience'  sake  fell  far 
short  of  the  requirements  for  full  communion,  and  their 
children  in  turn  were  thereby  deprived  of  any  hereditar\' 
church-membership.  The  civil  disabilities  attached  to 
deprivation  of  church-membership,  invoh'ing,  as  noticed 
above,  disfranchisement  and  disqualification  for  office, 
were  grievous  to  many.  By  1656  there  had  come  to  be 
widespread  dissatisfaction  with  these  rigorous  provisions 
of  the  platform.     Moreover  it  was  becoming  manifest  to 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  669 

some  of  the  ministers  that  the  Baptists  (Anabaptists 
they  were  commonly  called  in  New  England  at  this 
time)  were  deriving  an  advantage  from  the  existing  regu- 
lations. People  were  beginning  to  ask  :  "  If  infant  bap- 
tism does  not  entitle  one  to  church  privileges  and  citizen- 
ship, what  is  the  use  of  it  ?  "  So  asked  Henry  Dunster, 
president  of  Harvard  College,  and  could  not  be  per- 
suaded to  keep  his  anti-pedobaptist  views  in  abeyance 
and  thus  continue  in  the  work  in  which  he  was  succeed- 
ing so  well  and  where  his  services  were  so  much 
needed. 

Controversy  had  arisen  in  Connecticut  among  the 
ministers  as  to  the  terms  of  admission  to  full  member- 
ship, A  numerous  and  influential  faction  of  Presby- 
terian antecedents  and  sympathies  insisted  on  admitting 
to  full  communion  all  baptized  persons  who  were  ortho- 
dox in  their  views  and  orderly  in  their  lives. 

The  courts  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  secured 
the  convening  of  a  small  council  in  1657.  This  not  prov- 
ing satisfactory,  a  larger  council  was  called  in  1662, 
which  adopted  by  a  vote  of  seven  to  one  what  has  been 
called  the  "  Half-way  Covenant,"  One  of  two  things, 
in  the  language  of  a  participant,  seemed  necessary : 
either  to  enlarge  the  subjects  of  full  communion  or  else 
to  extend  the  privilege  of  baptism  to  the  children  of  such 
baptized  persons  as  were  orthodox  in  belief  and  moral  in 
life  and  owned  the  covenant  made  for  them  by  their 
parents,  yet  were  unfit  for  the  Lord's  Supper,  The  lat- 
ter course  was  adopted. 

But  so  far  from  putting  the  matter  on  a  satisfactory 
basis,  the  Half-way  Covenant  only  added  to  the  difficul- 
ties. Many,  especially  among  the  more  intelligent  and 
influential  laymen,  opposed  the  result  of  the  synod. 
For  a  time  controversy  raged.  The  First  Church,  Bos- 
ton, underwent  a  schism  as  a  result  of  the  calling  by  the 
majority  of  John  Davenport,  of  New  Haven,  a  zealous 
opponent  of  the  Half-way  Covenant  (1667),  The  se- 
ceders  formed  the  Old  South  Church.  In  the  New 
Haven  colony,  through  Davenport's  influence,  the  ma- 
jority of  the  churches  repudiated  the  measure. 

Yet  the  Half-way  Covenant  gradually  gained  accept- 
ance.    The  churches  in  general  became  laxer  and  laxer. 


670  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vi. 

Some  went  far  beyond  the  provisions  of  the  Half-way 
Covenant,  extending  the  privilege  of  baptism  not  only 
to  the  children  of  orthodox  and  moral  persons  who 
had  themselves  been  baptized  in  infancy,  but  to  the 
children  of  the  notoriously  immoral  and  irreligious  as 
well.  It  soon  came  to  be  argued,  that  if  a  man  was 
good  enough  to  have  his  children  baptized,  he  was  good 
enough  to  partake  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Some  churches 
voted  to  all  who  were  willing  to  have  their  children  bap- 
tized the  privileges  of  full  membership.  Solomon  Stod- 
dard, grandfather  of  Jonathan  Edwards  and  his  prede- 
cessor at  Northampton,  a  man  of  extraordinary  piety  and 
zeal,  maintained  (about  1700)  that  "the  Lord's  Supper 
was  instituted  to  be  a  means  of  regeneration,"  and  was 
accustomed  to  urge  all,  without  discrimination,  to  par- 
ticipate in  the  ordinance.  Thus  the  distinction  between 
the  church  and  the  world  was  well-nigh  obliterated,  hi 
many  communities,  without  any  religious  awakening 
whatever,  almost  all  the  young  people  of  the  congrega- 
tion would  come  forward  at  appointed  times  and  in  a 
formal  way  own  the  covenant. 

The  secularization  of  the  churches  had  become  almost 
complete  by  1679.  Immorality  and  irreligion  had  become 
alarmingly  prevalent.  Public  calamities — shipwrecks, 
droughts,  conflagrations,  pestilence,  war  with  the  In- 
dians, etc.,  came  thick  and  fast  and  were  attributed  by 
the  more  godly  to  the  decay  of  religion  and  morals.  A 
synod  was  now  called  to  inquire  into  the  causes  of  the  dis- 
asters and  to  suggest  means  of  deliverance.  The  diagnosis 
and  the  remedies  suggested  show  that  vital  godliness 
had  sunk  to  a  very  low  ebb,*  and  that  the  leaders  of  the 
time  were  unable  to  cope  with  the  difficulties.  Many 
immoral  and  irreligious  practices  are  specified  and  among 
the  breaches  of  the  second  commandment  are  the  neglect 
of  baptism  and  church  fellowship,  and  that  Quakers  and 
Anabaptists  have  "set  up  an  altar  against  the  Lord's 
altar"  without  having  been  "fully  testified  against." 
Among  other  remedies  it  is  urged  that  the  Cambridge 
Platform  be  reaffirmed  with  its  provisions  regarding  bap- 
tism and  communion.     Increase  Mather   wrote  (1700)  ' 

'See  Dexter,  "  Confjregrationalism  During  the  Last  Three  Hundred  Years,'' 
p.  447  seq. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  67I 

"The  Congregational  church  discipline  is  not  suited  for 
a  worldly  interest  or  for  a  formal  generation  of  profes- 
sors. It  will  stand  or  fall  as  godliness  in  the  power  of 
it  does  prevail  or  otherwise."  Congregationalism  no 
longer  worked  well.  The  need  for  a  stronger  form  of 
church  government  was  felt  by  many,  it  seemed  very 
much  easier  to  bring  order  out  of  confusion  by  a  system 
of  church  courts  than  by  transforming  the  mixed  multi- 
tude into  spiritually  minded  Christians. 

(3)  The  Massachusetts  Associations  {lyo'y)  and  the  Say- 
brook  Platform  {iyo8).  These  arrangements  represent 
efforts  to  supply  the  place  of  vital  godliness  that  had  to 
so  large  an  extent  departed  from  the  churches  by  ma- 
chinery for  the  application  of  external  authority.  The 
Massachusetts  plan  was  as  follows  :  All  ministers  of  a 
given  district  were  to  organize  themselves  into  an  asso- 
ciation, with  a  moderator  empowered  to  call  them  to- 
gether. In  the  Associational  meetings  questions  of  im- 
portance propounded  by  the  ministers  or  by  the  churches 
were  to  be  discussed  and  answered.  Among  matters  to 
be  dealt  with  were  church  divisions,  accusations  against 
pastors,  charges  of  heretical  teaching,  the  attesting  and 
approving  or  disapproving  of  candidates  for  the  ministry, 
the  supplying  of  pastorless  churches,  etc.  The  associa- 
tion of  pastors,  together  with  a  proper  number  of  dele- 
gates from  the  churches,  were  to  constitute  a  standing 
council.  The  determinations  of  the  standing  council 
were  to  be  looked  upon  as  final  and  decisive,  unless 
weighty  reasons  for  appeal  were  apparent.  The  council 
itself,  presumably,  was  to  judge  of  the  weightiness  of 
the  reasons.  Churches  refusing  to  submit  were  to  be 
withdrawn  from. 

The  Saybrook  Platform,  of  Connecticut,  provided  for 
consociations  of  elders  and  messengers,  when  the 
churches  see  fit  to  send  them,  before  which  all  cases 
of  scandal  arising  within  a  local  church  were  to  be  heard, 
the  act  of  a  consociation  to  be  final  unless  an  orderly  ap- 
peal be  made  to  a  joint  tribunal  of  two  or  more  consocia- 
tions. The  teaching  elders  of  each  county  were  to  form 
one  Association,  or  more  if  need  be,  to  meet  at  least  twice 
a  year  for  consultation  about  pastoral  matters  and  the 
common  interest  of  the  churches,  to  consider  and  resolve 


672  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [per.  vl. 

important  questions  and  cases  propounded  by  themselves 
and  others,  to  pass  upon  candidates  for  the  ministry,  to 
examine  into  charges  of  scandalous  conduct  and  heresy 
among  the  pastors,  and  arrange  for  the  calling  of  a  coun- 
cil, if  need  be,  to  deal  with  them,  and  to  look  after  the 
supplying  of  bereaved  churches  with  pastors.  A  general 
association  made  up  of  representatives  of  the  county 
Associations  is  provided  for.  The  platform  was  assumed 
by  the  court  to  express  the  will  of  the  churches  and  was 
made  authoritative.  It  was  put  in  practice  throughout 
the  colony,  some  communities  giving  it  an  interpretation 
which  made  it  virtually  identical  with   Presbyterianism. 

The  Massachusetts  scheme  was  sharply  attacked  by 
John  Wise  of  Ipswich  (1710  and  1717),  who,  in  his 
tracts,  "The  Churches'  Quarrel  Espoused,"  and  "Vin- 
dication of  the  Government  of  New  England  Churches," 
sought  to  defend  and  restore  to  its  place  of  authority  the 
Cambridge  Platform.  But  he  went  far  beyond  this,  and 
sought  on  democratic  principles  to  defend  pure  Congrega- 
tionalism as  based  upon  equality  of  rights  and  privileges 
among  church-members.  "  With  an  incisive  logic  and  a 
merciless  ridicule"  he  sought  to  show  the  absurdities 
and  inconsistencies  of  the  "  Proposals,"  which  involved, 
as  he  thought,  an  utter  subversion  of  the  foundations 
of  Congregational  polity,  and  would  logically  lead  to- 
Presbyterianism  and  even  prelacy,  "  with  the  steeples 
of  the  churches,  tithes,  surplice,  and  other  ornaments." 
In  fact  he  thought  it  smelt  "  very  strong  of  the  Infallible 
Chair."  The  great  and  terrible  beast  with  seven  heads 
and  ten  horns  (Rev.  13)  "was  nothing  else  a  few  ages 
ago  but  just  such  another  calf  as  this  is."  He  concludes 
the  argument  of  his  second  tract  as  follows :  "  That  the 
people,  or  fraternity,  under  the  gospel,  are  the  first  sub- 
ject of  power,  .  .  that  a  democracy  in  Church  or  State 
is  a  very  honorable  and  regular  government  according  to 
the  dictates  of  right  reason  :  And,  therefore,  that  these 
churches  of  New  England  in  their  ancient  constitution  of 
church  order,  it  being  a  democracy,  are  manifestly  justi- 
fied and  defended  by  the  law  and  light  of  nature."* 

Wise's  second  tract  was  republished  just  before  the 

1  Dexter,  p.  498. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  673 

American  Revolution  and  did  much  to  foster  the  demo- 
cratic spirit.  Other  influences  co-operated  with  that  of 
Wise  in  preventing  the  Massachusetts  scheme  from  going 
into  effect.  Connecticut  had  from  the  beginning  tended 
strongly  toward  Presbyterianism  and  its  Presbyterian- 
izing  scheme  was  for  some  time  in  operation. 

(4)  The  Great  Awakening  {173^  onward).  By  1733  a 
Socinianized  Arminianism,  blended  with  deistic  modes  of. 
thought,  having  wrought  havoc  with  the  established 
church  and  the  dissenting  bodies  of  England,  invaded  the 
colonies.  Skepticism  and  indifferentism  were  being 
somewhat  widely  diffused.  Conversions  were  rare,  and 
deep  religious  experiences  were  not  only  unlooked  for, 
but  were  regarded  by  many  as  savoring  of  fanaticism. 
Preaching  here,  as  in  England,  had  lost  much  of  its 
fervor.  The  great  mass  of  church-members  were  living 
in  a  hopeless  state  of  carnal  security.  There  were  many 
ministers  and  others  who  bewailed  this  decline  of  relig- 
ious interest,  and  earnestly  sought  to  counteract  the 
influences  that  were  working  with  such  deadly  effect. 

At  Northampton,  under  Stoddard's  ministry,  occasional 
revivals  had  occurred  (1679,  1681,  1694,  1712,  1718). 
Jonathan  Edwards,  just  out  of  college,  assisted  his  grand- 
father for  about  two  years  before  his  death  (1726-1728), 
during  which  time  about  twenty  professed  conversion. 
The  early  years  of  his  own  pastorate  (1728-1731)  were 
"  a  time  of  extraordinary  dullness  in  religion."  Licen- 
tiousness for  some  years,  according  to  his  own  account, 
"greatly  prevailed  among  the  youth  of  the  town,  many  of 
whom  were  much  addicted  to  night-walking  and  frequent- 
ing the  tavern  and  lewd  practices,  wherein  some  by 
their  example  exceedingly  corrupted  others.'"  About 
1731  "there  began  to  be  a  sensible  amendment  of  these 
evils.  By  1733  the  young  people  had  become  docile, 
and  readily  submitted  to  the  guidance  of  their  pastor." 
"  A  remarkable  religious  concern "  began  to  appear 
during  this  year  in  a  little  village  belonging  to  the  North- 
ampton congregation.  In  1734  several  sudden  deaths 
occurring  greatly  impressed  many  of  the  ungodly. 

At  about  the  same  time,  according  to  Edwards,  much 


*  Edwards'  "  Works,"  Vol.  III.,  p.  232. 
28 


674  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

noise  was  being  made  about  Arminianism,  which  was 
regarded  by  the  more  serious  as  a  most  dangerous  heresy. 
Strange  to  say,  this  helped  forward  the  religious  awaken- 
ing. Many  who  looked  upon  themselves  as  Christless 
seemed  to  be  impressed  with  the  idea  that  with  the 
spread  of  Arminianism  God  would  withdraw  from  New 
England  and  give  it  over  to  unbelief,  and  that  their  op- 
portunity for  obtaining  salvation  would  be  past.'  No 
doubt  the  tone  of  Edward's  own  preaching  was  in  part 
responsible  for  this  impression.  The  conversion  of  a 
frivolous  young  woman  had  a  remarkable  awakening 
influence  upon  the  entire  community.  In  a  short  time 
there  was  scarcely  an  individual  in  the  town,  old  or 
young,  who  was  left  unconcerned  about  the  great  things 
of  the  eternal  world.  "  The  minds  of  the  people  were 
wonderfully  taken  off  from  the  world."  They  seemed 
"  to  follow  their  worldly  business  more  as  a  part  of  their 
duty  than  from  any  disposition  they  had  to  it."* 

From  Northampton  the  good  work  spread  into  man\- 
other  communities  throughout  New  England,  Edwards 
himself  doing  much  preaching  outside  of  his  own  parish, 
and  influencing  many  other  pastors  to  engage  in  evan- 
gelism. The  activity  of  the  Tennents  (Presbyterians), 
chiefly  in  the  middle  colonies,  but  extending  to  New 
England,  has  already  been  noticed.  During  the  progress 
of  the  revival  George  Whitefield  came  the  second  time 
to  America  (1741)  and  preached  with  wonderful  power 
throughout  the  colonies.  The  details  of  the  movement, 
which  extended  over  several  years  and  stirred  the  relig- 
ious life  of  the  colonies  to  its  foundations,  cannot  here  be 
given. 

That  a  religious  awakening  of  this  kind  could  not  have 
been  carried  forward  without  opposition  lies  in  the  very 
nature  of  the  case.  Most  of  the  educated  ministers  and 
Harvard  and  Yale  Colleges  assumed  a  hostile  attitude. 
On  his  first  visit  (during  the  revival)  to  Massachusetts 
Whitefield  was  invited  to  preach  at  Harvard,  on  his 
second  visit  the  college  was  closed  against  him.  So  far 
as  liberalism  (Socinianized  Arminianism)  had  extended 
its  influence,  so  far  was  the  revival  looked  upon  with  dis- 


1  Edwards'  "  Works,"  Vol.  III.,  r-  252.  '  Ibid.,  p.  235. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  675 

favor.  A  great  awakening  of  this  kind  is  sure  to  be 
accompanied  by  undue  emotionalism  and  much  that  is 
unseemly,  or  at  least  shocking,  to  refined  sensibilities. 
Such  ministers  as  Chauncey  made  the  most  of  irregular- 
ities of  this  kind,  and  sought  on  this  and  other  grounds 
to  discredit  the  entire  movement.  Many  of  the  evangel- 
ists, including  Gilbert  Tennent  and  Whitefield,  were 
sharply  censorious  in  their  attitude  toward  ministers  who 
opposed  the  revival,  denouncing  them  as  unconverted 
men,  blind  leaders  of  the  blind,  hypocrites,  enemies  of 
the  gospel,  etc.  Besides  attacking  the  irregularities  of 
the  meetings  and  the  censoriousness  of  the  preachers, 
the  Socinianizing  ministers  sought  to  bring  the  Calvin- 
istic  teaching  that  underlay  the  movement  into  contempt 
by  caricaturing  it,^ 

About  1700  Increase  Mather  wrote:  "If  the  begun 
apostasy  shall  proceed  as  fast  the  next  thirty  years  as  it 
has  done  these  last,  surely  it  will  come  to  pass  that  in 
New  England  (except  the  gospel  itself  depart  with  the 
order  of  it)  the  most  conscientious  people  therein  will 
think  themselves  concerned  to  gather  churches  out  of 
churches."  The  "begun  apostasy"  continued,  and  in 
a  little  more  than  thirty  years  the  prophecy  was  ful- 
filled. In  many  parishes  where  the  minister  and  a 
majority  of  the  parish  antagonized  the  revival  a  minority 
that  had  become  imbued  with  the  spirit  of  the  new  evan- 
gelism withdrew  and  formed  "Separate,"  or  "New 
Light"  churches.  The  conversion  of  great  numbers  of 
people  who  had  been  partially  without  church  privileges 
led  to  the  formation  of  many  other  "  New  Light  "  congre- 
•  gations.  Many  of  those  who  had  come  under  the  revival 
influence  felt  that  separation  from  the  ungodly  elements 
in  the  churches  of  the  standing  order  and  from  all  con- 
nection with  a  State-supported  church  was  an  imperative 
duty.  In  these  "  Separate  "  churches  credible  evidence 
of  conversion  was  made  a  condition  of  fellowship. 

A  large  number  of  ministers  admitted  that  they  had 
been  performing  the  functions  of  their  office  as  uncon- 
verted men,  and  professed  now  first  to  have  come  to  a 

1  See  Edwards,  "  Rel.  Affections,"  "Narrative  of  Surprising  Conversions,"  and 
"Thoughts  on  the  Revival  in  New  England,"  and  Chauncey,  "Seasonable 
Thoughts." 


6/6  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

saving  knowledge  of  the  truth.  Twenty  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Boston  attributed  their  conversion  to  White- 
field's  preaching. 

Between  twenty-five  and  fifty  thousand  are  supposed 
to  have  been  converted  in  New  England,  and  the  num- 
ber converted  in  the  middle  and  southern  colonies  cannot 
have  been  greatly  inferior.  About  a  hundred  and  fifty 
new  Congregational  churches  were  formed.  Baptist 
churches  were  multiplied  and  made  more  zealous  and 
aggressive.  The  number  of  Presbyterian  ministers  was 
more  than  doubled,  and  yet  there  were  scores  of  vacant 
churches  in  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  New  Jersey. 
The  great  increase  in  churches  and  ministers  between 
1734  and  1760  was  due  in  part  to  immigration  and  natu- 
ral increase  of  population. 

Among  the  further  results  of  the  Great  Awakening 
may  be  mentioned  a  more  general  recognition  of  the 
importance  of  a  converted  church-membership,  and 
especially  of  a  converted  ministry.  Before  the  revival, 
if  a  candidate  for  the  ministry  was  found  moral,  educated, 
and  orthodox,  no  further  questions  were  asked.  Vital 
godliness  was  henceforth  insisted  on,  at  least  within 
the  circles  that  had  experienced  the  awakening  influence 
of  the  movement. 

Again,  ministerial  education  was  greatly  promoted  and 
along  with  this  education  in  general.  Princeton  and 
Dartmouth  were  established  through  the  influence  of 
the  revival. 

Missionary  work  was  also  remarkably  furthered  in 
America,  as  in  England,  by  the  revival.  The  evangel- 
ism of  the  time  was  itself  missionary  work.  Efforts  for 
the  evangelization  of  the  North  American  Indians  and  of 
the  settlers  on  the  frontiers  were  zealously  put  forth 
with  highly  beneficent  results.  The  work  of  David 
Brainerd,  Daniel  Marshall,  and  Jonathan  Edwards  among 
the  Indians  may  be  mentioned  by  way  of  illustration. 

Again,  the  religious  awakening  demonstrated  anew  the 
vital  power  of  Calvinism  rightly  understood  and  greatly 
increased  the  number  of  zealous  exponents  of  New  Testa- 
ment teaching  as  systematized  by  Augustine  and  Calvin. 

Further,  the  revival,  with  its  "  Separate  "  churches  and 
its  multiplied  Baptist  churches,  did  much  toward  destroy- 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  677 

ing  the  pernicious  parish  system  that  had  grown  out  of 
the  Half-way  Covenant,  in  accordance  with  which  church 
government  and  the  control  of  church  property  were  in 
the  power  of  the  majority  of  the  members  of  each  parish, 
without  regard  to  Christian  character. 

Lastly,  by  way  of  reaction,  it  promoted  the  growth  of 
Socinianism  that  was  soon  to  develop  into  avowed  and 
aggressive  anti-trinitarianism. 

(5)  The  Unitarian  Defection.  The  beginning  of  the 
present  century  was  a  period  remarkable  for  intellectual 
activity.  The  war  was  over.  The  colonies  had  become 
a  union  of  States.  Commercial  prosperity  prevailed. 
Everything  tended  to  stimulate  hopefulness  and  ag- 
gressiveness. The  "  New  Light  "  enthusiasm  had  given 
place  to  a  calm  but  determined  missionary  spirit.  Mis- 
sionary and  other  philanthropic  societies  were  being 
organized  here  and  there  throughout  the  country.  Mis- 
sionary periodicals  were  diffusing  intelligence  and  arous- 
ing enthusiasm  with  reference  to  missionary  work  among 
the  heathen.  Andover  Theological  Seminary  was  founded 
by  the  evangelical  party  and  was  from  the  first  a  center 
of  orthodoxy  and  of  evangelical  zeal. 

The  Arminianism  of  the  eighteenth  century  was  giving 
place  to  the  Socinianism  of  Priestly  and  Belsham.  Har- 
vard College  had  opposed  the  revival  and  had  become 
a  center  of  Socinian  influence.  The  writings  of  English 
Unitarians  were  eagerly  read.  American  publications 
designed  to  bring  orthodoxy  into  contempt  yet  not  openly 
avowing  Unitarianism  were  still  more  widely  circulated. 
Such  were  "The  Monthly  Anthology,"  "The  Christian 
Monitor,"  "The  Hymns  and  Psalms"  of  Buckminster 
and  Emerson,  "  The  Improved  Version  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment," a  reprint  of  Belsham's  "  Reply  to  Wilberforce," 
"The  General  Repository,"  etc.  Hazlitt,  an  English 
Unitarian,  labored  in  Boston  about  1785  onward.  In 
1786,  James  Freeman,  of  Boston,  persuaded  his  Episcopal 
congregation  to  adopt  a  Unitarian  liturgy.  Freeman  was 
refused  ordination  by  the  Bishop  of  New  York,  but  the 
church  itself  ordained  him.  From  this  time  onward  the 
Stone  Chapel  was  avowedly  Unitarian. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  New  England  Unitarians,  as  it 
had  been  of  Socinians  in  general,  to  disseminate  their 


678  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

views  by  insinuating  doubts  and  by  denouncing  the 
rigors  of  orthodoxy  rather  than  by  clearly  and  openly 
stating  their  own  convictions. 

The  movement  was  finally  brought  out  into  the  light 
in  this  wise  :  hi  1812  Belsham  published  in  London  his 
"  American  Unitarianism,  or  a  History  of  the  Progress 
and  Present  State  of  Unitarian  Churches  in  America." 
Only  a  few  copies  were  sent  to  America,  and  these  were 
carefully  concealed  from  the  orthodox.  At  length  Doctor 
Morse  secured  a  copy  and  had  it  reprinted  in  Boston  in 
181 5.  The  excitement  produced  by  this  publication  was 
intense.  It  contained  documents  that  seriously  com- 
promised many  of  the  ministers.  Those  immediately 
involved  were  thus  obliged  to  avow  their  Unitarianism. 
Many  others  soon  followed.  It  appeared  that  all  the 
Congregational  churches  of  Boston,  except  the  Old  South 
and  the  Park  Street,  had  become  Unitarian.  Harvard 
College  was  also  in  possession  of  the  Unitarian  party. 
By  a  decision  of  the  courts,  giving  control  of  church  prop- 
erty to  a  majority  in  each  parish,  the  Unitarians  acquired 
many  church  buildings  and  endowments. 

The  Unitarian  party  being  thus  forced  into  the  light, 
assumed  a  polemical  attitude.  The  heretofore  timid 
grew  bold.  Tendencies  toward  Unitarianism  rapidly  de- 
veloped into  Unitarianism  itself.  The  irreligious  and 
indifferent  naturally  favored  a  party  that  was  careless 
about  church  discipline. 

A  more  complete  separation  took  place  between  ortho- 
doxy and  heterodoxy.  Heretofore  the  progress  of  So- 
cinianism  had  been  insidious  and  secret.  It  was  no 
uncommon  thing  for  a  Socinian  minister  to  become  pastor 
of  an  orthodox  church,  and,  by  gradually  and  indirectly 
impressing  his  views,  to  infect  the  entire  body.  Such 
proceedings  became  far  more  difficult.  The  defenders  of 
orthodoxy  were  no  longer  striking  in  the  dark,  but  were 
confronted  with  avowed  maintainers  of  what  was  believed 
to  be  ruinous  error. 

The  orthodox  now  saw  as  they  had  not  seen  before 
the  evils  of  the  Half-way  Covenant  and  of  the  parish  sys- 
tem resulting  therefrom.  They  saw  themselves  deprived 
thereby  of  endowments  and  church  property,  an  argu- 
rnent  of  the  most  convincing  kind.     The  views  of  John 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  679 

Wise,  which  had  made  little  impression  when  first  pro- 
mulgated, now  secured  recognition.  The  Presbyterian 
element  was  eliminated,  modern  Congregationalism  pure 
and  simple  resulting.  This  involved  complete  separa- 
tion between  Church  and  State,  the  right  and  duty  of 
the  church  to  institute  terms  of  church-membership,  and 
the  autonomy  of  the  congregation. 

The  educational  work  inaugurated  under  the  impulse 
of  the  Great  Awakening  was  powerfully  stimulated  by 
this  hand-to-hand  conflict.  Andover  was  strengthened. 
Yale  was  wrested  by  Timothy  Dwight  from  the  Socinians 
and  became  a  stronghold  of  orthodoxy.  Several  other 
evangelical  schools  were  founded. 

Home  and  foreign  missionary  work,  already  progres- 
sive, were  carried  forward  with  renewed  energy  and 
zeal. 

(6)  The  Unitarian  Churches.  About  one  hundred  and 
twenty  of  the  Congregational  churches  that  had  been 
organized  before  the  Revolutionary  War,  including  the 
original  church  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  at  Plymouth,  the 
original  Salem  church,  and  the  oldest  of  those  established 
in  Boston  and  its  vicinity,  became  Unitarian  during  the 
second  decade  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  growth 
of  the  denomination  has  been  exceedingly  slow  and  has 
been  almost  limited,  it  is  probable,  to  New  Englanders 
and  their  descendants.  There  are  at  present  over  four 
hundred  congregations,  with  an  aggregate  membership  of 
about  seventy  thousand,  more  than  half  of  whom  are  in 
Massachusetts,  Their  principles  are  not  such  as  to 
make  them  aggressive  or  evangelistic.  Their  influence, 
however,  is  not  to  be  gauged  by  their  numerical  strength, 
for  they  have  produced  far  more  than  their  share  of  emi- 
nent writers,  and  these  have  indirectly  influenced  theo- 
logical opinion  to  a  very  considerable  extent.  No  doubt 
the  modifications  of  views  in  other  denominations  as 
regards  the  five  points  of  Calvinism,  eternal  punishment, 
the  Scriptures,  etc.,  has  been  due  in  some  measure  to 
their  influence.  All  shades  of  anti-trinitarian  opinion 
have  found  place  among  their  ministers  and  members, 
from  the  Arian  supranaturalism  of  a  Channing  and  a 
Peabody  to  the  transcendentalism  of  a  Parker,  an  Emer- 
son, and  a  Frothingham. 


680  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

(7)  American  Congregationalists  During  the  Nineteenth 
Century.  At  about  the  beginning  of  tlie  century  (i8oij 
a  "plan  of  union"  was  entered  into  between  Congre- 
gationalists and  Presbyterians  with  a  view  to  obviating 
the  inconveniences  and  waste  involved  in  the  multipli- 
cation of  churches  of  denominations  agreeing  in  funda- 
mentals in  the  growing  West,  it  involved  a  free  inter- 
change of  pastors,  and  a  free  transference  of  fellowship 
between  the  two  bodies.  This  concession  on  the  part 
of  the  Presbyterians  was  one  of  the  bones  of  contention 
between  the  Old  School  and  the  New  School  Presbyterian 
parties,  and  was  repudiated  by  the  former  at  the  separa- 
tion (1837).  It  has  been  estimated  that  fully  two  thou- 
sand churches  in  the  West  that  would  have  continued 
Congregational  became  Presbyterian  as  a  result  of  this 
measure. 

Notwithstanding  this  heavy  loss  and  the  loss  by  the 
Unitarian  separation,  Congregationalism  has  continued 
vigorous  in  New  England,  where  the  great  mass  of  its 
membership  resides  and  occupies  a  prominent  place  among 
the  denominations  in  scholarship,  literary  productiveness, 
educational  institutions,  missionary  work,  and  conse- 
crated wealth.  The  present  membership  of  the  Congre- 
gational churches  does  not  much  exceed  five  hundred 
thousand.  All  shades  of  theological  opinion  have  found 
a  welcome  in  its  ranks,  from  Calvinistic  orthodoxy  to 
an  extreme  liberalism  that  can  scarcely  be  distinguished 
from  Unitarianism.  Of  its  theological  seminaries,  An- 
dover  has  for  the  past  twenty  years  stood  for  extreme 
liberalism  ("New  Theology");  Hartford  and  Chicago 
for  conservative  teaching  ;  Yale  has  occupied  an  inter- 
mediate position  ;  and  Oberlin,  beginning  with  Finney's 
perfectionistic  evangelism,  has  inclined  toward  evan- 
gelical Arminianism  in  its  teaching. 

In  1865,  standing  on  Plymouth  Rock,  the  National 
Council  of  the  Congregational  Churches  adopted  the 
"  Burial-Hill  Declaration,"  a  very  brief  and  irenical 
statement,  in  which  essentials  are  reduced  to  a  minimum 
and  stated  in  very  general  language.  It  expresses  the 
desire  of  the  body  to  co-operate  with  all  who  hold  to 
these  essentials.  "  With  tliem  we  will  carry  the  gospel 
into  every  part  of  this  land,  and  with  them  we  will  go 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  68l 

'into   all    the    world,  and   preach   the  gospel    to  every 
creature.'  " 

In  1883  the  National  Council,  which  had  been  put 
upon  a  permanent  basis  in  1871,  adopted  a  new  "State- 
ment of  Doctrine,"  considerably  longer  and  more  explicit 
than  that  of  1865.  It  represents  an  exceedingly  moderate 
type  of  Calvinistic  teaching  and  is  non-committal  on 
many  questions  that  had  been  in  dispute,  but  is  evan- 
gelical and  in  many  respects  admirable. 

II.  THE  BAPTISTS.^ 

LITERATURE:  Crosby,  "The  Hist,  of  the  Eng.  Baptists,"  1738- 
1740  ;  Ivimey,  "  A  Hist,  of  the  Eng.  Baptists,"  1811-1830  ;  Masson, 
"  Life  of  John  Milton  and  Hist,  of  his  Time,"  1859-1880;  Evans, 
"  The  Early  Eng.  Baptists,"  1862  ;  Taylor,  "  The  Hist,  of  the  Eng. 
General  Baptists,"  1818 ;  Gould,  "  Open  Communion  and  the  Bap- 
tists of  Norwich,"  i860;  Benedict,  "  A  General  Hist,  of  the  Baptist 
Denomination,"  1848;  Armitage,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Baptists,"  1887; 
Vedder,  "  A  Short  Hist,  of  the  Baptists,"  1892,  and  "  A  Hist,  of  the 
Baptists  of  the  Middle  States,"  1897  ;  Backus,  "  A  Hist,  of  New 
Eng.,  with  Particular  Reference  to  the  Den.  of  Christians  called 
Baptists,"  new  ed.,  1871  ;  Riley,  "  A  Hist,  of  the  Baptists  in  the 
Southern  States,"  1896;  Burrage,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Baptists  in  New 
Eng.,  1894 ;  Cathcart,  "  Baptist  Encyclopcedia,"  1881  ;  Newman, 
"  A  Hist,  of  the  Baptist  Churches  in  the  U.  S.,"  2d  ed.,  i8g8. 

I.  The  Baptists  of  Great  Britain,  1648  Onward. 

The  Baptist  cause  greatly  flourished  during  the  revolu- 
tionary period.  General  and  Particular  Baptist  churches 
multiplied.  Associations  were  formed  in  various  parts  of 
England  and  Wales  for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the 
churches  by  fraternal  conference  and  facilitating  mis- 
sionary effort  by  concerted  action.  The  parliamentary 
army  was  filled  with  Baptists,  who  were  among  the  most 
enthusiastic  advocates  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  and 
the  sturdiest  combatants  of  royal  absolutism  and  priest- 
craft. 

Baptists  were  chiefly  instrumental  in  preventing 
Cromwell  from  accepting  the  royal  title,  which  some 
influential  supporters  urged  him  to  do,  and  many  of 
them  strongly  disapproved  of  his  military  government. 

lA  considerable  portion  of  the  material  of  this  section  is  reproduced  from  the 
author's  chapter  in  "  A  Centurv  of  Baptist  Achievement"  (1901),  edited  by  himself, 
and  an  article  by  himself  in  "  Progress,"  i8q6. 


682  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

They  were  among  those  who  labored  zealously  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Stuarts,  having  received  from  Charles 
II.  ample  assurances  of  toleration. 

In  common  with  other  dissenters  they  suffered  severe 
persecution  (1662-1675).  Those  who  held  benefices 
were  deprived  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  (1662).  Baptist 
work  was  greatly  hampered  by  the  Conventicle  Act,  the 
Five-mile  Act,  etc.  The  Corporation  and  the  Test  Acts 
bore  heavily  upon  many  Baptists,  as  they  were  excluded 
thereby  from  public  employment  and  from  the  privileges 
of  the  universities,  while  it  was  open  to  their  enemies  to 
secure  their  election  to  public  offices  and  then  to  subject 
them  to  heavy  fines  for  refusal  to  qualify,  it  is  greatly 
to  the  credit  of  English  Baptists  that  while  other  dis- 
senters frequently  evaded  the  force  of  these  acts  by 
occasional  conformity  (partaking  of  the  Supper  in  the 
established  churches),  only  one  Baptist  is  known  to 
have  compromised  himself  in  this  manner  and  he  was 
promptly  excluded. 

it  might  have  been  expected  tliat  the  Act  of  Toleration 
granted  by  William  and  Mary  at  the  beginning  of  their 
reign  would  lead  to  a  great  expansion  of  the  Baptist 
interest.  But  such  was  far  from  being  the  case.  The 
long  period  of  stress  and  strain  would  seem  to  have 
exhausted  the  energies  of  Baptists  of  both  parties  and  to 
have  left  them  in  a  state  of  lethargy.  Much  of  their 
strength  for  the  next  century  was  taken  up  with  efforts 
for  the  repeal  of  the  Corporation  and  Test  Acts  that  still 
curtailed  their  liberty.  To  this  end  they  united  their 
forces  with  those  of  the  other  dissenting  bodies,  and  they 
were  thereby  drawn  into  such  close  relations  with  Pedo- 
baptist  dissenters  that  they  came  to  regard  the  empha- 
sizing of  distinctive  Baptist  principles  as  ill-mannered 
and  unbrotherly. 

The  Particular  Baptists  of  England  and  Wales  had 
begun  to  hold  Associational  meetings  for  the  furtherance 
of  brotherhood  and  co-operative  missionary  work  as  early 
as  165 1,  in  1665  the  Western  Association,  made  up  of 
churches  in  the  counties  of  Somerset,  Wilts,  Gloucester, 
and  Dorset,  feeling  the  need  of  a  guiding  head  in  connec- 
tional  work,  appointed  and  ordained  Thomas  Collier  to 
the  office  of  "General  Superintendent  and  Messenger  to 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  683 

all  the  Associated  Churches."  Collier  had  for  ten  years 
been  active  in  evangelism  and  had  served  unofficially  as 
a  superintendent  and  director  of  the  labors  of  a  number 
of  evangelists.  These  Baptists  were  far  from  being 
extreme  independents  in  their  church  polity,  and  they 
no  doubt  had  more  regard  to  immediate  utility  than  to 
the  permanent  conservation  of  the  autonomy  of  the 
churches.  The  Confession  of  Faith  set  forth  by  this 
Association  in  1656  breathes  throughout  the  missionary 
spirit.  It  is  affirmed  (Article  XXXIV.)  "that  as  it  is  an 
ordinance  of  Christ,  so  it  is  the  duty  of  his  church,  in 
his  authority  to  send  forth  such  brethren  as  are  fitly 
gifted  and  qualified  through  the  spirit  of  Christ,  to 
preach  the  gospel  to  the  world."  In  the  following  article 
the  obligation  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  Jews  is 
expressly  recognized. 

The  organized  work  of  the  denomination  was  largely 
in  abeyance  during  the  reign  of  terror  (1662-1675).  ^^^^ 
Bill  of  Indulgence  (1675),  though  intended  primarily  for 
the  encouragement  of  Roman  Catholicism,  made  it  pos- 
sible for  Baptists  once  more  to  become  aggressive  and  to 
take  measures  for  the  advancement  of  their  cause.  The 
Particular  Baptist  pastors  of  London  at  this  time  sent  an 
earnest  invitation  to  the  churches  throughout  England 
and  Wales  to  send  delegates  to  meet  in  London  the  fol- 
lowing May  to  make  arrangements  for  "  providing  an 
orderly  standing  ministry  in  the  church,  who  might  give 
themselves  to  reading  and  study  and  so  become  able 
ministers  of  the  New  Testament."  During  the  Civil 
War  and  Commonwealth  periods  many  highly  educated 
churchmen  and  noncomformists  had  become  Baptist 
ministers.  This  source  of  supply  could  no  longer  be 
depended  upon,  and  the  leaders  of  the  denomination  had 
come  to  realize  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  vigorous 
measures  for  the  maintenance  and  the  increase  of  minis- 
terial efficiency.  Such  an  assembly  was  held  in  1676, 
when  a  Confession  of  Faith  based  upon  the  Westminster 
Confession  was  adopted.  It  was  afterward  approved  by 
a  still  larger  assembly  in  1689,  and  has  continued  to  be 
the  favorite  symbolical  document  of  English  Baptists. 
It  was  adopted  early  in  the  eighteenth  century,  with  cer- 
tain modifications,  by  the  Philadelphia  Association,  and 


684  A  MANUAL   OF   CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

in  this  form  has  exerted  widespread  influence  on  Ameri- 
can Baptist  life  and  thought.  The  assembly  of  i68g, 
after  the  promulgation  of  the  Act  of  Toleration,  was  in 
many  respects  the  most  important  ever  held  by  English 
Baptists.  The  assembly  was  careful  to  "disclaim  any 
manner  of  superiority  and  superintendency  over  the 
churches."  Difference  of  conviction  and  practice  in 
point  of  communion  is  recognized  and  each  church  is  left 
free  to  walk  together  as  it  has  received  from  the  Lord. 

Owing  to  the  difficulty  of  getting  the  churches  to  send 
representatives  every  year  to  so  great  a  distance  as  the 
maintenance  of  a  single  assembly  involved,  it  was 
decided  in  1692  to  divide  the  body  into  two,  the  one  to 
meet  in  Bristol,  the  other  in  London.  "These  assem- 
blies," it  was  agreed,  "  are  not  to  be  accountable  to  one 
another  any  more  than  churches  are."  It  was  further 
decided  that  churches  should  not  make  appeals  to  the 
assemblies  to  determine  matters  of  faith  or  fact.  Reports 
of  both  the  assemblies  are  to  be  sent  to  all  the  churches. 

At  about  this  time  a  grievous  controversy  was  raging 
in  the  Particular  Baptist  body  as  to  "  whether  the  praises 
of  God  should  be  sung  in  the  public  assemblies."  Kiffm, 
Cox,  Keach,  Steed,  and  many  others,  were  involved. 
All  parties  agreed  to  "refer  the  matter  to  the  determi- 
nation of  seven  brethren  nominated  by  this  assembly." 
The  committee  administered  a  scathing  rebuke  for  the 
unbrotherly  language  that  had  been  employed,  to  which 
the  veterans  submitted  in  all  humility. 

The  Bristol  assembly  seems  for  many  years  to  have  been 
more  vigorously  sustained  than  the  London.  This  was 
due,  no  doubt,  in  part  to  the  fact  that  a  Bristol  Baptist, 
Edward  Terrill,  had  left  in  trust  with  the  Broadmead 
Church  a  legacy  for  ministerial  education,  and  that  Bris- 
tol, early  in  the  eighteenth  century  (1720  onward)  came 
to  be  the  educational  center  of  the  Particular  Baptists. 

Efforts  were  made  during  the  later  years  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  and  the  early  years  of  the  eighteentli 
to  bring  Particular  Baptists  and  General  Baptists  closer 
together,  and  to  this  end  the  differences  between  the  two 
parties  were  minimized  by  such  men  as  Benjamin  Stin- 
ton.  Thomas  Hollis,  the  wealthy  Baptist  business  man 
who  contributed  so  liberally  to  the  Baptist  cause  in  Eng- 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENO.MINATIONS  685 

land,  and  who  endowed  Harvard  University,  preferred  to 
worship  regularly  in  a  Pedobaptist  church.  If  the  Mollis 
family,  with  their  great  wealth  and  their  remarkable 
generosity,  had  been  stanch  Baptists  they  might  have 
given  tone  to  the  Baptist  life  of  England. 

The  General  Baptists,  following  the  footsteps  of  the 
Mennonites,  to  whom  they  were  from  the  beginning 
closely  related,  adopted  a  semi-presbyterial  form  ofi. 
church  government,  giving  to  each  aggrieved  person  a 
right  to  appeal  to  other  churches,  then  to  the  Association 
or  general  meeting,  and  at  last  to  the  General  Assembly. 
Thus  every  local  quarrel  was  propagated  throughout  the 
entire  connection  and  the  churches  were  ruined  by  con- 
troversy. The  rigorous  exercise  of  discipline  on  the 
ground  of  differences  of  opinion  drove  out  of  the  body 
many  of  its  ministers  and  intelligent  members.  With  a 
few  exceptions,  the  General  Baptist  churches  of  England 
became  Unitarian  by  about  the  middle  of  the  century, 
as  did  so  many  churches  of  other  denominations  during 
this  period. 

The  Particular  Baptists,  so  far  as  they  were  not  drawn 
into  the  maelstrom  of  Socinian  indifferentism,  reacted 
against  the  current  rationalism  so  far  as  to  become  hyper- 
Calvinistic,  and  in  some  cases  Antinomian.  They  looked 
upon  the  salvation  or  the  damnation  of  each  individual  as 
so  absolutely  fixed  by  Divine  decree,  that  exhortations  to 
sinners  and  missionary  work  in  general  were  looked  upon 
as  not  only  useless,  but  as  an  impertinent  meddling  with 
the  Divine  plans.  That  the  Particular  Baptists  should 
have  greatly  declined  during  the  eighteenth  century  was 
what  might  have  been  expected. 

One  of  the  most  aggressive  and  influential  organiza- 
tions among  the  English  Baptists  during  the  eighteenth 
century  was  the  Society  of  Ministers  of  the  Particular 
Baptist  Persuasion,  meeting  at  the  Gloucestershire  Cof- 
fee-house, organized  in  1724,  which  raised  money  for  the 
assistance  of  needy  churches  and  ministers,  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  religious  literature,  and  for  other  religious 
and  philanthropical  purposes,  passed  upon  qualifications 
of  candidates  for  the  ministry,  and  took  measures  for  the 
silencing  of  unworthy  ministers.  It  led  the  denomination 
in  efforts  to  secure  the  redress  of  grievances,  undertook 


686  A  MANUAL   OF  CHURCH    HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

to  defend  the  honor  of  the  denomination  when  it  was 
assailed  from  time  to  time,  corresponded  with  Baptists  in 
the  American  colonies,  counseled  them,  extended  to  them 
financial  aid  when  required,  interceded  with  the  home 
government  on  behalf  of  persecuted  brethren  in  the 
colonies,  and  in  many  ways  furthered  the  interests  of 
the  denomination  at  home  and  abroad.  The  authority 
of  this  body  was  a  purely  moral  one  and  depended  on 
its  reputation  for  wisdom  and  its  command  of  resources. 
That  complaints  should  sometimes  arise  of  undue  assump- 
tion of  authority  and  interference  with  the  independence 
of  the  churches  on  the  part  of  this  body  might  have  been 
expected,  it  was  a  self-constituted  body,  its  members 
not  even  representing  the  churches  of  which  they  were 
members  and  pastors  in  any  official  way.  It  was  by  no 
means  an  ideal  arrangement  ;  but  it  is  probable  that 
these  associated  ministers  did  a  work  for  the  denomina- 
tion and  for  the  cause  of  Christ  that  would  otherwise 
have  been  left  undone. 

The  evangelical  revival,  led  by  the  Wesleys  and 
Whitefield,  was  of  momentous  importance  to  the  Bap- 
tists, as  it  was  to  the  established  church  and  to  the 
various  dissenting  bodies.  It  found  the  Particular  Bap- 
tists greatly  reduced  in  numbers  and  influence.  The 
educational  work  that  had  been  inaugurated  at  Bristol  on 
the  Terrill  foundation  was  conducted  in  a  very  feeble  and 
ineffective  way  during  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century  ;  yet  a  considerable  number  of  able  ministers 
received  their  training  there.  The  London  Baptists  were 
still  a  respectable  body  and  were  exerting  a  strong  and, 
upon  the  whole,  beneficent  influence  on  the  life  of  the 
denomination.  Several  of  the  Particular  Baptist  Associa- 
tions, of  which  the  records  have  been  preserved,  devoted 
much  attention  to  the  promotion  of  godly  living  and  or- 
thodox teaching,  and  sought  to  guard  against  Socinian- 
ism  on  the  one  hand  and  Antinomianism  on  the  other. 
Yet  it  is  evident  that  there  was  an  almost  irresistible  drift 
toward  these  extremes,  and  the  number  of  those  who 
were  able  to  steer  safely  between  Scylla  and  Charybdis 
steadily  diminished.  Those  inclined  toward  Socinianism 
could  have  no  sympathy  with  the  enthusiastic  evangelism 
of  Wesley  and   Whitefield,  which  to  them   savored  of 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  687 

fanaticism.  Those  who  had  carried  their  Calvinistic 
teaching  to  the  Antinomian  extreme  looked  upon  the  new 
evangelism  as  an  almost  blasphemous  interference  with 
the  plans  and  purposes  of  God.  As  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, the  religious  awakening  not  only  failed  to  win 
these  classes  to  its  support,  but  tended  to  drive  them  to 
more  extreme  statements  of  their  opinions.  But  many 
who  were  less  thoroughly  committed  to  these  extreme 
and  unevangelical  views  were  won  to  the  support  of  the 
evangelical  cause,  and  the  numbers  of  its  opponents 
steadily  dwindled. 

It  was  to  Andrew  Fuller,  more  than  to  any  other  indi- 
vidual, that  the  restoration  of  the  Particular  Baptist  body 
to  its  original  evangelical  position  was  due.  Brought  up 
in  an  illiterate  community,  with  few  educational  ad- 
vantages, he  came  under  the  influence  of  the  great  evan- 
gelical movement.  The  writings  of  Jonathan  Edwards, 
the  great  American  theologian  and  evangelist,  seem  to 
have  greatly  aided  him  in  coming  to  right  conceptions  of 
evangelical  truth.  Through  his  great  activity  as  a 
preacher  and  a  writer,  multitudes  were  brought  to  see 
the  consistency  between  a  true  preaching  of  the  doctrines 
of  grace  and  the  most  earnest  efforts  for  the  salvation  of 
sinners.  His  career  as  a  leader  extended  over  the  last 
two  decades  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  first  fifteen 
years  of  the  nineteenth.  Bristol  College  was  greatly 
strengthened  and  brought  to  support  this  evangelical  type 
of  Calvinism. 

It  is  probable  that,  while  Fuller  and  his  associates  by 
their  advocacy  of  missions  accomplished  so  much  for  the 
heathen,  the  results  of  their  widespread  visitation  of  the 
churches  throughout  England  and  Scotland  for  the  evan- 
gelization of  the  home  churches  were  of  even  greater 
importance.  The  Baptist  cause  in  Great  Britain  was  by 
Fuller's  public  activity  raised  to  a  higher  plane,  and 
gained  a  recognition  at  the  hands  of  leaders  of  other  de- 
nominations that  had  been  wanting  for  some  generations. 
The  marvelous  preaching  of  Robert  Hall,  at  Cambridge, 
during  the  last  decade  of  the  century  likewise  contributed 
powerfully  to  the  reputation  and  the  influence  of  the  de- 
nomination. Yet  this  popular  recognition  of  its  leaders 
by  other  denominations  proved  a  snare,  and  led  to  the 


688  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  vl. 

general  adoption  among  English  Baptist  churches  of  open 
communion,  which  has  no  doubt  affected  injuriously  the 
denominational  growth. 

From  the  foregoing  facts  it  is  evident  that  the  Particular 
Baptists  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  were 
awakening  from  their  lethargy  and  were  entering  upon  a 
great  career  of  growth  in  numbers  and  beneficence. 

The  General  Baptist  cause  at  the  beginning  of  the 
evangelical  revival  was  even  more  deplorable  than  that 
of  the  Particular  Baptists.  As  a  result  of  much  effort 
and  by  the  influence  of  Dan  Taylor  (b.  1738),  who 
seemed  raised  up  to  rescue  the  cause,  representatives  of 
fifteen  churches  in  various  parts  of  England  met  in 
London,  June  6,  1770,  to  form  "the  New  Connection  of 
General  Baptist  churches,  with  a  design  to  revive  experi- 
mental religion  or  primitive  Christianity  in  faith  and 
practice."  The  articles  of  faith  adopted  recognize  the 
fallen  condition  of  men,  who  are  "captives  of  Satan  set 
at  liberty  by  Christ"  ;  insist  upon  "the  perpetual  obli- 
gation of  the  moral  law"  (against  hyper-Calvinistic 
Antinomianism)  ;  carefully  set  forth  the  deity  and  hu- 
manity of  Christ  and  the  potential  universality  of  the 
atonement  wrought  by  him,  which  becomes  available  to 
individuals  solely  by  faith,  a  faith  that  "produces  good 
works  "  ;  maintain  the  duty  of  offering  salvation  by  faith 
freely  to  all  ;  teach  that  regeneration  is  the  work  of  the 
Holy  Spirit;  and  make  immersion  "the  indispensable 
duty  of  all  who  repent  and  believe  the  gospel." 

Considerable  prosperity  attended  the  labors  of  the 
ministers  and  churches  of  the  New  Connection  during 
the  remainder  of  the  century.  A  number  of  General 
Baptist  churches  constituting  the  Lincolnshire  Associa- 
tion made  repeated  overtures  for  a  union  with  the  New 
Connection.  To  this  end  the  New  Connection  was  urged 
to  make  the  conditions  of  membership  less  rigorous  as 
regards  the  signing  of  the  Confession  and  the  personal 
religious  experience  of  ministers,  and  to  agree  to  co- 
operate with  the  old  General  Assembly,  which  contin- 
ued to  meet  in  London.  But  Taylor,  the  originator  of 
the  movement,  and  his  associates  were  unyielding, 
being  more  anxious  to  maintain  the  purity  of  the 
body    than    to  increase    its    numbers.     One    by    one 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  689 

these  churches  accepted  Taylor's  terms  of  fellowship, 
and  by  the  close  of  the  century  a  large  proportion  had 
joined  the  New  Connection.  By  the  beginning  of  the 
present  century  the  New  Connection  numbered  in  its 
fellowship  forty  churches  and  three  thousand  four  hun- 
dred members.  It  is  not  probable  that  the  General  Bap- 
tists of  the  old  order  equaled  this  number,  as  many  of 
their  churches  were  in  a  declining  state. 

The  New  Connection  established  in  1798  an  academy 
for  the  training  of  ministers.  Sunday-schools  were  or- 
ganized as  early  as  1800. 

The  history  of  British  Baptists  from  the  beginning  of 
the  nineteenth  century  to  the  present  time  has  been  a 
highly  honorable  one.  hi  1800  the  Particular  Baptists 
of  England,  Wales,  and  Ireland  numbered  considerably 
less  than  forty  thousand,  and  the  General  Baptists  had 
less  than  a  hundred  small  churches  whose  membership 
would  not  probably  aggregate  five  thousand.  While  we 
have  no  means  of  determining  the  membership  of  these 
bodies  in  1660,  it  is  safe  to  say  that  it  was  greater  than 
in  1800.  But  both  bodies  were  now  in  the  ascendant, 
owing  to  the  evangelical  revival  and  the  awakening  of 
the  missionary  spirit.  Andrew  Fuller,  who  with  Carey 
had  inaugurated  the  missionary  movement  among  Bap- 
tists, was  still  to  labor  for  fifteen  years  advancing  the 
cause  of  world-wide  evangelization  and  disseminating 
an  evangelical  type  of  Calvinistic  teaching  that  was  to 
dominate  the  Particular  Baptist  body.  The  scholarly 
John  Ryland  was  to  continue  for  twenty-five  years  as 
pastor  at  Bristol  and  president  of  the  Baptist  college 
there.  Robert  Hall,  whose  majestic  eloquence  had  been 
for  ten  years  attracting  great  audiences  made  up  chiefly 
of  intellectual  people  of  other  persuasions  (from  the  uni- 
versity and  elsewhere),  as  pastor  of  the  Baptist  chapel 
at  Cambridge,  was  to  continue  his  ministry  there  for 
some  years  into  the  new  century  (1806),  and  at  Leicester 
and  Bristol  for  a  quarter  of  a  century  more  was  to  be  the 
great  light  of  his  denomination.  His  advocacy  of  open 
communion  was  influential  in  causing  many  of  the  Bap- 
tist churches  of  England  (not  those  of  Wales)  to  adopt 
it.  As  Robert  Hall  was  the  most  eloquent  English 
preacher  during  the  early  decades  of  the  century,   so 

2T 


690  A   MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

Spurgeon  for  popular  pulpit  power  and  world-wide  influ- 
ence during;  the  second  half  of  the  century  was  not  only 
pre-eminent  in  his  own  age  but  unparalleled  in  any  age, 
and  Alexander  McLaren  has  for  more  than  a  generation 
commanded  the  admiration  of  people  of  all  denomina- 
tions by  his  rare  combination  of  scholarly  and  popular 
qualities. 

The  foreign  mission  work  of  the  Baptists  of  Britain  has 
been  pressed  with  vigor  and  received  the  most  generous 
support.  It  seems  to  have  the  foremost  place  in  the 
hearts  of  British  Baptists. 

Home  mission  work  has  to  a  somewhat  smaller  extent 
enlisted  their  interest,  but  much  money  has  been  con- 
tributed for  this  purpose  and  much  valuable  work  has 
been  accomplished. 

The  Baptists  of  Britain  have  fallen  far  behind  their 
American  brethren  in  the  matter  of  denominational  edu- 
cation. About  eight  poorly  equipped  and  inadequately 
endowed  institutions  prepare  men  for  the  ministry,  pro- 
viding combined  literary  and  theological  courses. 

British  Baptists  have  co-operated  heartily  with  the 
other  great  dissenting  bodies  in  the  struggle  for  religious 
equality,  and  are  to-day  leading  in  aggressive  effort  for 
the  deliverance  of  popular  education  from  the  thraldom 
of  the  Church  of  England. 

In  1812  the  Baptist  Union  was  formed  for  the  purpose 
of  directing  the  public  meetings  of  the  various  societies 
of  the  denomination,  but  it  did  not  become  a  pronounced 
success  until  about  1832.  An  estimate  of  the  relative 
strength  of  the  denomination  at  this  time  as  compared 
with  that  of  1790  showed  that  churches  and  ministers 
liad  increased  three-fold. 

General  Baptists  joined  with  the  Particular  Baptists  in 
the  Union,  maintaining  their  own  societies  and  colleges 
independently  until  1891,  when  a  complete  fusion  of  the 
two  parties  occurred.  The  two  bodies  liad  for  many  years 
been  gradually  becoming  assimilated  in  opinion  and  prac- 
tice. The  withdrawal  of  Mr.  Spurgeon  and  a  considerable 
number  of  ministers  closely  attached  to  him  from  the  Bap- 
tist Union  because  of  the  toleration  by  the  Union  of  lax 
teachings  respecting  the  Scriptures,  the  atonement,  eter- 
nal   punishment,    etc.    ("Down   Grade"    controversy, 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  69I 

1887-1889),  no  doubt  made  the  complete  union  of  the 
two  parties  easier.  Mr.  Spurgeon  had  insisted  on  the 
Union's  making  a  declaration  of  faith  as  a  test  of  fellow- 
ship that  would  have  ruled  out  most  or  all  of  the  General 
Baptist  ministers  and  churches  as  well  as  many  of  those 
who  belonged  to  the  Particular  body. 

A  large  proportion  of  the  English  Baptists  have  come 
under  the  influence  of  modern  liberal  thought,  and  many 
churches  nominally  Baptist  admit  Pedobaptists  not  only 
to  communion  but  also  to  church-membership  without 
requiring  them  to  submit  to  believers'  baptism. 

The  Welsh  and  Scotch  Baptist  churches  and  a  small 
party  among  English  Baptists  (with  Manchester  Baptist 
College  as  its  theological  seminary)  are  in  doctrine  and 
practice  nearer  to  the  American  type.  The  present  mem- 
bership of  the  Baptist  churches  of  Great  Britain  is  about 
five  hundred  thousand.  On  the  various  foreign  fields 
cultivated  by  the  Baptists  of  Britain  there  are  about 
thirty  thousand  converts. 

2.   American  Baptists. 

Our  survey  of  American  Baptist  history  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  present  century  may  well  be  made  briefer 
than  the  British,  inasmuch  as  the  facts  are  more  familiar 
to  a  large  majority  of  readers.  Reference  has  already 
been  made  (p.  288)  to  the  founding  of  Rhode  Island  and 
the  first  American  Baptist  churches. 

The  first  in  America  to  advocate  Baptist  principles,  so 
far  as  we  are  informed,  was  Roger  Williams.  Born  about 
1604,  educated  at  Cambridge  (B.  A.,  1627),  he  became 
an  ardent  Nonconformist  and  at  great  personal  sacrifice 
emigrated  to  New  England  to  escape  the  persecuting 
measures  of  Archbishop  Laud.  During  his  pastorate  at 
Plymouth  he  spent  much  time  among  the  Indians,  mas- 
tering their  language  and  seeking  to  promote  their  moral 
and  spiritual  welfare.  As  pastor  of  the  Salem  church 
(1634-1635)  he  became  involved  in  local  controversies 
and  in  controversies  with  the  Massachusetts  authorities. 
As  advocating  opinions  dangerous  to  the  common  welfare 
he  was  banished  in  1635.  He  made  his  way  amid  win- 
ter's hardships  and  perils  to  Narragansett  Bay,  where  he 


692  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

was  joined  by  a  number  of  Massachusetts  sympathizers 
and  founded  a  colony  on  the  basis  of  soul-liberty,  which 
with  the  co-operation  of  John  Clarke  and  others  was 
developed  into  Rhode  Island. 

By  1639  Williams  had  become  convinced  that  infant 
baptism  was  unwarranted  by  Scripture  and  a  perversion 
of  a  Christian  ordinance,  and  with  eleven  otliers  intro- 
duced believers'  baptism,  and  formed  at  Providence  the 
first  American  Baptist  church.  Coddington,  who  was  in 
Rhode  Island  at  the  time,  accused  Williams  as  at  one 
time  insisting  on  immersion,  and  as  Williams  remained 
with  the  Baptists  only  a  short  time,  it  is  natural  to  apply 
his  remark  to  the  time  of  the  introduction  of  believers' 
baptism.  This  church,  after  Williams'  withdrawal,  con- 
tinued for  years  in  an  exceedingly  weak  state.  The 
General  Baptist  type  of  teaching,  with  insistence  on  the 
laying-on  of  hands  as  an  ordinance  of  Christ,  came  to 
prevail  by  1652,  and  the  opponents  of  this  view  with- 
drew to  form  a  new  congregation. 

The  second  American  Baptist  church  was  that  formed 
at  Newport,  about  1641,  under  the  leadership  of  John 
Clarke.  Clarke  arrived  at  Boston  in  November,  1637, 
when  persecuting  measures  were  being  inaugurated 
against  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson  and  her  followers  on 
account  of  their  Antinomian  teachings.  How  far  he 
sympathized  with  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  views  at  this  time 
we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  But  he  cast  in  his  lot 
with  the  persecuted  party  and  led  them  in  seeking  a  new 
home  in  unsettled  territory.  Through  the  kindly  offices 
of  Roger  Williams  they  secured  from  the  natives  a  title  to 
Aquidneck  Island.  Here  they  founded  a  government  in 
which  the  headship  of  Christ  was  recognized  and  which 
was  purely  democratic  in  form.  This  colony  united  with 
Williams'  Providence  colony  in  procuring  a  charter  in 
which  civil  and  religious  liberty  was  fully  provided  for. 
Clarke  deserves  quite  as  much  credit  as  Williams  for  this 
feature  of  Rhode  Island  polity,  and  his  services  in  Eng- 
land on  behalf  of  the  colony  were  quite  as  distinguished. 
For  some  time  Clarke,  who  was  physician  and  theologian 
as  well  as  statesman,  ministered  to  the  entire  community 
in  religious  things.  About  1641  or  earlier  Clarke  and  a 
number  of  his  fellow-colonists  became  "professed  Ana- 


CHAP.  VI.]   GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  693 

baptists,"  and  began  to  hold  their  meetings  apart,  hi 
what  form  and  under  what  circumstances  they  introduced 
believers'  baptism  we  are  not  informed  ;  but  about  1644 
Mark  Lukar,  who  was  among  the  English  Separatists  who 
were  immersed  in  1641  (1642)  became  a  member  of  the 
Newport  church,  if  immersion  was  not  practised  from 
the  beginning,  it  was  no  doubt  introduced  on  Lukar's 
arrival.  The  Newport  church  was  full  of  missionary 
zeal.  Members  of  this  body  sought  to  form  a  Baptist 
church  at  Seekonk,  Massachusetts,  in  1649,  but  were 
thwarted  by  the  authorities.  In  165 1  Clarke  and  two  of 
his  brethren  suffered  severe  treatment  at  the  hands  of 
the  Massachusetts  authorities  for  conducting  religious 
services  at  Lynn.  Clarke  narrates  these  sufferings  and 
denounces  Massachusetts  intolerance  in  "111  N-^ws  from 
New  England  "  (1652). 

As  already  indicated,  the  Massachusetts  government 
pursued  a  policy  of  extermination  toward  Baptists  and 
no  permanent  organization  of  Baptist  life  was  allowed 
until  late  in  the  century.  Henry  Dunster,  the  first  presi- 
dent of  Harvard  College  (1640-165  5),  was  obliged,  under 
circumstances  of  great  hardship,  to  relinquish  his  posi- 
tion because  of  his  persistence  in  opposing  the  baptism 
of  infants.  In  1663  John  Myles,  a  Welsh  Baptist  pastor, 
emigrated  to  Massachusetts  with  his  church,  secured  a 
grant  of  land  near  the  Rhode  Island  frontier,  and  estab- 
lished a  settlement  and  church,  which  they  named  Swan- 
sea. Here  they  enjoyed  a  considerable  measure  of  free- 
dom. The  First  Baptist  Church  of  Boston  was  organized 
in  1665,  and  for  years  suffered  grievously  at  the  hands 
of  the  authorities.  In  1682  a  small  band  of  Baptists, 
several  of  whom  had  been  members  of  the  Boston  church, 
formed  an  organization  at  Kittery,  Maine.  Driven  from 
Maine  soon  afterward  they  settled  in  South  Carolina, 
and  formed  the  Charleston  church,  about  1684.  In  the 
Quaker  colonies.  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania,  Bap- 
tists appeared  about  1682,  and  by  1707  at  least  six  churches 
had  been  organized.  They  were  largely  Welsh,  but 
included  a  considerable  number  from  New  England. 
The  Philadelphia  Association  was  formed  in  1707,  and 
became  a  chief  means  of  extending  and  conserving  Bap- 
tist influence.     As  late  as  1729  there  were  in  New  Eng- 


694  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  Vi. 

land  only  three  Calvinistic  Baptist  churches,  while  there 
were  two  Sabbatarian  and  thirteen  General  Baptist 
churches.  The  latter  had  for  some  time  held  annual 
Associational  meetings.  The  Charleston  church  had 
also  come  under  Arminian  influence  and  had  been  al- 
most wrecked  by  internal  strife.  it  is  not  probable 
that  the  entire  Baptist  membership  in  America  much 
exceeded  five  hundred  at  the  beginning  of  the  Great 
Awakening  (1733). 

With  few  exceptions,  the  Baptists  of  1740  were  not 
aggressive  or  enterprising.  They  held  aloof  from  the 
Great  Awakening  led  by  Edwards,  Whitetleld,  the  Ten- 
nents,  etc.,  refusing  in  some  cases  to  open  their  churches 
for  evangelistic  services.  And  yet  no  denomination 
profited  more  largely  by  the  revival.  The  Philadelphia 
Association  from  1750  onward  exerted  a  stimulating  and 
molding  influence  on  the  feeble  Baptist  churches  in  Vir- 
ginia, North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina,  and  secured 
the  organization  of  many  new  churches  and  the  forma- 
tion of  Associations  for  the  conservation  and  advance- 
ment of  Baptist  life. 

The  Baptist  cause  in  New  England  had  received  a  large 
increment  of  life  and  strength  in  connection  with  the 
Great  Awakening  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  Most  of  the  Baptist  churches  that  had  been 
previously  organized  opposed  the  movement  and  closed 
their  doors  even  to  such  preachers  as  Whitefield  and  the 
Tennents  ;  but  many  of  the  Congregationalists  of  the 
New  Light  type  reached  the  conviction  that  the  pure  and 
spiritual  church-membership  for  which  they  contended 
and  for  which  they  separated  from  the  churches  of  the 
Standing  Order  could  be  secured  only  by  the  rejection 
of  infant  baptism  and  the  baptism  of  believers  into 
church-fellowship  on  a  profession  of  saving  faith.  These 
Separate  or  New  Light  Baptists  soon  greatly  outnum- 
bered the  Regulars  and  were  able  at  last  to  secure  recog- 
nition from  these.  The  New  Light  Baptists  proved  far 
more  aggressive  than  the  Regulars  in  evangelism  and 
in  efforts  to  secure  civil  and  religious  equality.  Under 
the  leadership  of  Backus,  Manning,  Hezekiah  Smith, 
and  others,  the  Warren  Association  had  been  formed  for 
co-operative  work,  Rhode  Island  College  had  been  estab- 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  695 

lished,  and  an  uncompromising  warfare  against  the  es- 
tablished church  had  been  inaugurated. 

New  England  Baptists  made  far  less  progress  during  the 
revolutionary  time  (1774-1783)  and  during  the  rest  of  the 
century  than  did  their  brethren  in  the  South.  The  chief 
cause  of  the  difference  in  prosperity  seems  to  have  been  as 
follows  :  In  Virginia  and  throughout  the  South  the  Stand- 
ing Order  (Episcopalian)  had  grown  exceedingly  unpopu- 
lar, owing  to  the  corruption  of  its  ministers  and  their  lack 
of  sympathy  with  the  aspirations  of  the  masses  of  the  peo- 
ple for  civil  liberty.  Baptists  threw  themselves  heartily 
into  the  revolutionary  cause  and  gained  such  popularity 
that  they  went  forward  by  leaps  and  bounds  and  were 
able  to  secure  a  full  recognition  of  their  religious  equality 
and  the  complete  separation  of  Church  and  State.  In  New 
England,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Standing  Order  was  less 
corrupt  and  constituted  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  patriotic 
cause.  Baptists  at  the  very  outbreak  of  the  Revolution 
were  agitating  for  a  redress  of  their  grievances,  and  at  a 
critical  time,  when  the  energies  of  the  New  England 
people  were  concentrated  on  the  necessity  of  resisting 
what  was  regarded  as  British  tyranny,  Baptists  persisted 
in  thrusting  their  demands  for  religious  equality  on  the 
attention  of  the  authorities,  and  they  even  threatened  to 
withhold  their  co-operation  in  revolutionary  efforts  and 
to  appeal  to  the  English  government  for  the  rights  denied 
them  by  the  colonial.  New  England  Baptists  were  not 
lacking  in  patriotism  after  the  Revolution  had  begun  ; 
but  they  had  lost  greatly  in  popularity  and  could  not  hope 
either  to  win  the  masses  to  their  cause  or  to  secure  a 
speedy  redress  of  their  grievances.  The  nineteenth  cen- 
tury had  made  considerable  progress  before  religious 
equality  was  secured  by  the  Baptists  for  themselves  and 
others  in  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  nineteenth  century  there  were  fewer  Baptists 
in  the  New  England  States  combined  than  in  Virginia 
alone,  while  the  number  of  Baptists  in  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  Delaware  did  not  much  exceed 
that  of  North  Carolina. 

While  the  Philadelphia  Association  was,  throughout 
the  early  and  middle  portions  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
a  great  evangelizing  body,  exercising  a  powerful  molding 


696  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

influence  on  the  Baptist  life  of  the  Southern  and  Middle 
States,  and  instrumental  in  the  founding  of  Rhode  Island 
College  (Brown  University^,  it  had  failed  to  utilize  the 
religious  forces  of  the  Great  Awakening  and  had  gained 
no  advantage  from  the  patriotic  quickening  of  the  revo- 
lutionary time.  Morgan  Edwards,  one  of  the  influential 
members  of  the  Association,  earnestly  opposed  the  Revo- 
lution, and  it  is  probable  that  a  large  proportion  of  the 
Baptists  of  the  Middle  States  fell  short  of  the  chivalric 
devotion  to  the  revolutionary  cause  that  redounded  so 
largely  to  the  advantage  of  their  Southern  brethren. 

Baptist  work  was  still  in  its  infancy  in  the  Northwest. 
The  Miami  Association  in  Ohio,  with  ten  churches  and 
two  hundred  and  ninety-one  members,  and  four  other 
small  churches  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  and  Illinois,  were  all 
that  the  beginning  of  the  century  could  show  in  what 
was  to  prove  one  of  the  most  fruitful  fields  of  Baptist 
enterprise. 

hi  Virginia  Separate  Baptists  led  in  the  glorious  strug- 
gle for  civil  and  religious  liberty  (1775-1799)  and  secured 
the  co-operation  of  the  Regulars.  The  two  parties  united 
in  1785.  The  Virginia  Baptists  were  largely  instrumental 
in  securing  religious  liberty  for  all,  and  at  last  in  com- 
passing the  disestablishment  of  the  Episcopal  Church 
and  the  confiscation  of  its  glebe  lands,  etc.  To  them 
also  was  due  in  part  the  ample  provision  for  liberty  of 
conscience  in  the  United  States  Constitution,  hi  New 
England  Separate  Baptists,  like  Backus,  co-operated  with 
Baptists  of  the  Philadelphia  type,  like  Manning,  Smith, 
Davis,  and  Stillman,  in  an  equally  heroic  but  less  suc- 
cessful struggle  for  absolute  religious  liberty  and  equality. 
The  services  of  American  Baptists  in  the  cause  of  civil 
and  religious  liberty  are  acknowledged  by  scholars  of 
other  denominations. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  Bap- 
tists of  America  numbered  about  one  hundred  thousand. 
They  had  only  one  educational  institution  of  high  grade, 
Rhode  Island  College  (Brown  University),  which  had 
been  founded  in  1763.  They  had  many  Associations, 
but  no  State  Conventions,  no  missionary  or  publication 
societies,  no  Sunday-schools,  no  religious  newspapers  or 
magazines.     They  had  participated  largely  in  the  great 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  697 

revivals  of  the  last  years  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and 
were  to  participate  as  fully  in  those  of  the  early  years 
of  the  nineteenth.  A  large  proportion  of  the  member- 
ship of  the  denomination  v/as  comparatively  illiterate,  as 
were  most  of  its  ministers.  The  number  of  liberally 
educated  ministers  in  the  denomination  at  that  time  was 
exceedingly  small. 

By  1812  American  Baptists  numbered  about  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy-two  thousand  nine  hundred  and  seventy- 
two,  of  whom  thirty-two  thousand  two  hundred  and 
seventy-two  were  in  New  England,  twenty-six  thousand 
one  hundred  and  fifty-five  in  the  Middle  States,  and  the 
rest  in  the  South.  Most  of  the  numerical  increase  had 
been  secured  through  the  labors  of  illiterate  evangelists, 
and  the  Baptist  population  in  the  South  and  West,  apart 
from  a  few  churches  in  Virginia,  the  Charleston  Associa- 
tion, some  churches  in  the  neighborhood  of  Savannah, 
and  the  Georgia  Association,  was  strongly  prejudiced 
against  an  educated  ministry  and  against  missionary 
work  of  any  kind  conducted  by  Boards  and  supported  by 
contributions  from  the  churches. 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  century  Baptists  in  Boston 
and  vicinity.  New  York,  Philadelphia,  Charleston,  and  a 
few  other  places,  had  taken  a  practical  interest  in  the 
missionary  work  of  Carey  and  his  associates  in  India. 
The  conversion  to  Baptist  views  of  Adoniram  Judson  and 
Luther  Rice,  who  had  gone  to  India  to  open  up  a  mission 
for  the  American  Board  of  Commissioners  for  Foreign 
Missions,  in  1812,  thrust  upon  the  denomination  the  obli- 
gation to  enter  upon  organized,  independent  work  in  the 
foreign  field.  Local  missionary  societies  were  formed  in 
many  of  the  more  intelligent  communities,  largely  through 
the  efforts  of  Rice,  who  had  returned  for  the  purpose  of 
providing  a  basis  of  support  for  a  Baptist  mission,  and  in 
1814  representatives  of  such  societies  met  in  Philadel- 
phia and  formed  the  Triennial  Convention.  This  meet- 
ing brought  together  the  leading  Baptist  ministers  from 
all  parts  of  the  country.  Within  a  few  years  there  grew 
up  in  connection  with  this  national  organization  for  for- 
eign missions,  home  mission,  publication,  and  educational 
societies. 

The  more  intelligent  portions  of  the  denomination  were 


698  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH  HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

greatly  stimulated  by  the  foreign  mission  movement. 
State  Conventions  were  formed  in  nearly  all  the  States 
(1821  onward)  for  the  promotion  of  missionary  and 
evangelical  work.  Denominational  colleges  and  theo- 
logical seminaries  sprang  up  with  wonderful  rapidity. 
Baptist  newspapers  arose  and  multiplied.  Sunday-school 
work  was  carried  forward  with  vigor.  The  introduction 
of  so  many  innovations  alarmed  the  ignorant  and  unpro- 
gressive  elements  of  the  denomination,  and  a  large  pro- 
portion of  the  Baptists  of  the  South  and  Southwest  zeal- 
ously antagonized  the  missionary  movement,  with  all  its 
accessories.     Yet  the  party  of  progress  triumphed. 

The  Regular  Baptists  of  the  United  States,  according  to 
the  latest  statistical  report,  number  four  million  fifty-five 
thousand  eight  hundred  and  six,  and  are  divided  into 
three  great  sections  :  the  Northern,  the  Southern,  and 
the  Colored.  These  divisions  affect  only  the  home  and 
foreign  mission  work  of  the  denomination.  The  South- 
ern Baptists  organized  separately  in  1845,  o"  account  of 
the  anti-slavery  agitation.  They  have  their  missionary 
and  Sunday-school  organizations.  The  Northern  Bap- 
tists unite  in  the  work  of  the  American  Baptist  Mission- 
ary Union  and  theAmerican  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society. 
The  American  Baptist  Publication  Society  seeks  to  serve 
all  parts  of  the  denomination.  The  Baptist  Young 
People's  Union  takes  in  North  and  South  alike.  So 
does  the  American  Baptist  Education  Society.  The 
denomination  has  six  theological  seminaries  (Newton, 
Rochester,  Hamilton,  Crozer,  Chicago,  Louisville,  and 
the  Theological  Department  of  Baylor  University),  col- 
leges and  universities  too  numerous  to  name,  including 
Brown  University,  Columbian  University,  the  University 
of  Chicago,  Vassar  College,  Colgate,  Rochester,  Colby, 
Wake  Forest,  Denison,  Franklin,  Richmond,  Furman, 
Mercer,  Howard,  Georgetown,  Kalamazoo,  Bethel,  Des 
Moines,  Central,  Southwestern,  Shurtleff,  Carson  and 
Newman,  Baylor,  and  William  Jewell.  It  has  periodicals 
multitudinous.  It  has  a  literature,  religious  and  general, 
that  in  quantity  and  quality  compares  favorably  with 
that  of  the  other  leading  denominations. 

The  Baptists  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada  are  more 
closely  related  in  doctrine  and  practice  to  those  of  the 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  699 

United  States,  than  to  those  of  Great  Britain,  though  a 
large  number  of  English  Baptists  have  from  time  to  time 
reinforced  the  Canadian  churches.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  nineteenth  century  there  were  only  a  few  weak 
churches  in  the  Maritime  Provinces  and  in  what  are  now 
Ontario  and  Quebec.  At  present  there  are  in  Canada 
about  one  hundred  thousand  Baptists,  fully  equipped 
with  missionary  societies,  educational  institutions,  and 
religious  publications.  The  Baptists  of  Ontario  and 
Quebec  possess  a  well-endowed  university  (McMaster 
University,  Toronto)  with  a  fully  equipped  theological 
department.  The  Baptists  of  the  Maritime  Provinces 
have  in  Acadia  University  one  of  the  oldest  and  best  of 
the  educational  institutions  of  that  region. 

(2)  Other  Anti-Pedobaptist  Parties.  Besides  the  Regu- 
lar Baptists  of  America  there  are  several  denominations 
of  Christians  that  have  much  in  common  with  them. 
The  most  important  of  these  are  : 

a.  The  Christians}  As  a  result  of  the  great  revival  of 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  several  denomina- 
tions were  formed  in  different  parts  of  the  United  States 
on  the  basis  of  eschewing  all  creeds  and  forms  and  making 
the  Scriptures  the  only  standard  of  faith  and  practice.  In 
1804  five  Presbyterian  ministers  of  Kentucky  and  Ohio, 
including  Marshall,  Stone,  and  McNemar,  having  been 
suspended  from  the  ministry  by  the  Presbyterian  Synod 
for  Arminian  teaching,  organized  themselves  into  the 
Springfield  Presbytery,  and  set  forth  in  the  "  Last  Will 
and  Testament  of  the  Springfield  Presbytery "  their 
plans  and  purposes.  Several  of  them  and  many  of  their 
followers  soon  reached  the  conviction  that  infant  bap- 
tism was  without  scriptural  authorization,  and  that  apos- 
tolic baptism  was  immersion.  Some  years  earlier  (1792) 
James  O'Kelley,  a  Methodist  presiding  elder  in  Virginia, 
had  revolted  from  the  authority  of  the  bishop  and  had 
formed  a  "  Christian  "  denomination,  which  attained  to 
considerable  proportions.  In  1800  Abner  Jones,  a  Bap- 
tist minister  in  Vermont,  became  greatly  disturbed  "in 
regard  to  sectarian  names  and  human  creeds,"  formed 
an  independent  "  Christian  "  church  and  was  soon  joined 


1  "See  Carroll,  "The  Religious  Forces  in  the  United  States,"  p.  91  seq.,  and 
Art.  in  Schaff-Herzog, 


700  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

by  a  number  of  other  Baptist  and  Free-will  Baptist  pas- 
tors and  churches.  These  three  bodies,  independent  in 
their  origin,  soon  entered  into  fellowship  with  each  other 
and  formed  a  denomination  known  as  "Christians," 
which  has  reached  a  membership  of  over  a  hundred 
thousand.  They  are  Arminian  in  doctrine  (some  of  them 
verging  on  Arian  denial  of  the  absolute  deity  of  Christ), 
practise  believers'  baptism,  but  do  not  make  immersion 
a  term  of  church-membership,  practise  unrestricted 
communion,  repudiate  creeds  and  doctrinal  tests  of  all 
kinds,  and  are  content  with  the  Bible  as  their  sole  guide 
in  religion.  Stone  and  many  of  his  followers  identified 
themselves  with  the  similar  and  more  radical  movement 
led  by  Alexander  Campbell. 

b.  The  Disciples  of  Christ.^  In  1807  Thomas  Campbell, 
a  Seceding  Presbyterian  minister  from  the  north  of  Ire- 
land, settled  in  Pennsylvania.  By  181 1  his  young  son 
Alexander,  who  had  studied  in  the  University  of  Glas- 
gow and  had  come  under  the  influence  of  Sandemani- 
anism  and  that  of  the  Haldanes,  was  ready  to  join  with 
his  father  in  a  reformation  on  the  basis  of  the  repudiation 
of  human  creeds  and  practices  in  religion  and  adherence 
to  the  Bible  as  the  sole  guide,  hi  181 1  they  adopted 
believers'  immersion  as  the  only  scriptural  baptism,  and 
from  this  time  onward  Alexander  took  charge  of  the 
movement.  In  181 3  their  independent  church  united 
with  the  Redstone  Baptist  Association,  and  in  1823, 
owing  to  controversy  that  had  arisen  in  the  Redstone, 
with  the  Mahoning  Association  of  Ohio. 

The  Baptists  of  western  Pennsylvania,  western  Vir- 
ginia, Ohio,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  etc.,  were  at  this 
time  hyper-Calvinistic  in  their  teaching,  laid  great  stress 
on  the  Philadelphia  Confession  as  a  standard  of  fellow- 
ship, and  most  of  their  ministers  were  illiterate  and  un- 
edifying.  In  scholarship  and  impressiveness  of  address 
Alexander  Campbell  was  greatly  superior  to  most  of  the 
Baptist  ministers  of  the  region  that  came  under  his 
influence.  A  considerable  number  of  the  churches  of 
the  Baptist  Associations  with  which  he  had  labored 
accepted  his  views  before  1827,  and  controversy  arose 

'  See  Tyler,  "History  of  the  Disciples  of  Christ."  in  "Am.  Ch.  Hist.  Series," 
Vol.  XII.,  with  bibliography  there  given,  aiiJ  Art.  in  Schaff-Herzog. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS   701 

that  led  to  exclusion  of  the  Campbells  and  their  follow- 
ers from  the  Baptist  fellowship  at  this  time.  Having 
secured  the  co-operation  of  B.  W.  Stone  they  entered 
with  more  zeal  than  ever  upon  the  propagation  of  their 
teaching.  Their  opposition  to  missionary  societies  and 
all  kinds  of  human  institutions  in  connection  with  re- 
ligion proved  highly  attractive  to  multitudes  of  Baptists 
who  were  already  in  arms  against  the  foreign  mission 
enterprise,  Sunday-schools,  prayer  meetings,  etc.,  and 
the  confident  tone  and  (to  them)  wonderful  learning  of 
Alexander  Campbell,  combined  with  his  strong  person- 
ality and  remarkable  industry  and  zeal  in  bringing  his 
influence  to  bear  with  tongue  and  pen,  gave  him  great 
acceptance  with  the  people.  He  laid  much  stress  on  the 
baptismal  act  as  connected  with  the  remission  of  sins, 
repudiated  all  formal  statements  of  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity,  contenting  himself  with  Scripture  language, 
made  of  faith  little  more  than  intellectual  belief  in  the 
divine  sonship  of  a  historical  personage,  put  little  em- 
phasis on  the  emotional  element  in  repentance  and  con- 
version, was  strongly  anti-Calvinistic  in  his  anthropology 
and  theology,  and  insisted  that  the  Holy  Spirit  operates 
only  through  the  word  (meaning  apparently  the  Scrip- 
tures rather  than  the  divine  Logos). 

The  Disciples  now  constitute  a  great  denomination  of 
about  eight  hundred  thousand  members,  and  are  thor- 
oughly equipped  with  educational  institutions,  missionary 
societies,  publication  societies,  periodical  press,  etc.  They 
have  become  considerably  divided  among  themselves, 
many  of  them  repudiating  foreign  missions,  ministerial 
education,  and  human  institutions  in  general,  while  the 
progressive  majority  have  become  more  and  more  assimi- 
lated to  other  evangelical  denominations  in  their  methods 
of  work  and  in  their  conceptions  of  Christianity.  There 
is  less  difference  to-day  between  the  progressive  Disci- 
ples and  the  Baptists  than  there  was  between  Alexander 
Campbell  and  the  Baptists  of  1830. 

c.  The  Free-will  Baptists.^  In  1779  Benjamin  Randall, 
of  New  Hampshire,  who  had  been  converted  through 


1  See  Stewart,  "  Hist,  of  the  Free-will  Baptists,"  1862  ;  Carroll,  "  Religious  Forces 
in  the  U.  S.,"  p.  ??  seq. ;  Newman,  "A  Hist,  of  the  Bapt.  Churches  in  the  U.  S.," 
p.  269  scq. ;  and  Art.  in  Schaff-Herzog. 


702  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

Whitefield's  preaching  (1770),  but  had  from  Wesleyan 
Methodism  derived  his  Arminian  views,  was  arraigned 
for  heresy  and  disfellowshiped  by  a  Baptist  council. 
The  charges  brought  against  him  were  the  preaching  of 
unlimited  atonement  and  of  the  freedom  of  the  will.  He 
immediately  gained  a  considerable  following,  chiefly  from 
the  Regular  Baptists  of  the  New  England  States,  and  his 
views  were  widely  disseminated  in  the  Maritime  Prov- 
inces of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  The  Free-will 
churches  held  their  first  General  Conference  in  1827. 
Besides  holding  to  Arminian  views  the  Free-will  Baptists 
practise  open  communion.  Their  present  membership  is 
about  one  hundred  thousand. 

d.  Primitive  Baptists.  A  large  number  of  Baptist 
churches  and  Associations,  chiefly  in  the  South  and 
Southwest,  assumed  a  malignant  attitude  toward  the 
foreign  missionary  cause,  ministerial  education,  and  all 
"human  institutions,"  and  have  so  continued  to  the 
present  time.  They  are  of  several  types,  and  are  with- 
out any  general  organization.  Their  main  reliance  for 
the  maintenance  of  their  existence  is  in  shutting  out 
educational  influences,  and  they  exist  to-day  chiefly  in 
the  mountainous  regions  and  in  communities  where  edu- 
cational facilities  are  meager.  According  to  the  census 
of  1890  there  were  considerably  more  than  one  hundred 
thousand  Baptists  of  this  type.  They  teach  an  extreme 
and  harsh  type  of  Calvinism,  practise  feet-washing,  and 
are  bitterly  opposed  to  Sunday-schools,  prayer  meetings, 
Bible  societies,  temperance  societies,  and  in  fact  to  every 
sort  of  "  human  institution." 

e.  The  CJinrdi  of  God.^  This  denomination  was  founded 
by  John  Winnebrenner,  a  German  Reformed  minister  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  1830.  Like  the  Christians  and  Disci- 
ples they  repudiate  sectarian  names  and  human  creeds 
and  insist  upon  the  sufficiency  of  the  Scriptures  without 
note  or  comment  for  the  guidance  of  believers.  They 
practise  the  immersion  of  believers.  They  drew  their 
members,  presumably,  chiefly  from  the  German  Re- 
formed body.  They  have  at  present  a  membership  of 
something  over  twenty  thousand. 

'  Carroll,  "  Religious  Forces,"  p.  102  scq..  and  Encyclopaedia  Articles  on  Win- 
nebrenner. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  703 

/.  Tlie  Dunkards.^  A  party  of  German  origin  having 
much  in  common  with  Primitive  Baptists,  emigrated  in 
considerable  numbers  to  America  1719  onward.  Like 
the  Waldenses  and  Anabaptists  they  have  a  connexional 
organization  and  a  three-fold  ministry  (bishops,  ministers, 
and  deacons),  practise  trine  immersion,  feet-washing,  love- 
feasts,  and  the  kiss  of  charity,  and  insist  upon  the  great- 
est simplicity  in  dress.  A  large  proportion  of  them  are 
still  resisting  innovations  in  the  direction  of  ministerial 
education,  Sunday-schools,  missions,  and  freedom  in 
dress  ;  but  a  progressive  element  is  seeking  to  minimize 
the  peculiarities  of  the  denomination  and  to  bring  it  into 
accord  with  modern  ideas.  It  has  a  membership  of  about 
seventy  thousand  in  the  United  States  and  Canada. 

g.  The  Mennonites.  These  are  emigrants  from  Ger- 
many, Russia,  and  the  Netherlands,  and  have  maintained 
the  party  divisions  of  their  European  brethren  and  have 
added  some  of  their  own.  They  agree  with  Baptists  in 
rejecting  infant  baptism  ;  but  a  large  majority  of  them 
practise  pouring  as  the  act  of  baptism.  They  maintain 
their  connexional  organization,  and  their  organization  is 
presbyterial  rather  than  congregational.  In  the  United 
States  and  Canada  they  have  a  membership  of  about 
seventy-five  thousand. 

h.  The  Seventh-Day  Baptists.^  These  originated  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  and  have  perpetuated  themselves 
with  considerable  vigor,  but  without  much  increase  in 
membership.  They  agree  with  Baptists  respecting  the 
ordinance  of  baptism,  but  they  spend  their  strength  in 
contending  that  the  substitution  of  the  Lord's  Day  for 
the  Jewish  Sabbath  is  a  heathen  perversion  that  involves 
a  plain  violation  of  a  command  of  God  meant  to  be  of  per- 
petual obligation.  Their  type  of  thought  is  distinctly 
Judaizing.  They  have  at  present  a  membership  of  about 
ten  thousand. 

III.    THE  METHODISTS  AND  RELATED  PARTIES. 

LITERATURE:  Stevens, "  Hist,  of  Methodism,"  1858,  "Hist,  of 
the  M.  E.  Church,"  1864,  and  "  The  Centenary  of  Am.  Method- 
ism," 1866;  Taylor,  "  Wesley  and  Methodism,'"'  i860;  McTyeire, 

1  Carroll,  "Religious  Forces,"  p.  129  seq.,  and  Encyclopsedia  Articles. 
-Carroll,  "Religious  Forces,"  p.  51  seq.  ;  Newman,  "  Bapt.  Ch.  in  the  U.  S.," 
pp.  no  seq.,  204,  and  485  seq. 


704  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

"  A  Hist,  of  Methodism,"  1884 ;  Atkinson,  "  Centennial  Hist,  of 
Am.  Metliodism,"  1884  ;  Bucl<ley,  "  A  Hist,  of  tlie  Methodists  in  the 
United  States,"  1896  (contains  tine  bibliography)  ;  a  history  of 
Methodism,  by  Bishop  Hurst,  to  be  completed  in  six  volumes,  is  in 
course  of  publication  and  should  be  the  standard  work  on  the 
subject. 

Sufficient  notice  has  already  been  taken  of  the  founder 
of  Methodism  and  his  chief  coadjutors,  of  the  type  of  life, 
doctrine,  and  Christian  activity  represented  by  the  move- 
ment, and  of  the  influence  of  the  revival  led  by  Wesley 
and  Whitefield  on  other  bodies  of  Christians  and  on  modern 
Christianity  in  general.  It  has  been  observed  that  Wes- 
ley was  strongly  averse  to  separation  from  the  Church 
of  England  and  until  late  in  life,  though  he  did  much  that 
tended  toward  and  logically  involved  separation,  he  re- 
fused to  admit  that  separation  was  inevitable.  The  fol- 
lowing summary  of  the  history  of  the  movement  by 
Bishop  Hurst'  will  give  an  idea  of  the  evolution  of 
Methodism  : 

1738,  John  Wesley's  conversion  ;  ly^g,  the  first  class  meeting,  or 
the  origin  of  the  Methodists  as  a  special  body,  and  the  beginning  of 
open-air  preaching  and  of  lay  preaching;  1740,  Methodism  becomes 
differentiated  from  Calvinism  and  Moravianism  ;  1744,  the  first 
Conference  (six  clergymen  and  five  lay  preachers),  which  fixes  doc- 
trine and  polity  on  substantially  the  same  basis  as  at  present ;  1747, 
a  tract  society  formed  ;  1748,  the  first  academy  opened  -.  1763,  a  fund 
for  superannuated  ministers  established  ;  1778,  the  "  Arminian  Mag- 
azine started  .  .  ;  1784,  all  hope  of  amalgamation  with  the  Churcli 
of  England  or  anv  other  denomination  set  at  rest  by  Wesley  entering 
in  the  Court  of  Chancery  a  deed  for  the  permanent  constitution  of 
the  Conference;  1784,  Wesley  ordains  Coke  superintendent  and 
Whatcoat  and  Vasey  elders— the  climax  to  a  long  series  of  acts  in- 
consistent with  his  identity  with  the  Church  of  England;  1785, 
Wesley  ordains  Pawson,  Hanby,  and  Taylor  as  presbyters  to  offici- 
ate in  Scotland ;  1786,  ordains  Keighley  and  Atmore  for  England 
and  Warrener  and  Hammett  for  missions  abroad,  and  consents  to 
holding  services  in  church  hours;  1787-1789,  ordains  several  pres- 
byters and  Mason  as  superintendent;  1788,  death  of  Charles  Wes- 
ley .  .  ;  1790,  further  plans  for  the  consolidation  of  Methodism — 
Wesley  still  presiding  in  the  Conference  session  ;  1791,  death  of 
John  Wesley. 

In  17QO  there  were  about  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  members  in  the  Wesleyan  societies  or  churches, 
of  whom  more  than  a  third  were  in  the  United  States. 

I  "  Hist,  of  the  Christian  Church,"  Vol.  II.,  p.  828. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  705 

I.  British  Methodists  since  lygi . 

For  many  years  dissension  interfered  somewhat  seri- 
ously with  the  progress  of  Methodism  in  England.  A 
considerable  party  insisted  on  adhering  to  Wesley's  orig- 
inal plan  of  continuing  in  union  with  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land. Others  were  urgent  for  complete  separation.  The 
unionist  party  triumphed  for  the  time.  Some,  in  oppo- 
sition to  Wesley's  position,  insisted  upon  lay  representa- 
tion in  the  Conference,  others  opposed.  In  1795  a  "  Plan 
of  Pacification  "  adopted  by  the  Conference  conceded  a 
measure  af  lay  representation  and  advanced  somewhat 
in  the  direction  of  separation.  The  party  of  separation 
were  still  dissatisfied  and  seceded  from  the  Conference  in 
1797  with  about  five  thousand  members  (The  Methodist 
New  Connection).  The  Primitive  Methodist  Connection 
grew  out  of  the  refusal  of  the  Conference  to  approve  of 
camp-meetings,  an  American  institution  (1810).  They 
gained  a  large  following  and  have  at  present  a  member- 
ship of  about  two  hundred  thousand.  The  Bible  Chris- 
tians separated  from  the  Wesleyan  Methodists  in  181 5 
from  dissatisfaction  with  the  remuneration  of  the  itinerant 
preachers  and  opposition  to  the  use  of  the  term  "Rev- 
erend "  as  a  ministerial  title.  They  also  went  further 
than  the  Wesleyan  Conference  in  the  matter  of  encour- 
aging female  preaching  and  lay  representation.  In  1816 
a  more  important  schism  occurred  in  Ireland,  where  nine 
thousand  withdrew  because  of  the  use  of  church  hours 
for  Methodist  services  (Primitive  Wesleyan  Methodists). 
They  were  reunited  with  the  main  body  in  1877.  In 
1834  the  Wesleyan  Methodist  Association  was  formed  of 
twenty  thousand  seceders,  who  withdrew,  under  the 
leadership  of  Samuel  Warren,  as  a  protest  against  the 
establishment  of  a  theological  seminary  by  the  Confer- 
ence. About  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  wide- 
spread dissatisfaction  with  the  centralization  of  power  in 
the  Conference  and  the  refusal  of  the  body  to  make  any 
concessions  in  response  to  repeated  and  numerously 
signed  petitions  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  about  a  hun- 
dred thousand  members  of  the  three  hundred  and  fifty- 
eight  thousand  which  the  denomination  then  contained 
(1850  onward).     Some  of  these  united  with  the  Protes- 

2U 


706  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

tant  Methodists,  who  had  gone  out  in  1825,  and  the 
Wesleyan  Methodist  Association,  to  form  the  United 
Methodist  Free  Churches  (1857),  a  body  that  has  at- 
tained to  considerable  numerical  strength.  Others 
formed  the  Wesleyan  Reform  Union,  which  did  not 
greatly  prosper.  The  Wesleyan  Methodist  body  soon 
more  than  regained  its  former  strength,  having  increased 
its  membership  from  two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  fifty-eight  in  1855,  to  five  hundred  and 
nine  thousand  tliree  hundred  and  sixty-seven  in  1881. 
It  constitutes  to-day  one  of  the  largest  and  most  influen- 
tial bodies  of  dissenters  in  Great  Britain.  An  indica- 
tion of  the  strength  and  enthusiasm  of  the  Wesleyans 
is  the  recent  successful  effort  to  raise  a  million  guineas,  as 
a  twentieth  century  fund  for  education,  missions,  church 
building,  etc. 

2.  American  Methodists. 

Methodism  invaded  America  in  a  feeble  way  in  1766 
and  met  with  so  much  opposition  that  it  made  little  head- 
way before  the  Revolution.  The  first  American  Confer- 
ence was  held  in  1773,  when  the  aggregate  membership 
reported  was  one  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixty.  By 
1775  the  membership  had  increased  to  three  thousand 
one  hundred  and  forty-eight,  and  by  1777  to  six  thousand 
nine  hundred  and  sixty-eight.  There  was  considerable 
decline  during  the  next  year  ;  yet  in  1783  about  four- 
teen thousand  members  and  between  seventy  and 
eighty  itinerants  were  reported.  The  fact  that  many 
of  the  Alethodists  were  loyal  to  Britain  was  in  part  re- 
sponsible for  the  comparatively  slow  growth  of  the  de- 
nomination during  this  period.  When  the  independence 
of  the  United  States  had  been  acknowledged,  Wesley 
saw  the  necessity  of  giving  autonomy  to  American 
Methodism,  and  ordained  several  elders  for  the  American 
work  and  placed  over  them  as  superintendent  (Wesley 
was  strongly  averse  to  the  use  of  the  term  "bishop") 
Thomas  Coke,  a  well-educated  Englishman  of  high  char- 
acter and  strong  personality  (1784).  Francis  Asbury, 
who  had  labored  successfully  as  an  itinerant  during  the 
Revolutionary  time,  was  in  the  same  year  and  by  ap- 
pointment of  the  Conference  associated  with  Coke  in 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS   707 

the  superintendency,  and  ordained  by  him  to  this  office. 
Asbury  became  the  apostle  of  American  Methodism. 
The  organization  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church  occurred  at  the  same  time  and  place 
(Baltimore,  1784).  The  growth  of  this  body  has  been 
remarkable.  Several  divisions  of  minor  importance  oc- 
curred chiefly  on  questions  of  polity  during  the  earlier 
years  of  its  history. 

In  1844-1845  controversy  on  the  slavery  question  and 
the  unwillingness  of  the  Northern  Methodists  to  tolerate 
slaveholding  in  bishops  or  elders  led  to  a  withdrawal  of 
the  Southern  churches  to  form  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church  South.  This  division  does  not,  in  the  writer's 
opinion,  any  more  than  that  of  the  Baptists,  constitute 
the  two  sections  different  denominations.  Both  the 
Northern  and  Southern  branches  of  the  denomination 
have  greatly  prospered  in  the  way  of  numerical  growth, 
in  institutions  of  learning,  in  home  and  foreign  mission- 
ary work,  in  book  concerns,  etc.  The  total  membership 
of  the  various  Methodist  bodies  in  the  United  States  is  at 
present  more  than  five  millions,  of  whom  about  three 
millions  and  a  half  are  in  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church 
and  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  South.  Of  the  re- 
mainder, about  a  million  and  a  quarter  belong  to  various 
colored  bodies,  and  the  rest  to  the  minor  parties. 

in  the  dominion  of  Canada  Methodists  are  among  the 
strongest  and  best-equipped  of  the  denominations.  They 
early  gained  a  foothold,  a  considerable  number  of  the 
United  Empire  Loyalists  being  of  that  persuasion.  The 
various  English  Wesleyan  bodies  were  until  1885  repre- 
sented by  church  organizations.  At  that  time  all  came 
together  to  form  one  great  body,  it  sustains  friendly 
relations  with  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  the 
United  States,  but  it  follows  English  Wesleyans  in  adopt- 
ing a  general  superintendency  rather  than  episcopacy. 

3.  Some  Related  Bodies. 

(i)  The  United  Brethren  in  Christ}  This  body  resulted 
from  the  evangelistic  efforts  of  Otterbein,  a  well-edu- 
cated and  highly  gifted  German  Reformed  minister  who 
was  sent  as  a  missionary  to  America  in  1752,  and  Henry 

1  See  Berger,  "  Hist,  of  U.  B.  in  Christ,"  1894. 


708  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  vi. 

Boelim,  a  Mennonite  minister.  These  leaders  came 
under  the  influence  of  tlie  Metliodist  evangelism  and 
labored  for  some  time  in  the  hope  of  bringing  their  own 
denomination  into  accord  with  the  principles  of  the  new 
evangelism.  For  a  time  they  were  in  close  relations 
with  the  Methodist  body  and  would  no  doubt  have  per- 
manently identified  themselves  with  that  body  but  for 
the  refusal  of  the  Methodist  leaders  to  allow  them  a 
larger  freedom  in  work  than  the  Methodist  discipline  pro- 
vided for.  Their  organization  is  practically  identical  with 
that  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  body.  They  drew  their 
membership  chiefly  from  German  Reformed  and  Men- 
nonites  and  in  the  earlier  years  the  German  language 
was  for  the  most  part  used  in  their  work.  In  considera- 
tion of  the  antipedobaptist  sentiments  of  the  Mennonite 
members  infant  baptism  was  made  optional  and  has  so 
remained,  as  was  also  the  mode  of  baptism.  The  denom- 
ination is  well  equipped  with  educational  institutions,  a 
publishing  house,  missionary  societies,  etc.  There  has 
been  considerable  controversy  between  the  progressive 
and  the  non-progressive  elements.  The  first  Confer- 
ence of  the  body  was  constituted  in  1789.  The  organiza- 
tion was  completed  and  the  name  it  now  bears  adopted 
in  1800.  The  present  membership  of  the  denomination 
is  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand. 

(2)  The  Evangelical  Association.^  This  denomination 
was  founded  by  Jacob  Albright,  a  Pennsylvania  German 
Lutheran,  who  was  converted  in  connection  with  the 
Methodist  evangelism  (1790),  and  soon  afterward  (1793) 
began  to  preach  among  the  neglected  Germans  of  his 
State  with  remarkable  zeal  and  success.  His  converts 
came,  it  may  be  presumed,  chiefly  from  the  Lutheran 
ranks,  as  those  of  Otterbein  and  Boehm  came  chiefly 
from  the  Reformed  and  Mennonite  bodies.  The  Meth- 
odists cared  little  at  that  time  for  the  control  of  work 
among  German-speaking  people,  and  made  no  adequate 
effort  to  bring  Albright  and  his  work  into  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  system.  An  organization  was  effected  almost 
identical  with  the  Methodist  Episcopal  in  1807,  and  Al- 
bright was  elected  bishop.  He  died  the  next  year.  Some 
years  later  the  body,  which  had  come  to  be  known  as 

'  See  Spreng,  "  Hist,  of  the  Evan.  Ass.,"  1894. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS  709 

'  Albright  People,"  adopted  the  above  name.  They  have 
carried  on  their  work  with  considerable  vigor,  and  by  1891 
had  become  a  well-equipped  body  with  a  membership  of 
a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  Controversy  had  by  this 
time  arisen  which  led  to  schism  and  litigation. 

(3)  The  Salvation  Army ^  In  1861  William  Booth  with- 
•-drew  from  the  Methodist  ministry  to  engage  in  inde- 
pendent work.  As  a  result  of  his  efforts  for  the  evan- 
gelization of  the  depressed  classes  in  East  London  he 
reached  the  conviction  that  coarse  and  sensational  meth- 
ods should  be  used  for  attracting  and  holding  the  ignorant 
and  depraved  masses,  and  that  a  military  organization 
could  be  used  to  advantage  in  organizing  the  results  of 
evangelization  and  in  directing  a  world-wide  mission  to 
the  "submerged  tenth."  There  is  something  in  com- 
mon between  the  Salvation  Army  evangelism  and  that 
of  the  early  Methodists,  and  there  is  much  in  their  doc- 
trines and  discipline  that  shows  indebtedness  to  Method- 
ism ;  but,  it  scarcely  need  be  said,  the  Methodists  are  in 
no  way  responsible  for  any  extravagances  of  the  army. 
The  movement  has  reached  vast  proportions,  and  its 
evangelistic  and  rescue  work  is  controlled  with  almost 
despotic  authority  by  General  Booth  and  his  hierarchy 
of  military  officials.  That  much  good  is  being  accom- 
plished in  the  way  of  direct  help  to  the  neglected  classes 
and  of  stimulus  given  to  other  denominations  to  engage 
in  efforts  for  the  spiritual  and  temporal  well-being  of 
these  classes  does  not  admit  of  doubt  ;  that  the  good 
accomplished  is  counterbalanced  by  the  irreverence  prac- 
tised and  promoted  seems  almost  equally  certain. 

IV.    SOME  OTHER  DENOMINATIONS. 

I.  The  Society  of  Friends. 

Literature  :  Thomas,  "  The  Society  of  Friends,"  in  "  Am.  Ch. 
Hist.  Serjes,"  Vol.  XIL,  and  extensive  bibliography  there  given. 

In  1/47  George  Fox,  a  young  man  of  twenty-three, 
having  Tiad  a  deep  spiritual  experience  and  having  come 
under  the  influence  of  Continental  mysticism,  began  to 

1  G.  Railton,  "  Heathen  England,"  1885,  and  "  Twenty-one  Years  of  the  S.  A.." 
1886;  Kolde,  "Die  Heilsarmee,''  1809;  and  Hauck-Herzog,  Art,  " Heilsarmee,"  by 
Kolde. 


7IO  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

preach  his  doctrine  of  the  inner  light  and  of  the  neces- 
sity of  direct  communion  with  God,  and  to  disparage 
external  ordinances  as  tending  only  to  formalism  and 
hypocrisy,  and  as  worse  than  useless.  While  he  did  not 
reject  the  Scriptures,  but  treated  them  with  reverence, 
he  laid  so  much  stress  on  the  direct  impartation  of  truth 
to  the  believer  as  greatly  to  lessen  their  importance. 
With  the  zeal  and  assurance  of  a  prophet  he  denounced 
the  divine  wrath  upon  all  forms  of  immorality  and  all 
sorts  of  ecclesiastical  abuses.  He  soon  had  a  host  of 
enthusiastic  followers  who,  by  reason  of  their  violent 
denunciations  of  ministers  and  other  Christians  of  various 
types  and  of  all  things  regarded  as  contrary  to  the 
divine  will,  incurred  much  persecution  in  Great  Britain 
and  America.  Multitudes  heard  Fox's  preaching,  and 
many  were  deeply  impressed.  Within  a  few  years  zeal- 
ous preachers  of  his  doctrines,  men  and  women,  were 
preaching  throughout  Europe,  in  Africa,  Asia,  and  Amer- 
ica. Among  his  most  distinguished  converts  was  William 
Penn,  who,  with  some  associates  of  the  same  faith, 
acquired  tlie  proprietorship  of  Pennsylvania,  the  Jerseys, 
and  Delaware,  and  secured  in  the  new  world  free  course 
for  their  own  teachings  and  furnished  an  asylum  for  the 
persecuted  of  different  lands  and  creeds.  Like  the 
mediaeval  evangelicals  and  the  Anabaptists  of  the  six- 
teenth and  following  centuries,  the  Friends  have  repu- 
diated oaths,  magistracy,  warfare,  and  capital  punish- 
ment as  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  gospel  of  Christ, 
and  they  have  been  foremost  in  philanthropy  and  in  all 
kinds  of  moral  and  social  reform.  After  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  first  few  decades  had  subsided  their  numbers, 
which  had  reached  many  thousands  in  Europe  and  Amer- 
ica, declined.  But  by  reason  of  their  wealth  and  their 
deep  interest  in  philanthropic  movements  their  influence 
has  been  out  of  proportion  to  their  numbers.  Their 
doctrines,  like  those  of  the  mediaeval  evangelicals  and  the 
Anabaptists,  were  from  the  beginning  strongly  anti- 
Augustinian.  A  schism  occurred  among  the  American 
Friends  in  1 826-1 827  through  the  defection  of  Elias  Hicks 
to  anti-trinitarianism.  The  Orthodox  Friends  in  the 
United  States  now  number  about  eighty  thousand,  and 
the  Hicksite  Friends  about  twenty  thousand. 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN  DENOMINATIONS  7II 

2.  The  Plymouth  'Brethren. 

LITERATURE:  Neatby,  "A  History  of  the  Plymouth  Brethren," 
igoi.  The  Bibliographical  Appendix,  pp.  341-348,  gives  a  critical 
survey  of  the  literature  of  the  subject. 

In  the  so-called  Plymouth  Brethren  we  have  a  repro- 
duction of  some  features  of  mediaeval  and  sixteenth  cen- 
tury dissenting  bodies  and  other  features  that  seem 
peculiar.  About  1827  Edward  Cronin,  an  ex-Romanist, 
began  to  hold  meetings  at  his  house  in  Dublin  every 
Lord's  Day  morning  for  "the  breaking  of  bread." 
Sliortly  afterward  another  assembly  was  formed  in  Dub- 
lin led  by  J.  N.  Darby,  a  Church  of  England  minister, 
which  Cronin  joined.  In  1828  Darby  published  a  pam- 
phlet, which  attracted  much  attention,  on  "  The  Nature 
and  Unity  of  the  Church  of  Christ."  This  brought 
many  to  his  support,  and  other  assemblies  in  various 
places  were  formed.  In  1830  Darby  visited  Paris,  Cam- 
bridge, and  Oxford  for  the  promulgation  of  his  views. 
At  Oxford  he  won  B.  W.  Newton,  who  requested  him 
to  visit  Plymouth.  Here  Captain  Hall,  a  disciple  of 
Darby's,  was  already  preaching,  and  an  assembly 
("Providence  Chapel")  was  formed.  Plymouth  be- 
came a  chief  center  of  the  movement,  and  gave  its  name 
to  the  Brethren.  Darby  maintained  that  just  as  the  old 
economy  had  fallen  by  the  unfaithfulness  of  the  covenant 
people  and  as  a  whole  had  apostatized,  so  Christians 
wholly  apostatized  in  the  apostolic  age.  The  whole 
Christian  system  depended  upon  continuance  in  God's 
goodness.  Failure  in  this  involved  "  the  ruin  of  the 
church."  He  regarded  the  apostasy  of  the  church  as 
"  fatal  and  without  remedy."  To  rehabilitate  the  church 
a  new  apostolate  would  be  necessary.  All  so-called 
churches,  Roman  Catholic,  Anglican,  and  dissenting,  are 
alike  unauthorized  and  repose  upon  an  unchristian  senti- 
ment. The  church,  in  view  of  the  hopeless  apostasy,  is 
a  heavenly  and  not  an  earthly  institution.  All  that  is  left 
for  true  believers  is  to  gather  themselves  in  assemblies 
in  accordance  with  Christ's  promise  :  "  Where  two  or 
three  are  gathered  together  in  my  name,  there  am  I  in 
the  midst  of  them  "  (Matt.  18  :  20).  With  the  apostasy 
of  the  church  ecclesiastical   offices  went  to  the  ground 


712  A  MANUAL  OF  CHURCH   HISTORY  [PER.  VI. 

and  believers  worshiping  in  assemblies  are  on  a  perfect 
equality.  Every  believer  besides  possessing  the  gen- 
eral gifts  of  the  Spirit  possesses  a  special  gift  (charism) 
which  he  is  bound  to  exercise  for  the  good  of  the  assem- 
bly. He  maintained  that  those  gifted  for  such  work 
should  evangelize,  because  Christ  has  entrusted  to  man 
the  word  of  reconciliation. 

In  opposition  to  the  rationalism  of  the  age  the  Brethren 
have  maintained  most  earnestly  the  absoluteness  of 
Scripture  authority,  and  have  greatly  promoted  the  care- 
ful and  comparative  study  of  the  inspired  records,  and 
especially  of  the  prophetical  and  apocalyptic  books  ;  but 
their  services  in  this  direction  have  been  greatly  impaired 
by  the  arbitrariness  of  their  exegesis.  Taking  the  most 
pessimistic  view  of  the  present  age,  and  utterly  distrust- 
ing means  at  present  available  for  the  betterment  of  the 
world,  they  have  from  the  beginning  laid  the  utmost 
stress  upon  the  pre-millennial  advent  of  the  Lord  as  the 
present  and  only  hope  of  the  church,  and  have  been  at 
great  pains  to  give  a  chiliastic  interpretation  to  the  pro- 
phetic Scriptures. 

Supposing  that  each  body  of  believers  assembled  in 
Christ's  name  possessed  the  unity  of  the  Spirit,  and  that 
all  like  assemblies  were  alike  actuated  and  guided  by  the 
Spirit  in  the  interpretation  of  Scripture,  Darby  and  his  as- 
sociates adopted  the  policy  of  keeping  their  "testimony 
consistent"  by  rigorously  excluding  from  communion 
dissenting  minorities.  Thus,  if  in  a  given  assembly  dis- 
cordant testimony  be  given  by  way  of  the  interpretation 
of  a  passage  of  Scripture  or  a  dogmatic  statement,  and  a 
majority  sliould  condemn  the  teaching,  the  speaker  with 
all  his  supporters  must  withdraw.  It  is  open  to  them  to 
appeal  to  all  other  assemblies  in  fellowship  with  their 
own  and  to  compel  them  to  consider  the  question  in- 
volved, and  if  unanimity  cannot  be  reached,  to  excom- 
municate the  minority.  As  issues  are  often  raised  on 
what  to  others  would  seem  exceedingly  delicate  shades 
of  teaching,  the  divisiveness  of  the  system  can  be  easily 
understood. 

Holding,  as  did  Darby  and  his  followers,  that  existing 
cluirch  organizations  are  evil  and  only  evil,  it  was  natural 
that  they  should  devote  their  energies  very  largely  to 


CHAP.  VI.]    GREAT  ANGLO-AMERICAN   DENOMINATIONS   713 

winning  earnest  Christians  from  membership  and  sup- 
port of  these  apostate  organizations  to  membership  in 
their  own  assemblies.  The  only  possibility  of  securing 
a  continuously  consistent  testimony  lay  in  the  accept- 
ance by  all  of  Darby's  own  scriptural  interpretation  and 
dogmatizing. 

In  1845  Newton  revolted  from  Darby's  leadership  and 
authority,  it  was  a  source  of  profound  grief  to  Darby 
that  Newton  should  have  views  of  prophecy  and  church 
order  different  from  his  own,  should  claim  for  his  teach- 
ings the  appellation  "the  truth,"  and  that  he  should 
be  willing  to  lead  others  into  what  he  considered  a  truer 
form  of  teaching.  These  two  parties,  who  came  to  be 
known  as  "Exclusive"  and  "Newtonian"  Brethren, 
were  soon  supplemented  by  a  "Neutral  "  party,  led  by 
George  Muller,  that  refused  to  go  the  length  of  excom- 
municating all  who  were  in  fellowship  with  Newton,  and 
came  to  be  known  as  "Open"  Brethren.  The  Exclu- 
sive Brethren  afterward  underwent  further  schism,  and 
three  parties  since  1881,  known  as  Darbyites,  Kelleyites, 
and  Cluffites,  are  distinguishable. 

The  Brethren  have  laid  much  stress  on  vicarious  atone- 
ment and  upon  the  blood  of  Christ,  and  have  taught  a 
modified  Calvinism,  eliminating  reprobation  and  proclaim- 
ing an  unlimited  gospel.  Darby  was  a  Pedobaptist ;  but 
a  large  proportion  of  the  brethren  have  rejected  infant 
baptism  and  practised  the  immersion  of  believers. 

The  Brethren  soon  had  their  assemblies  throughout 
the  civilized  world  ;  but  they  have  never  attained  to 
great  numerical  strength.  They  have  exerted  an  influ- 
ence, however,  quite  out  of  proportion  to  their  numbers. 
Their  chiliastic  views  have  gained  acceptance  among 
English  Low  Churchmen  and  in  nearly  all  of  the  evan- 
gelical denominations.  The  large  class  of  evangelists,  of 
whom  Dwight  L.  Moody  was  the  most  eminent,  have 
drawn  their  inspiration  and  their  Scripture  interpretation 
largely  from  the  writings  and  the  personal  influence  of 
the  Brethren.  Young  Men's  Christian  Association  work 
has  come  largely  under  the  influence  of  this  type  of 
teaching. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Abbot,  Archbishop,  mentioned,  278. 

"  Acceptauts,"  the  term  explained, 
477. 

Adiaphoristic  controversy,  the,  sketch 
of,  326  f. 

Agricola,  opposes  Luther,  318. 

Albright,  Jacob,  referred  to,  708. 

Alexander  Vll.,  his  administration, 
426. 

Alexander  VIII.,  his  administration, 
431,  432. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  his  zeal,  24'). 

Amsdorf,  Nicholas,  mentioned,  319, 
323. 

Anabaptist  movement,  outline  of, 
149  f. 

Anabaptists,  the :  the  elements  in 
their  movement  for  reform,  7  ; 
preached  against,  98  ;  causes  of  dif- 
ference among,  1-50;  their  relation 
to  Luther  and  to  Zwingli,  151 ;  char- 
acterized, 153  f. ;  parties  of,  156  f.  ; 
their  cause  becomes  desperate,  1(34  ; 
their  indastrial  skill  in  Moravia,  176  ; 
Moravian,  tlieir  dispersion,  1V6  ; 
Moravian,  their  government  and 
doctrine,  177  ;  persecutiou  of,  177  ; 
confereiic&sof,  179, 180;  in  England, 
273  f. ;  find  a  place  in  England,  280  f. ; 
their  views  on  liberty  of  conscience, 
416.     (See  Baptists.) 

"Analogy,"  Butler's,  referred  to,  638, 
639. 

Andreae,  mentioned,  321. 

Anglican  Church,  the :  its  inheritance 
from  Reformation  times,  251-254  ; 
overthrown,  285  ;  its  modern  his- 
tory, 624  f. 

Anne.  Queen  of  England,  her  attitude 
toward  toleration,  G33. 

"  Anti-burghers,"  the  term  explained, 
608. 

Antinomian  controversy,  the,  out- 
lined, 317  f. 

Apostolic  Succession,  how  received  in 
England,  269. 

Appeuzell,  Reformation  at,  137. 

"  Appellants,"  the  term  explained, 
477. 

Arminius,  James,  sketch  of,  339  f 

Arrainian  controversy,  the,  sketch  of, 
335. 

Arnauld,  Dr.  Anton,  mentioned,  471, 
476. 

Articles,  the  Thirty-nine :  their  tenor, 
264;  revised,  269. 

Artisans,  their  influence  upon  the 
Reformation,  8, 


Asburj',  Francis,  referred  to,  706. 
Auchterander,  the  case  of,  611. 
Aufkliiruriy,  the  term  explained,  584. 
Augsburg  Conference,  referred  to,  55, 

56. 
"  Augsburg  Confession  "  :  mentioned, 

59  ;  the  aim  of,  101,  105. 
Augsburg,  Diet  of,  convened  by  the 

emperor,  103,  101. 
Augsburg    Interim :    its   purpose   and 

tenor,  112.  113;  referred  to,  327. 
Augsburg  Treaty  ;  its  substance,  165 ; 

outlined,  .392. 
Augsburg  Variata,  referred  to,  321. 
Augustine :    reverence  of    Protestant 

theologians  for,  311 ;  his  influence 

on  later  times,  468  f. 
" Atigustinus,"  the:  its  contents  and 

its  influence,  470  f. ;    its   teachings 

condemned,  473. 

"  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the  Church, 
The,"  writteu  by  Luther,  62. 

Baden,  conference  at,  140. 

Bancroft:  his  views  of  Episcopacy, 
271,  272,  275  ;  attacks  Puritans,  277. 

Baptism  :  Luther's  views  of,  63; 
Zwingli's  views  of,  131,  133;  Ana- 
baptist views  of,  154  ;  as  adminis- 
tered at  first  in  Switzerland,  171 ; 
the  Racovian  Catechism  on,  199,  200, 
329  ;  the  Council  of  Trent  on,  363. 

Baptists :  the  first  church  of,  in  Amer- 
ica and  England,  288;  in  England 
from  1648onward,  681  f.;  in  America, 
691  f. ;  in  the  U.  S.  during  the  XIX. 
Century,  696  f.:  in  Canada,  698  f.  (See 
also  Anabaptists.) 

Barneveld,  John  von  Olden,  referred 
to,  336,  342,  :^46. 

Barrowe,  Henry,  mentioned,  272. 

Basel,  its  importance  and  its  influ- 
ence, 134,  i;^5. 

Baur.  F.  C,  his  influence,  559. 

Beaton,  Cardinal,  mentioned,  2.39,  240. 

Belgic  Confession,  mentioned,  246. 

Benedict  XIII.,  his  administration, 
435. 

Benedict  XIV.,  his  administration, 
436.  437. 

Bengel,  referred  to,  531. 

Berkeley,  Bishop,  referred  to,  640. 

Bernetti,  his  ability,  449,  4.")0,  454,  455. 

Berridge,  John,  referred  to.  648. 

Beza,  his  doctrinal  views,  337,  338. 

Biandrata,  George,  referred  to,  332, 
3:33. 

Bible ;  its  reading  encouraged  in  Eng- 


7i6 


GENERAL   INDEX 


land,  261  ;  its  reading  opposerl,  262  ; 
the  work  of  Xiineiies  for,  2% ;  the 
Council  of  Trent  on,  o62,  363. 

Bible  Societies,  and  attitude  of  the 
papacy  toward,  440,  448,  451. 

Biole  translation  :  in  Germany.  67, 
08;  Luther's  departure  in,  08;  Tyu- 
dale's,  254;  lu  Spain,  2%,  297;  in 
Sweden,  2'J9. 

Biblical  criticism,  modern,  history  of, 
5.')9  f. 

Blaurock,  Georg,  mentioned,  170,  171, 
173,  174. 

"Bloody  Articles,"  the:  mentioned, 
201 ;  repealed,  203. 

Boeheim,  Hans,  strives  after  reform, 
73,  81. 

Boehm,  Henry,  referred  to,  707,  708. 

Bohemia,  Keformation  movements  in, 
303. 

Boleyn,  Anne,  her  influence  on  Eng- 
lish Protestantism,  "JSa. 

Bolsec,  Jerome,  mentioned,  224. 

Bonner,  mentioned,  202,  206,  267. 

Booth,  General  William,  referred  to, 
709. 

Bourbon  family,  the,  help  Protestant- 
ism, 228. 

Brenner,  Martin,  mentioned,  384,  385. 

Breutz,  mentioned,  321. 

British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society, 
foundation  of,  050. 

Broad  Church,  the,  in  England,  654. 

Brutli,  Hans,  mentioned,  170,  171. 

Brousson,  Claude,  his  heroism,  594. 

Browne,  Robert,  mentioned,  273. 

Bruck,  Pacification  of,  mentioned,  386. 

Bucer:  mentioned,  105;  seeks  to  rec- 
oncile Luther,  315  f. 

Bullinger,  Henry,  sketch  of,  147. 

Bundschuh,  movement,  the,  referred 
to,  73,  74. 

Biinderlin,  .lohann.  referred  to,  184. 

"  Burghers,"  the  term  explained,  608. 

"Burial-Hill  Declaration,"  the,  re- 
ferred to.  OSO. 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  mentioned,  630. 

Butler,  Joseph,  referred  to,  6.3S. 

Buxtorf,  his  critical  views,  508. 

Cajetan,  opposes  Lntlier.  .55,  ,56. 

Calixtus,  George,  sketch  of,  520  f. 

Calovius,  Abraham,  sketch  of,  ,523. 

Calvin,  Jolin :  the  dements  in  his 
reform,  6;  characterized,  202,  2aj ; 
sketch  of  his  career  (1.509-1563)  20?  f.  ; 
settles  in  Geneva,  208 ;  introduces  re- 
forms, 209 ;  draws  up  a  catechism, 
210;  meets  with  opposition,  210; 
banished.  213  ;  at  Strasburg,  214  :  re- 
turns to  Geneva,  210,  217;  his  intol- 
erance, 217 ;  his  government  of  Ge- 
neva, 218  ;  his  view  of  Church  and 
State,  219 ;  his  rigors  in  Geneva.  220, 
221:  as  a  controvereialist,  221 ;  his 
works,  221,  222 :  his  views  on  the 
Lord's  Supper,  223;  his  attitude  to- 
ward various  sects,  223 ;  opposed  by 
Ca-stellio  and  Bolsec,  224 ;  the  con- 
sistency of   his    teaching  prevents 


controversy  among  his  followers, 
317,  328 ;  the  later  intlueuce  of  his 
views,  508  f. 

Calvinism:  characterized,  201,  202; 
its  history  in  Fiance,  226  f. ;  why  it 
gained  ground  in  Scotland,  236;  in 
the  Netherlands,  244  f. ;  iu  other 
lands,  240  f. 

Calvinists,  their  growing  pxjwer,  180. 

"Cambridge  Platform,"  the,  de- 
scribed, 007,  008. 

Cameronians,  tlie  rise  of,  606. 

Campauus,  Johannes,  sketch  of,  188- 
191. 

Camisards,  the,  referred  to,  594. 

Campbell,  Alexander,  referred  to,  700. 

Cappel,  peace  of,  its  conditions,  146. 

Cappel  War,  the  first,  141 ;  tlie  second, 
144. 

Cappel  Wars,  mentioned,  390. 

Capito,  mentioned,  105,  135. 

Caraffa:  his  influence,  356;  men- 
tioned, 291-293. 

Caraccioli,  Galeazzo,  liis  career,  291. 

Carrauza,  Bartholomew,  mentioned, 
297. 

Carlstadt:  defends  Luther,  57,  58; 
convinced  by  Storch,  158,  1.59. 

Cartwriglit,  Thomas,  mentioned,  272. 

Castelberg,  Andreas,  mentioned,  170, 
171. 

Castellio,  Sebastian  :  referred  to,  224  ; 
his  influence  iu  the  Netherlands, 
337. 

Catechism:  Calvin's,  210;  the  Ge- 
nevan, revised  by  Calvin,  218;  the 
Westminster,  mentioned,  287 ;  the 
Racovian,  referred  to,  329,  335. 

Catharine  de  Jfedici,  her  attitude  to- 
ward Protestants,  2:n,  232. 

Cecil,  Richard,  referred  to,  649. 

Cellarius,  won  over  by  Storch,  1.59. 

Cevennes,  war  of,  591." 

Chalmers,  Thomas,  sketch  of.  610  f. 

Charles  I.  (Ensrland):  his  character 
and  policy,  282  f.  :  seeks  to  suppress 
Puritanism,  284  :  difficulties  of,  with 
Parliament.  28.%;  his  execution,  290. 

Charles  II.,  his  position  regarding 
toleration,  620  f. 

Charles  V.  of  Spain :  his  relation 
to  the  Reformation.  94-96;  his  po- 
litical perplexities,  97;  his  diflScul- 
ties,  114,  115. ; 

Charles  IX.  of  Sweden,  and  the  mas- 
sacre of  Protestants.  2:V2.  233. 

Chatillou  family,  help  Protestantism, 
229. 

Chemnitz,  Martin,  mentioned,  321. 

Christians,  the,  their  denominational 
life,  609,  700. 

Christian,  of  Braunschweig,  his  part  in 
the  Thirty  Years'  War,  400,  401. 

Christology  :  Lutheran  di.scussions  re- 
garding," 321  f. ;  of  the  Sociuians, 
329. 

Church  of  God,  the,  referred  to,  702. 

Church  and  State:  union  of,  in  Lu- 
theranism,  119:  Anabaptist  views  of, 
1.54  ;  views  of,  in  Scotland,  242,  243  ; 


GENERAL  INDEX 


717 


Calvin's  view  of,  219 ;  in  England, 
258;  in  New  England  Puritanism,  287. 

Church  of  England  in  Canada,  Aus- 
tralia, and  New  Zealand,  659. 

"  Churcli  of  tlie  Desert,"  the,  its  per- 
seeution,  .593. 

Chureh  Missionary  Society,  650. 

Clarke,  John,  referred  to,  692. 

Clarke,  Samuel,  referred  to,  6.%. 

Clement  VII. :  mentioned,  65;  sketch 
of,  353. 

Clement  X.,  administration  of,  427. 

Clement  XI.,  administration  of,  427, 
433,  434. 

Clement  XII.,  administration  of,  436. 

Clement  XIII.,  adminii-tration  of,  437, 
438. 

Clement  XIV.,  administration  of,  438- 
441. 

Clericus,  John,  referred  to,  .578. 

Cocceius,  his  work  and  influence,  574, 
575. 

Coke,  Thomas,  referred  to,  706. 

Colet,  his  influence,  23. 

Coligny,  mentioned,  229,  232,  233. 

Collins,  Anthony,  mentioned,  636. 

Communism,  its  influence  upon  the 
Reformation,  9,  10. 

Communicaiio  idiomatum,  referred  to, 
321. 

Confession  of  Faith,  the  \Vestmiu.ster, 
mentioned,  287. 

Confe.ssion  of  Faith,  adopted  by  Eng- 
lish Baptists,  683. 

Congregationalism :  its  rise  in  Eng- 
land, 282;  its  ascendency  in  the 
army,  290;  its  history  in  England, 
660  f  ;  in  United  States,  666. 

Conruhinnairen  of  St.  M6dard,  re- 
ferred to,   478. 

Consalvi,  Cardinal,  his  influence  with 
Pius  VII.  and  assistance  to  Leo  X., 
446,  447. 

Cnntra-Rewonatmvre,  referred  to,  346. 

Counter-Reformation,  the:  sketch  of, 
3.50  f.  ;  the  chief  means  used  by,  354. 

Court,  Antoine.  referred  to,  .595  f. 

Covenant :  in  Scotland  in  1557,  231 ;  of 
1638.  mentioned,  284  ;  accepted  by 
English,  286. 

Cranmer,  Thomas:  mentioned,  256, 
2.57 ;  his  attitude  toward  the  Ref- 
ormation, 258-261 ;  under  Edward 
VI.,  2&1,  265. 

Crawer,  Paul,  martyred,  236. 

Creeds,  attitude  of  Protestant  theol- 
ogy toward,  310,  311. 

Cromwell,  Thomas  :  comes  to  the  res- 
cue of  Henry  VIII.,  257,  258;  dis- 
solves monasteries,  2.58,  259  ;  his  at- 
titude toward  Protestantism,  259, 
260;  his  fall,  262. 

Cudworth.  Ralph,  referred  to,  625. 

Culdees,  the,  mentioned.  2;W. 

Cumberland  Presbytery,  its  separa- 
tion, 619. 

Cuntz,  referred  to,  73. 

D'Alembert,  referred  to,  494. 

Da  Costa,  Isaac,  his  Influence,  579,  580, 


Darby,  J.  N.,  referred  to,  711-713. 

David,  Francis,  referred  to,  334. 

Deism,  English,  its  history,  634  f. 

Delitzsch,  Franz,  referred  to,  562. 

Denck,  Hans,  sketch  of,  181. 

Denmark,  the  Reformation  in,  299. 

Denominationalism,  modern,  its  cause 
and  its  rise,  419  f. 

Devay,  Matthias  Biro,  his  work  in 
Hungary,  305. 

Diaz,  John,  his  zeal.  111. 

Diderot,  referred  to,  494. 

Discipline,  Scottish  Book  of,  242. 

Disruption,  the  Free  Church,  its  cir- 
cumstances, 612. 

Dominicans,  persecute  Reuchlin,  32. 

Dort,  Synod  of,  outlined,  346-349, 

"Down-Grade"  controversy,  referred 
to.  690. 

Dunkards,  the,  referred  to,  703. 

Diirer,  mentioned,  47. 

Eck,  an  opponent  of  Luther,  57,  ,58,  60. 

"Ecclesiastical  Polity,"  mentioned, 
271. 

Edelmann,  mentioned,  .535. 

Edict  of  Nantes:  outline  of,  233,  234; 
revocation  of,  234. 

Edward  VI.,  supports  Protestantism, 
263. 

Edwards,  Jonathan,  his  religious  zeal, 
673. 

Elizabeth,  of  England  :  helps  Protes- 
tantism, 229  ;  supports  the  Reforma- 
tion, 267;  her  policj',  268;  becomes 
more  pronounced  in  Protestantism, 
269,  270;  her  difliculties  with  Non- 
conformity, 270 ;  results  of  her  reign, 
275. 

Encyclical  of  1864,  referred  to.  .506. 

England,  its  influence  upon  the  Ref- 
ormation, 1.5-17. 

English  Reformation  :  characterized, 
261  f. ;  history  of,  2.54  f. ;  not  at  first 
of  the  people,  265  ;  reaction  against, 
266  ;  established  by  Mary's  persecu- 
tion, 266,  267;  made  permanent 
under  Elizabeth,  267,  2(;8 ;  its  dread 
of  extremes,  252,  268,  270. 

Enzinas,  Francisco,  mentioned,  297. 

Episcopal  Church,  in  the  United 
States,  sketch  of,  658,  6-59. 

Episcopius,  Simon,  referred  to,  347, 
348. 

Epistolx  Ohscurorum  Vivorum,  an  out- 
line of,  34,  35. 

Erasmus:  his  ideas  and  aims,  36,  37 
his  altitude  toward  Luther,  37-40 
sketch  of  his  career  (146.5-1536),  23  f. 
his  works,  27  ;  his  views  of  Scripture, 
27,  28;  influences  Zwingli,  127. 

Erskine,  Ebenezer,  mentioned,  608. 

"Essays  and  Reviews,"  controversy 
regarding,  655  f. 

Evangelical  Association,  referred  to, 
708. 

"Evangelical  Brotherhood,"  its  ori- 
gin. 77. 

Evangelical  Revival,  in  England,  out- 
lined, 642  f. 


718 


GENERAL   INDEX 


Evangelical  Union,  the,  its  formation,    i 

392,  393. 
Evangelical  Union  of  1817,  referred  to, 

553.  I 

Fabricius,  mentioned,  53G.  i 

Farcl,  William:  referred  to,  207;  his    | 
scheme  of  church  order,  209. 

Ferdinand,  becomes  emperor,  115. 

Ferdinand  ;  arcluluke,  mentioned, 
392,  393,  396 ;  and  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  397  f. 

Fichte,  sketch  of.  545. 

Flacius,  opposes  synergism,  323. 

Fontaincbleau,  concordat  of,  men- 
tioned, 446,  447. 

Formula  of  t;oncord,  referred  to.  326. 

France  :  influence  of,  upon  the  Refor- 
mation, 13-15;  ttie  Ki-formatif)n  in, 
225  ;  the  {visition  of  Human  Catholi- 
cism in,  225.  226. 

FrancLsI.:  his  relation  to  the  Refor- 
mation, 94  ;  helps  Protestantism,  228. 

Francis  of  Paris,  mentioned,  478. 

Francke,  Augu.st  Hermann,  sketch  of, 
528  f. 

Frederick  of  Saxony :  his  work  for 
education  and  reform,  44-45 ;  supn 
p>orts  Luther,  55,  56. 

Frederick  and  the  Thirty  Years'  War, 
397  f. 

Frederick  the  Great :  mentioned.  441  ; 
his  influence  on  theological  liberal- 
ism, 534. 

Frederick  William  III.,  his  activity  in 
religious  affairs,  .553.  .554. 

Free  Church  of  Scotland  :  history  of, 
610  f.  ;  its  formation,  612  f. 

Free-from-Rome  movement,  outlined, 
517. 

Free-will  Anabaptists  :  views  of,  154 ; 
Lutheran  controversies  regarding, 
322  f. 

Free-will  Baptists,  their  history,  701  f. 

Friends,  .S(x;iety  of,  referred  to",  709. 

Fox,  George,  referred  to,  709,  710. 

French  Revolution  :  the  attitude  of, 
toward  tlie  papacy,  442-414  ;  its  his- 
tory traced,  492  f.  ;  the  share  of  Ro- 
man Catholicism  in,  492^96;  its  out- 
break, 496 :  its  provision  for  the 
church,  499,  500;  reaction  against, 
548,  549. 

Frundsberg,  leads  an  army  against 
the  poix;  96. 

Fries,  Leonard,  on  the  Peasants'  War, 
69,  70. 

Fritz,  Joss,  referred  to,  73. 

Fuller,  Andrew,  his  influence,  687. 

Gallic^anism,  origin  of  the  term,  225. 

Gardiner,  mentioned.  266. 

General  Baptists,  in  England,  681. 

Geneva:  and  the  Reformation.  206  f.  ; 
submitted  to  signers,  210,  211  ;  ex- 
pels Calvin,  213;  during  Calvin's 
absence,  215 ;  after  Calvin's  return, 
217  f. 

George  I.,  toleration  in  England  dur- 
ing his  reign,  633. 


"  German  Theology,"  the,  its  influence 
upou  Luther,  48. 

Germany,  its  influence  upou  the  Ref- 
ormation, 11,  12. 

Gill,  Jean,  mentioned,  297. 

Gillespie,  Thoma-s,  mentioned,  C09. 

Goethe,  mentioned,  .536. 

Ciomar,  mentioned,  3;W,  340,  341,  344. 

Gouesius,  Peter,  referred  to,  332. 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  referred  U),  663. 

Gorham  controversy,  the  outline  of, 
653. 

"Grand  Remonstrance,"  mentioned, 
206. 

Graubiiuden,  and  the  Reformation, 
138. 

Great  Awakening,  the:  its  influence 
in  America,  616;  its  inUueuce  on 
Congregationalism,  673  f. 

Grebel,  Courad,  mentioned,  132,  170, 
171,  171. 

Greenwood,  John,  mentioned, 224. 

Grimshaw,  William,  referred  to,  648. 

Grindal,  mentioned.  270. 

Grotius,  Hugo,  referred  to,  336,  346. 

GriJningen.  the  University  of,  its  influ- 
ence, .')82-584. 

Guises,  tlie  :  their  influence  in  France, 
229,  231,  233 ;  their  influence  in  Scot- 
land, 236,  237. 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  his  aid  in  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  402,  405,  407. 

Guy  de  Bray,  mentioned,  246. 

Hadrian  VI. :  on  reform,  64, 65 :  sketch 
of,  351-3.53. 

Hall.  Robert,  his  influence,  687,  689. 

"  Half-way  Covenant,"  the,  described, 
668,  669. 

Haller,  John,  mentioned,  134. 

Hamann,  mentioned,  .5:!6. 

Hampton  Court  conference,  men- 
tioned, 276. 

Hampden  Controversv,  the,  described, 
6.54. 

Hamilton,  Patrick:  mentioned,  2.37; 
his  life  outlined,  238,  2:W. 

Hapsburg,  the  House  of,  its  influence, 
100. 

Harms,  Clans,  his  protest  against  ra- 
tionalism, 555. 

Harrison,  Robert,  mentioned,  273. 

Hebrew  grammar,  the  first  by  a  Chris- 
tian, 30. 

Hedio,  mentioned.  1.35. 

Hegel,  his  teachings,  .547. 

Heidelberg  Catechism,  mentioned, 247. 

Helvetic  Confession,  tlie  Second,  re- 
ferred to,  247. 

Helwys,  mentioned,  2S0,  281. 

Hcngstenhcrg.  his  influence  on  re- 
ligious thought,  .556-5,58. 

Hcnrj'  Vlll. :  Luther's  nddre.^s  to.  66; 
his  policy.  249.  250;  his  nttitudc  to- 
ward Protestantism,  2.51  f ;  his  mo- 
tives, 260  :  hits  Rome  :ind  is  hit.  260, 
261 ;  cools  toward  Protestantism, 
261.  262. 

Ilcnrv  of  Rraunschwoig.  his  relation 
to  Protestantism,  109-111. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


719 


Henry  II.  of  France,  Protestants  suf- 
fer under,  230. 

Henry  of  Navarre,  mentioned,  229,  23.3. 

Herbert,  Lord,  referred  to,  633. 

Herder,  mentioned,  536. 

Heresbacli,  mentioned,  36. 

Herrntiutt:  the  Moravian  settlement, 
538. 

Hervey,  James,  referred  to,  648. 

Hetzer,  Louis,  mentioned,  132. 

Hetzer,  Ludwig,  slcetcli  of,  ISi. 

Higti  Commission,  Court  of,  men- 
tioned, 26-5. 

High  Churcli  party  (in  England)  : 
roots  of,  275 ;  makes  its  voice  lieard, 
279  ;  in  the  nineteentli  century,  652. 

Hoadley,  Benjamin,  mentioned,  633. 

Hobbes,  Thonjas,  referred  to,  635. 

Hofmann,  Melchior,  slcetcli  of,  163  f. 

Hofmeister,  Sebastian,  referred  to,  137, 
171. 

Holland,  its  religious  life  from  the 
seventeenth  century,  573  f. 

Holy  Roman  Empire,  the,  its  influence 
upon  tlie  Reformation,  10,  U. 

Houter,  Joh.,  his  work  in  Siebenbiir- 
gen,  305. 

Hooker,  replies  to  Nonconformists, 
271. 

Hopkinsianism,  explained,  620. 

Hubmaier,  Balthasar  :  mentioned,  77  ; 
referred  to,  132,  170 ;  his  teaching, 
172,  173  ;  in  Moravia,  174,  175. 

Huguenots,  the :  grow  in  number.  213, 
232  ;  their  history  in  France,  480  f.  ; 
liberty  granted  to,  497. 

Huguenot  wars,  mentioned,  390. 

Humanism,  as  a  preparation  for  the 
Reformation,  22  f. 

Hume,  David,  mentioned,  636. 

Huntingdon,  Lady,  referred  to,  647. 

Hussites,  in  Bohemia  and  Moravia, 
303. 

Hut,  Hans:  sketch  of,  161,  162;  in 
Moravia,  175. 

Huter,  Jacob,  mentioned,  17.5. 

Hutten,  Ulrich  von,  his  work  for  the 
Reformation,  34. 

Immaculate  Conception,  doctrine  of, 
proclaimed,  503  f. 

Indulgences:  at  the  time  of  the  Ref- 
ormation, 53 ;  denounced  by  Lu- 
ther, 62. 

Infallibility,  papal,  proclaimed,  511, 
.512. 

Infant  baptism  :  retained  in  Luther- 
anism,  120:  retained  bv  Zwingli, 
131,  132:  views  of  the  leading  Re- 
formers on,  152,  l.")3. 

Infralapsarianism.  referred  to,  347. 

Innocent  X.,  administration  of,  425. 

Innocent  XI.,  his  administration,  428- 
431. 

Innocent  XII.,  administration  of,  432, 
433. 

Innocent  XIII.,  his  administration, 
434. 

Interimistic  controversv,  the  sketch 
of,  326  f. 


Italian  Anabaptists,  sketch  of,  196  f. 

Italian  Protestants,  their  tendencies, 
32S. 

Italy :  its  influence  upon  the  Reforma- 
tion, 17  ;  the  Reformation  in,  291  f. ; 
its  struggles  for  freedom,  4.58  f. 

Jacob,  Henry,  mentioned,  282. 

Jacobi,  his  teaching,  .546. 

Jacqueline,  mentioned  471. 

James  I.  of  England  :  his  gifts  and 
training,  275;  disputes  with  Puri- 
tans, 276;  listens  to  Bancroft,  277 ; 
attitude  of,  toward  various  religious 
parties,  278,  279;  effect  of  his  High 
Churchism,  282  ;  attempts  to  enforce 
Episcopacy  in  Scotland,  284;  seeks 
to  destroy  the  Sabbath,  285  ;  his  at- 
titude toward  the  Thirty  Years' 
War,  398. 

James  II.,  mentioned,  430;  and  tolera- 
tion, 627. 

Jansen,  Cornelius,  his  life  and  teach- 
ings, 469  f. 

Jansenist  controversy,  sketch  of,  467  f. 

Jansenists,  history  of,  468  f.;  charac- 
terized, 479. 

Japanese  martyrs,  canonized,  505. 

Jesuits:  their  growing  influence,  359 ; 
their  order,  its  characteristics  and 
methods,  ;364  f.;  their  ethical  sy.stem, 
376  ;  their  means  of  evasion,  377-380 ; 
their  achievements  in  the  States  of 
Europe,  380  f.;  "philosophical  sin  " 
of,  431;  Dominicans  criticise,  434; 
dissatisfaction  with,  438,  4:W  :  bill  for 
their  abolition,  440;  encouraged  to 
reorganize,  442;  re-established,  446; 
their  influence  with  Pius  IX.,  508, 
511. 

John  of  Lcvden,  his  activity  at  Miin- 
ster,  168.  " 

John  of  Saxony,  and  the  Augsburg 
Confession,  lOo. 

Johnson,  Francis,  mentioned.  274. 

Joris,  David,  sketch  of,  185,  186. 

Joseph  II.,  his  dealings  with  the  pa- 
pacy, 442. 

Judseus,  Leo,  Zwingli's  "Melanch- 
thon,"  1.32. 

Judson,  Adoniram.  referred  to,  697. 

Julius  III.,  referred  to,  357. 

Justification:  Luther's  views  of,  319; 
the  Council  of  Trent  on,  363,  364. 

Kant,  sketch  of.  .544. 

Kantz,  Jacob,  referred  to.  183. 

Kappel.  battle  of,  mentioned,  106. 

Ken,  Bishop,  referred  to,  632. 

Klopstock,  mentioned,  ,5.36. 

Knox  :  his  character,  237 :  his  intoler- 
ance, 238 :  sketch  of  his  life  (1595- 
1.572),  240  f. 

Knlturkamj)/,  the,  outlined,  513. 

Kuyper,  his  influence,  581,  582. 

Lainez.  mentioned.  375,  .381. 
Lambeth  Articles  mentioned,  275. 
Lamennais:    tho  influence  of  his  es- 
say, 450  ;  his  paper,  4,52. 


720 


GENERAL  INDEX 


Lainpe.  F.  A.,  referred  to,  577. 

Laud,  Archbishop:  lueutioned,  279 
his  iulluence  with  Charles  1.,  '2Si 
sketch  of,  283 ;  goes  to  Scotland,  284 
executed,  2«5. 

Lavater,  meutioned,  536. 

Law,  William,  referred  to,  632. 

Lay-patroiKifje,  in  Scotland,  607  f. 

League,  the  Catholic,  its  formation, 
394,  395. 

Leicester,  mentioned,  209. 

Leipzig,  battle  of,  referred  to,  406. 

Leipzig  Interim:  its  purport,  113,  114; 
the,  referred  to,  327. 

Leo  X. :  sketch  of.  350,  351  ;  his  admin- 
istration, 447-151. 

Leo  XIII.,  his  career,  462  f, 

Leslie,  Charles,  referred  to,  640. 

Lessing.  mentioned,  .536. 

Liberty  of  conscience  :  not  fully  con- 
ceded in  Lutheranisra,  121 ;  in  Khode 
Island,  2SS;  the  relation  of  the  Ke- 
uaissance  and  the  Reformation  to, 
415  f.;  the  peace  of  Westphalia  on, 
416;  and  modern  dencjiiiiiiational- 
isui,  417 ;  influences  that  lielpcd  to 
develop  it,  418;  American  Baptists 
help  toward,  6%.  (See  also  Church 
and  State,  and  Toleration.) 

Limborch,  P.,  referred  to,  577. 

Locke,  John,  referred  to,  635. 

Lohe,  referred  to,  501. 

Lord's  Supper:  Anabaptist  views  of, 
1.55 ;  Calvin's  views  of,  223 ;  the 
Tiiirty-nine  Articles  on,  269;  the 
English  universities  on,  269;  the 
differences  among  the  Reformers  re- 
garding, 312,  317. 

Louis  de  Bcrquin,  mentioned,  229,  230. 

London  Missionary  Society,  its  foun- 
dation. 650,  665. 

Louis  XIV. :  opposes  the  pope,  429,  430 ; 
co-operates  with  the  pope,  431, 4:«. 

Low  Church  party  (in  England),  its 
roots,  275. 

Loyola,  Ignatius,  his  life,  365  f. 

Luther:  the  elements  in  his  move- 
ment for  reform,  5  f. ;  his  origin  and 
training  fit  him  for  his  work,  41,  42; 
sketch  of  his  career  (1483-1.546),  42  f. ; 
Staupitz  helps  him,  45,46;  publishes 
the  "German  Theology,"  48;  drifts 
away  from  Staupitz,  49,  .50 ;  de- 
nounced by  Sfanpitz.  51  :  his  char- 
acter, 52 ;  tlie  chanLTe  in  his  temper, 
52,53;  protests  airainst  indulgences, 
54.  .55;  his  famous  theses,  54,  ,55: 
meets  Miltitz  and  agrees  to  seek 
]>eace,  .56.  .57  :  his  diplomacy,  57 :  dis- 
putes with  Eck,  .58:  his  corf) mentary 
on  "  Galatians.''  .59;  despairs  of 
reforming  the  Romish  Church,  .59; 
his  plan  of  reform.  60;  addresses 
Leo  X.,  61;  writes  '•Concerning 
Christian  Liberty,"  61  ;  writes  on 
"  The  Babylonish  Captivity  of  the 
Church,"  62  ;  speaks  strongly 
against  indulgences.  62  :  on  the  ordi- 
nances. 02.  Ki ;  attacks  sacerdotalism, 
64  ;  the  rightsof  achurch,  6.5,  66 ;  an- 


swers Henrv  YIII.,  60,  07  ;  tmnslates 
the  Bible,  67,  68  ;  the  father  of  criti- 
cism, 68;  on  the  duties  of  rulers, 
69;  on  the  rightsof  man,  74,  75;  on 
the  Peasants' War,  77,  80;  his  con- 
flict with  the  Evangelicals,  82-84  ; 
confusions  arising  out  of  his  teach- 
ing, 84  f. ;  on  good  works,  87-89 ;  his 
personal  conduct,  89,  90;  his  depres- 
sion at  the  state  of  Germany,  93  ; 
his  attitude  toward  Zwingli,  102 ; 
does  not  attend  diet  of  Augsburg' 
104;  prepares  the  Schmalkald  Ar- 
ticles, 107,  108  ;  his  inconsistencies, 
116  f. ;  liis  theology  contrasted  with 
that  of  Zwingli,  312,  313. 

"  Lutheran,"  the  first  ase  of  the  name. 
58. 

Lutheranism  :  sees  palmv  davs,  108 ;  its 
essence  and  ojieratioh,  110  f.  ;  the 
chief  source  of  its  weakness,  119;  its 
contrast  with  Reformed  theology, 
312,  310,  317;  its  influence  in  Scot- 
land. 237  ;  its  influence  in  England, 
254,  2,55  ;  its  history  since  1648,  519  f. ; 
in  the  nineteenth  century,  55.5,  a56; 
its  High  Church  type,  561  f. ;  in 
America,  .563  f. 

Lutherans :  controversies  among,  317 
f. ;  two  later  parties  of,  .324. 

Liitzen,  battle  of,  referred  to,  487. 

Major,  George,  mentioned,  319. 

McLaren,  Alexander,  referred  to,  690. 

Malan,  Ca-sar,  referred  to,  571. 

Mansfeld,  his  leadership  of  the  Prot- 
estants, 399,  f. 

Manuel,  Nicholas,  mentioned,  134. 

^Manz,  Felix,  mentioned,  170,  171,  173. 

Marburg  Conference  meets.  102,  314. 

Margaret  of  Navarre  helps  Protes- 
tantism, 228. 

Margaret  of  Scotland,  mentioned,  235. 

"Marrow  of  Modern  Divinity,  The," 
mentioned,  007,  008. 

"Marrow  Men,"  referred  to,  008. 

"  Martin  Marprelate  "  tracts,  men- 
tioned, 272. 

Mary,  the  worship  of,  .503-505. 

Mary,  of  England ;  her  hatred  of 
Protestantism,  265,  266 ;  persecutes 
Protestants,  200. 

Marv,  Queen  of  Scots,  mentioned,  242, 
20S'. 

Matthvs,  Jan:  sketch  of,  16.5;  his  ac- 
tivity at  Miinster.  167,  168. 

Maurice  of  the  Netherlands,  referred 
to,  342.  340. 

Maurice  of  Saxonv,  his  activity,  112- 
115 

Maurice,  F.  D.,  his  influence,  655. 

Massachusetts  A.«.sociations,  the,  de- 
scribed. 071. 

Maximilian  of  Bavaria,  mentioned, 
:!93. 

Mazarin,  mentioned,  481,  482. 

Melanchthon  :  sketch  of,  5S ;  repre- 
sents Luth?r  at  Diet  of  Augsburg, 
104;  his  part  in  the  Augsburg  Con- 
fession, 101, 105 ;  defends  the  Confes- 


GENERAL   INDEX 


sion,  105;  writes  on  papacy,  108; 
impressed  by  Storch,  159 ;  iii  later 
coutroversies,  318  f. ;  his  writings, 
325. 

Melville,  Andrew,  the  successor  of 
Kuox,  213. 

Menno  Simons,  his  life,  178  f. 

Mennonites,  the:  sketch  of,  177  f.; 
their  influence,  337 ;  in  North  Amer- 
ica, 703. 

Mercersburg  theology,  its  develop- 
ment, 588. 

Methodists,  history  of,  704  f. 

Meyer,  Sebastian,  mentioned,  134, 137. 

Miami  Association  of  Baptists,  re- 
ferred to,  696. 

Millenarianism,  materialistic,  the  his- 
toric effects  of,  81. 

"  Millenary  Petition,"  mentioned,  275. 

Milne,  Walter,  mentioned,  241. 

Milner,  Isaac,  referred  to,  649. 

Miltitz  meets  Luther,  56. 

Mining,  its  influence  upon  the  Refor- 
mation, 7  f. 

Missionary  effort,  characteristic  of  the 
present  age,  421,  422. 

Moderatism,  in  England,  641. 

Molinos,  referred  to,  429. 

Montauban,  referred  to,  48:^. 

Moravia:  Anabaptists  in,  174  f. ;  the 
Reformation  in,  303. 

Moravian  Brethren  :  sketch  of,  537  f. ; 
influence  of,  541 ;  referred  to,  532 ; 
their  influence  upon  Wesley,  644,  645. 

More,  Henry,  referred  to,  626. 

Mosheim,  nientioned,  536. 

Muhlenberg,  referred  to,  563. 

Murtou,  mentioned,  280,  281, 

Miiller,  Hans,  mentioned,  77,  82. 

Miiller,  Julius,  mentioned,  552. 

Miinzer,  Thomas :  his  fanaticism.  76, 
79-81 ;  sketch  of,  157,  158,  160. 

Mijnster  Kingdom,  the,  sketch  of, 
165  f. 

Myconius,  Oswald,  mentioned, 147, 148. 

Mystics,  their  influence  upon  the  Ref- 
ormation, 4. 

Nantes,  Edict  of:  mentioned,  390;  its 
effect,  480  f. ;  revoked,  485. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  :  his  attitude  to- 
ward the  papacy,  444-446 ;  reaction 
against  his  influence,  548;  his  atti- 
tude toward  Protestantism,  600,  601. 

Neander,  mentioned,  552. 

Netherlands,  the,  preparation  for  the 
Reformation  in,  244  f. 

Nevin,  J.  W.,  mentioned,  .588. 

New  Learning,  in  England,  250,  251. 

"New  I'ght"  congregations  in  New 
England,  675. 

New  York,  Dutch  Reformed  interests 
in,  584. 

Newman.  J.  H.,  referred  to,  652. 

Newton,  B.  W.,  referred  to,  711-713. 

Newton,  ,John,  referred  to,  649. 

Niclaes,  Heinrich,  sketch  of,  186,  187. 

Nismes,  Edict  of,  mentioned,  234. 

Nitzsch,  mentioned,  552. 

Noailles,  mentioned,  476  f. 
2V 


Nonconformity  (English),  its  temper, 

270. 
Non-jurors,  referred  to,  632. 
Norway,  the  Reformation  in,  300. 
Nuremberg,  Diet  of:  referred  to,  65; 

its  effect,  107. 
Nuremberg,  its  connection  with  Stau- 

pitz,  47. 

Ochino,  Bernardino,  his  career,  293. 
CEcolampadius :  at  Baden,  141 ;  sketch 

of,  136  ;  death  of,  106. 
Old    Catholic   Movement,   described, 

514  f. 
Osiander,  his  views  on  justification, 

319  f. 
Osterwald,  referred  to,  569. 
Otterbein,  referred  to,  707. 
Owen,  John,  referred  to,  663. 

Paleario,  Aonio,  his  career,  294. 

Papacy,  the:  during  Reformation 
times,  350  f. ;  signs  of  its  lost  power, 
356 ;  its  power  not  touched  by  Coun- 
cil of  Trent,  362  ;  during  the  modern 
period,  425  f. ;  its  present  spirit,  507 ; 
loses  temporal  power,  513. 

Parker,  Matthew,  mentioned,  269,  270. 

Particular  Baptists,  in  England,  684. 

Pascal,  Blaise,  referred  to,  474. 

Patrimony  of  Peter,  deemed  impor- 
tant, 505. 

Paul  III. :  sketch  of,  354 ;  favors  a 
council,  355. 

Paulus,  Gregorius,  referred  to,  332. 

Paulus,  mentioned,  .549. 

Peasants :  early  uprisings  of,  71  f. ; 
their  position  becomes  unbearable, 
76  ;  their  twelve  articles,  78,  81. 

Peasants'  War,  the:  described,  69  f. : 
why  it  failed,  80  f. ;  its  permanent 
value,  82. 

Penry,  John,  mentioned,  274. 

Perez,  Juan,  mentioned,  297. 

Peter  Martvr  Vermigli,  his  career,  293, 
294. 

Pfeflinger,  mentioned,  323. 

Pfeiffer,  Heinrich,  his  activity,  160, 
161. 

Philadelphia  Association  of  Baptists, 
its  history,  695,  696. 

Philanthropy,  characteristic  of  the 
present  age,  422. 

Philip  of  Hesse:  mentioned,  103:  and 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  104,  105 ; 
source  of  his  weakness,  109;  surren- 
ders, 112. 

Philip  II.:  succeeds  Charles  V.,  115; 
opposes  Protestantism,  227 ;  his  atti- 
tude toward  the  Netherlands,  245; 
his  persecutions  in  Spain,  298. 

Philippists,  referred  to,  324,  326. 

Pietism  :  history  of,  525  f. ;  results  of, 
530. 

Pilgrim  Fathers,  their  journey  to 
America,  281  f. 

Pirkheimer,  Willibald,  sketch  of,  35. 

Piscator,  John,  his  views  on  predesti- 
nation, 338,  3.39. 

Pius  VI.,  his  administration,  441-444. 


722 


GENERAL   INDEX 


Pius  VII. :  administration  of,  444-447  ; 
monuineut  of,  4.'iO. 

PiusVIll.,  his  aiiuiiiiistration,  451^53. 

Pius  IX.,  career  of,  456  f. 

Plymouth  Brethreu,  the,  their  liis- 
tory,  711. 

Platoiiists,  Christian,  in  England,  re- 
ferred to,  621  f. 

Poland,  the  Reformation  in,  301. 

Port  Koyal :  religious  life  at,  471  f. ;  its 
di.stinetion,  476. 

Pole,  Cardinal,  mentioned,  266. 

Prague,  peace  of,  referred  to,  408. 

Prayer-book  (English):  compiled, 
261 ;  revised,  268. 

Presbyterianisni :  its  history  from  1648 
onward,  603  f. ;  in  Ireland,  614;  in 
the  United  States,  614  f. ;  in  Canada, 
622  ;  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand, 
623. 

Prieriiis,  mentioned,  55. 

Primitive  Baptists,  the,  referred  to, 
702. 

Princeton  University  and  Seminary, 
mentioned,  617,  621. 

"  Protestant,"  the  origin  of  the  name, 
99. 

Protestants:  seek  to  organize  for  self- 
defense,  101  ;  their  influence  felt, 
107,  ICS;  attempts  to  heal  their  di- 
visions, 314 ;  their  dark  prospects, 
326. 

Protestantism  :  its  political  weakness, 
109 ;  secures  majority  in  electoral 
body,  111  ;  the  centripetal  forces  in, 
421;  its  humanitarianism,  422;  in 
France  from  1648  onward,  500  f. :  in 
France  under  Napoleon,  600,  601  ; 
present  position  of,  in  France,  602, 
603. 

Protestant  theology,  its  nature,  307  f. 

Puritanism :  gains  strength  in  Eng- 
land, 271,  272;  does  not  favor  sepa- 
ration, 272,  273:  attacked  by  Ban- 
croft, 277 ;  Parliament  svmpiithizes 
with,  278;  goaded  to  revolt,  283  ;  in 
Scotland  revolts,  284:  Charles  1.  op- 
poses, 285  ;  in  New  England,  287  f. 

Quesnel's  New  Testament,  attitude  of 
the  papacy  toward,  476,  477,  478. 

Rabaut,  Paul,  his  influence,  597  f. 

Raleigh,  mentioned,  269. 

Randall,  Benjamin,  referred  to,  701. 

Rationalism,  rise  of,  532;  the  new,  its 
history,  .558  f. 

Ranch,  mentioned,  .588. 

Reformatory  forces  in  the  later  Middle 
Ages,  3  f. 

Reform  :  causes  of  earlv  failures  in, 
20.  21  ;  the  problem  of  21,  22. 

Reformation,  the  :  economic  and  social 
influences  leading  to,  7  f. ;  political 
conditions  leading  to,  10  f.  ;  the 
causes  leading  to,  17  f.  ;  moral  and 
religious  deterioration  following, 
90  f. ;  in  England,  248  f. ;  fully  rec- 
ognized in  England,  265;  in  Itnlv, 
291  f.  I  in  Spain,  294  f. ;  in  Denmark, 


Norway,  and  .^we<ien,  298  f. ;  in 
Poland,  301 ;  in  Moravia  and  Bo- 
hemia, 303  ;  in  Austria,  304  ;  in  Hun- 
gar>',  304-306. 

Reformed  Church :  its  relation  to 
Lutheranism,  312,  316,  317  ;  the  Ger- 
man, in  Germany  and  the  United 
States,  585  f. 

Reformed  churches,  their  history, 
,568  f. 

Regensburg,  conference  of,  referred 
to.  111. 

Reign  of  terror,  the,  outlined,  .501,502. 

Reimarus,  mentioned,  .535. 

"  Relief  Presbytery,"  the,  referred  to, 
609. 

Religious  Tract  Society,  its  founda- 
tion, 650. 

Remonstrance,  its  five  points,  345. 

Remonstrants:  the  term  explained, 
336 :  condemned  and  persecuted, 
347,  348  ;  restored  to  rights,  349  ;  their 
later  history,  573  f. 

Renee,  helps  Protestantism,  228. 

Resby,  John,  martyred,  236. 

Restitution,  edict  of,  referred  to,  405. 

Reublin,  William  :  sketch  of,  135  f. ; 
mentioned,  170,  171. 

Reuchlin :  sketch  of  his  career  (14,5.5- 
1522),  28  f. ;  his  attitude  toward  Jew- 
ish literature,  30,  31. 

Revival  of  learning;  its  influence 
upon  the  Reformation,  5. 

Rice,  Luther,  referred  to,  697. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  and  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  402. 

Rinck,  Melchior,  sketch  of,  162,  163. 

Ritschl,  referred  to,  560. 

Robespierre,  his  power,  501,  502. 

Robinson,  John  ,  mentioned,  280,  281. 

Rohr,  mentioned,  .549. 

Rome,  captured,  96. 

Roman  Catholic  Church  :  its  corrup- 
tion, 3  ;  during  tlie  modern  period, 
425  f. 

Roman  Catholicism,  its  present  tem- 
per, 466,  467.     (See  also  Papacy.) 

Romaine,  William,  referred  to,  648.      i 

Rothe,  mentioned,  451.  | 

Rothmann,  Bernard,  preaches  at 
Munster,  166,  167.  , 

Rousseau,  referred  to,  494. 

Rudolf  II.,  Emperor,  his  part  in  the 
Catholic  struggle,  394,  395. 

Ryland,  John,  referred  to,  689. 

S.  P.  C.  K..  origin  of,  Wl. 

S.  P.  G..  origin  of,  641. 

St.  Bartholomew,  massacre  of,  referred 

to,  2:V2,  2:«. 
St.    Etienne,   Rabaut,  his    labors    in 

France.  .599,  600. 
St.  Gall,  Reformation  at.  l:W,  137. 
St.  Germain,  peace  of,  mentioned,  232. 
Saliger,  mentioned,  324. 
"  Salt  Covenant,"  the,  referred  to,  490, 

491. 
Salvation  Army,  the,  referred  to,  709. 
Salzburgers.  the,  persecution  of.  488  f. 
Savoy  Decloratiou,  meutioued,  665,660. 


GENERAL  INDEX 


723 


"  Saybrook  Platform,"  the,  described, 
671. 

Schaff,  Philip,  mentioned,  588. 

Schaffhauseu,  movement  for  reform 
in,  137. 

Schelling,  his  teaching,  546. 

Schiller,  mentioned,  536. 

Schlatter,  Michael,  his  work  in  the 
United  States,  5S7. 

Sclileicrmarher,  sketch  of,  550  f. 

Schinalkalilen,  congress  of,  men- 
tioned, 103. 

Schmalkald  Articles  prepared,  107, 108. 

Schmalkald  League :  formed,  106 ; 
grows,  107;  collapses.  112. 

Schmalkald  War :  referred  to,  359 ; 
mentioned,  390. 

Schwenckfeldt,  Casper,  sketch  of,  18-1, 
185. 

Scott,  Thomas,  referred  to,  649. 

Scotland  :  the  Reformation  in,  235  f.  ; 
Roman  Catholicism  in,  235,  236 ; 
Presbyterianism  in,  605  f. 

Scottish  Reformation  :  characterized, 
238;  its  triumph,  242. 

Seceders,  referred  to,  608,  609. 

Secret  societies,  their  influence  upon 
the  Reformation,  9. 

Semler,  mentioned,  535. 

"Separate"  congregations  in  New 
England,  675. 

Separatists,  the :  in  England  under 
Elizabeth,  273  ;  under  James,  282. 

Serfs,  their  position  in  Germany,  70,  71. 

Servetus,  Michael,  sketch  of,  191  f. 

Seventh-day  Baptists,  the,  referred  to, 
703. 

Sickingen,  Franz  von,  his  work  for  the 
Reformation,  34. 

Simeon,  Charles,  referred  to,  649. 

Sin,  the  Council  of  Trent  on,  363. 

"Six  Articles,"  the:  mentioned,  261 
repealed,  263. 

Socinus,  Faustus:  mentioned,  199 
sketch  of,  334,  335. 

Socinus,  Loelius:  mentioned,  198 
sketch  of,  330  f. 

Socinians,  tlie,  the  element  in  their 
movement  for  reform,  6. 

Socinianism:  in  Poland,  302  ;  charac- 
terized, 329. 

Smyth,  John,  mentioned,  280,  281. 

Spain :  its  influence  upon  the  Refor- 
mation, 13 ;  the  Reformation  in, 
294. 

Spalatin,  referred  to,  .57. 

Speier,  Diet  of :  mentioned,  95  ;  results 
of,  110 ;  the  second  edict  of,  men- 
tioned, 98. 

Spener,  Philip  Jacob,  sketch  of,  526  f. 

Spurgeon,  C.  H.,  referred  to,  689. 

Stancarus,  Francis,  his  views  on  jus- 
tification, 320,  321. 

Star  Chamber :  mentioned,  258 ;  in  the 
hands  of  Laud,  283. 

Stahl,  referred  to,  .561. 

State  Church,  under  Cromwell,  660  f. 

Stone,  B.  \V.,  referred  to,  701. 

Staupitz:  his  life  and  his  influence 
with  Luther,  43  f. ;    Luther   drifts 


away     from,     49,     50 ;     denounces 

Luther,  51. 
Storch,    Nicholas :    mentioned,    157 ; 

assists    Miiuzer,    158;    preaches   in 

many  places,  159,  160. 
Strafford,  executed,  28.5. 
Strauss,  his  influence,  558,  559. 
Stubner,  Marcus,  mentioned,  158. 
Suabian  League,  mentioned,  78,  80. 
Suleiman  I.,  his  power  in  Europe,  99- 

101. 
Sunday,  attacks  upon,  by  James  I.,  285. 
Supralapsarianism,  referred  to,  347. 
Sweden,  the  Reformation  in,  298,  299. 
Swedenborg,  sketch  of,  542,543. 
Swiss     Reformation,     characterized, 

126  f. ;  spreads,  133  f. 
Swiss  Republic,  the,  rise  of,  123;  its 

attitude  toward   the   Reformation, 

124  ;  divided  by  the    Reformation, 

144, 145. 
Syllabus  of  1864,  referred  to,  506. 
Syncretism  of  Calixtus,  referred  to, 

523. 
Synergistic  controversy,  the,  322  f. 

Taylor,  Dan.,  referred  to,  688. 

Tennent,  Gilbert,  his  labors,  616  f. 

Tetrapolitana,  mentioned,  105. 

Tetzel,  his  manipulation  of  indul- 
gences, 51,  .54. 

Thirty  Years'  War,  the  cause  of,  304 ; 
events  leading  up  to,  392-397;  the 
conflict  itself,  397  f. ;  the  horrors  of, 
410,411. 

Tillotson,  John,  mentioned,  630. 

Tindal,  Matthew,  mentioned,  636. 

Toland,  John,  referred  to,  63.5. 

Toleration  :  the  Westminster  Assem- 
bly on,  287 ;  the  growth  of,  416  f. ; 
the  papal  idea  of,  448,  451  ;  in  France, 
598,  599.  (See  also  Liberty  of  Con- 
science and  Church  and  State.) 

Tractarian  controversy,  outlined,  651. 

Travers,  Walter,  mentioned,  272. 

Trent,  Council  of:  its  findings  on  re- 
form and  on  doctrine,  26Qf. ;  sketch 
of,  355  f.  ;  decrees  of,  360  f. 

"Tulchan  bishops,"  the  phrase  ex- 
plained, 243. 

Turgot,  promotes  toleration,  598,  599. 

Turks,  their  power  in  Europe,  99  ;  re- 
garded as  Gijd's  scourge,  162. 

Turkish  invasion,  the  fear  of,  and  its 
effects,  107,  108. 

Turretin,  F.,  his  views,  569. 

Turretin,  J.  A.,  referred  to,  569. 

Twesten,  mentioned,  552. 

Ullmann,  mentioned,  .5.52. 

Uniformity,  Act  of:  mentioned,  265, 
268  :  its  enforcement,  627. 

Unigenilus,  Constitution,  mentioned, 
4.34,  435,  437. 

Union  Theological  Seminary,  men- 
tioned, 621,  622. 

LTnitarianism,  in  New  England,  677- 
680. 

United  Brethren  in  Christ,  the,  re- 
ferred to,  707  f. 


/■ 


GENERAL   INDEX 


United  Presbyterian  Church,  its  ori- 
gin, 009. 

Universities  in  England,  opened  to 
Nonconformists,  GGl. 

Uolimann,  baptized,  171. 

Uytenbogaert.  helps  the  Remon- 
strants, -MI,  343,  348,   349. 

Vadianus,  referred  to,  137. 

Valero,  R(xlerigo  de,  mentioned,  297. 

Va-sa,  Gustavus,  his  work,  298,  299. 

Vatican  Council,  sketch  of,  509  f. 

Vergerio,  his  career,  294. 

Vinet,   Alexander,    referred    to,    571, 

572. 
Viret,  Paul,  referred  to,  207,  208. 
Virginia  Baptists,  their  achievements, 

ri9G. 
Vo'.taire  :  referred  to,  493  ;  his  memory 

revered,  502 ;   promotes  toleration, 

598. 

Walch,  mentioned,  .536. 

Wallenstejn.  his  part  in  the  Thirty 
Years'  War,  403  f. 

\Valp)ole,  Sir  Roliert,  mentioned,  641. 

Walsin^ham,  mentioned,  269. 

Warburtoii,  William,  referred  to,  640 

Waterland,  Daniel,  referred  to,  639. 

WuKschiu-ider,  mentioned,  549. 

Wcllh;iuson,  referred  to,  .560. 

Wereiifels,  referre<l  to,  569. 

Weslev,  Charles,  his  labors,  64.5. 

Wesley,  John  (1703-1791),  his  labors, 
642  f. 

Westminster  Assembly,  its  purpose, 
286. 

Westminster  Confession,  the,  its  pre- 
cursor, 242. 

Westphalia,  peace  of,  outlined,  408  f. 

Whichcote,  Benjamin,  referred  to, 
626. 

Whiston,  William,  referred  to,  637. 

Whitby,  Daniel,  referred  to,  637,  6;}8. 

Whitetield,  George  (1714-1770),  his  life, 
616  f. 

Whitgift,  mentioned,  271. 

Wildeman,  Jacob,  mentioned,  175. 


Wilberforce,  William,  referred  to,  6.50. 

William  of  Orange  :  helps  Protestant- 
ism, 229;  mentioned,  246. 

Williams,  Roger:  his  work   in  Rhode 
Island,  288;    in   England,  290;  his 
career,  691.  692. 
i    William  and  Mary,  their  attitude  to- 
ward toleration,  629. 

Wimix-'ling,  Jacob,  referred  to,  73. 

Winnebrenner,  John,  referred  to,  702. 

Wise,  John,  his  views  of  church  gov- 
ernment. 672. 

Wishart,  George,  his  career  outlined. 
2.V.),  240. 

Wit/.el,  referred  to.  689. 

Wolff,  Christian,  sketch  of,  532  f. 

Wolsey,  nientionitl,  249,  2.50,254-256. 

Woolson,  Thomas,  mentioned,  636. 

Worms,  Eklict  of:  its  aim,  93,  94;  its 
virtual  withdrawal,  95. 

Wyttenbach,  Thomas,  an  earlv  re- 
former, 126,  127. 

Xavier,  mentioned.  380. 
Xinienes  de  Cineros,  his  zeal  and  la- 
bors, 295,  296. 

Zapolya,  mentioned.  100. 

Zinzendorf:  referred  to,  ,532;  sketch 
of,  .537  f. 

Zvirich  :  the  home  of  Zwingli,  128, 130 ; 
first  disputation  at,  131 ;  second  dis- 
putation at,  132  ;  Reformation  prin- 
ciples established  at,  133. 

Zwickau  prophets,  the,  sketch  of, 
157  f. 

Zwingli :  sketch  of  his  career  (1484- 
1531),  127  f. ;  his  promptitude,  142 ; 
interest  in  international  politics, 
143  ;  the  elements  in  his  movement 
for  reform.  6:  his  relations  with 
Luther,  lOi;  death  of,  106;  outline 
of  his  views,  131  ;  his  emi>lovinent 
in  his  laterdays.  139. 140;  his  death, 
145,  146  ;  his  theology  contrasted 
with  that  of  Luther,  312,  313. 

Zwinglianism :  sketch  of,  123  f. ;  re- 
ceives a  severe  blow,  146. 


i 


DATE  DUE 

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